1728년 무신난과 거창(居昌) 포충사(褒忠祠) 건립의 성격

채광수 ( Chae Gwang-su ) 역사교육학회 2019 역사교육논집 Vol.70 No.-

Lee Sul-won’s household lived as one of the prestigious provincial noble families after their six generation's ancestors moved and nestled in Geochang County. Just two days before the outbreak of the Musin Rebellion, Lee Sul-won who was appointed as head of the local authorities encouraged punitive forces and local authorities to stage a decisive battle against the rebels. However, he was eventually faced with death as he refused to cooperate with the rebels who captured Geochang County on behalf of the vacant governorship. As the government army cracked down on the rebels in 15 days following the rebellion, his patriotic martyr was upheld and honored by the local community and the ruling power. The former sought to use his sacrifice as a proof of the absence of connection of Geochang County with the rebellion while and the latter intended to use it as a symbol of loyalty and an exemplary virtue. A number of tasks to honor Lee Sul-won were carried out with full-scale supports from both public and private sectors. The official funeral was held and was followed by installation of a merit, post-life promotion, loyalty announcement, preparation of achievements record, recruitment of descendents and finally enshrinement in 1735 (11th year of King Yeongjo). In response to an official report to the king and a joint special request for approval from both Noron-sect and Soron-sect, King Yeongjo gladly gave a permission to build a shrine to honor him. In 1738 (14th year of King Yeongjo) King Yeongjo bestowed an aekho titled _Pochungsa_ on the day when Lee Sul-won was martyred following the delivery of Cheokaekso signed by 522 people and the shrine was completed with the support of the government. Yeonguidang was built in front of the shrine in 1743 (19th year of King Yeongjo), and Prime Minister Kim Jae-ro promoted Lee Sul-won to the second rank and proposed to hire his son as a government official in 1747 (Yeongjo 23). Later, the writings as to the honorable accomplishments of Lee Sul-won were prepared by Noron-sect bureaucrat scholars. The epitaph was written by Jehak Lee Gi-jin, a renowned writer comparable to Gweon Sang-ha, the title of the tomb by Prime Minister Yu Cheok-gi and the Hangjang was prepared by Hwang Gyeong-won from Noron-sect Cheong Myeong Dang. The inscriptions of both the inner and the outer monuments were also prepared by Noron-sect scholars following the relocation to Ungyang in 1777 (1st year of King Jeongjo). The inscrip tions of the inner and the outer monument were prepared by Hwang Seung-won, a cousin of Hwang Gyeong-won and Song Hwan-gi, the fifth generation decedent of Song Si-yeol, respectively and were written by Song Chi-gyu, the sixth generation decedent. What is notable here that honoring and enshrining Lee was carried out under the relationship with the Noron Junnon-sect figures at the time. Pochungsa served as the headquarters for Noron-sect figures along with Namgyeseowon in Yeoungnamudo. This can be confirmed by the local officials, central government officials, Yeongnam Noron-sect figures and the participants of community banquet led by Song Byeong-seon registered in Shimwonnok. The connections with the Noron-sect were also found in records prepared during the Japanese colonial period as well. Pochungsa ultimately provided the basis for a voluntary transformation of Yeongnam udo into Noron-sect, which led to increased exchanges with semiotic scholars and the expanded presence of Noron-sect among existing Confu cian academies.

경주 여주이씨 옥산파(玉山派)의 장산서원(章山書院) 건립과 운영 -조선후기 영남지역 노론계 서원 건립 사례 연구

채광수 ( Chae Gwang-su ) 한국서원학회 2017 한국서원학보 Vol.4 No.-

경주 여주이씨 옥산파 派祖는 회재 이언적의 서자 潛溪 李全仁이며, 그의 후손들은 경주 옥산지역을 기반으로 영남을 대표했던 庶流 가문으로 존재했다. 옥산파는 줄곧 신분상승을 도모하며 이전인의 현양 사업을 전개했는데 가장 큰 결과물이 바로 장산서원이다. 장산서원은 조선시대 수많은 서원 중 하나로 인식될 수도 있겠으나 거의 건립 사례를 찾아보기 힘든 비 양반 계층인 서류 인물 배향 서원이다. 옥산파는 玉山別業을 기반으로 다양한 이언적의 현양사업과 옥산서원 창건에 큰 역할을 하였다. 그러나 1665년 이전인이 회재의 학통을 계승했음을 시사하는 『關西問答錄』을 간행하면서 嫡庶간 시비의 발단이 될 뿐 아니라 德川書院과 陶山書院 갈등이 이어지면서 가문의 생존을 위해 그 반대편에 있던 노론세력과 연대하게 된다. 이전인 문집 발간 이후 여러 곡절을 겪으면서도 노론계의 지원하에 비록 실패는 하지만 이전인의 효행 정려 청원ㆍ서당 건립ㆍ景賢書院 추배 등을 기획 추진한 바 있고, 1780년에 마침내 숙원 사업인 章山祠 건립에 성공한다. 장산사 건립은 옥산파가 주도한 가운데 그들과 혼반 관계에 있던 의흥이 사족 함양박씨 등의 도움이 컸다. 또한 미사액 문중서원임에도 이례적으로 官의 지원이 이어졌을 만큼 여타의 서류가문과는 향촌에서 그 위상이 달랐다. 1797년에는 도내 노론계의 도움으로 章山書院으로 陞院하게 되는데 향사는 노론의 총 본산인 化楊書院의 법식을 따랐고, 院任 직제는 김상헌을 배향한 영남 노론계 사우인 안동 西?祠의 祠規 준용하였다. 그래서 원임 구성이 기존 옥산파 위주의 山長 1인-유사 1인 체제에서 도내 명망가를 선임한 道院長 1인과-유사 2인으로 전환하게 된다. 이때 유사 2명은 거의 옥산파에서 선임하였다. 서원 승격 후 옥산파는 장산서원을 거점 삼아 1811년(순조 11) 서원 사액 신청, 1824년(순조 24) 이전인 정려 청원, 1833년(순조 33) 흥해 曲江書院 이전인 추배, 1847년(헌종 13) 옥산파 유고 간행, 적서시비 근거지 등 문중 서원으로서 역할을 수행하였다. The genealogical head of Yeoju Lee Clan Oksan Pa is Jamgye Lee Jeon-in, a son of Hyejae Lee Yeon-jeok obtained from a concubine, and his descendants have thrived as members of a regular family that represents Yeongnam region on the basis of Oksan, Gyeongju. Oksan Pa engaged in the activities of exaltation of Lee Jeon-in while seeking to promote its status and the biggest outcome of these efforts is Jangsan Seowon. Jangsan Seowon can be regarded as one of those Seowon during the Joseon Dynasty period bur is a rare Seowon specifically intended for sons of concubine mothers, which is not classified as yangban, or aristocrat. Oksan Pa played a key role in engaging in a variety of activities of exaltation for Lee Yeon-jeok and the foundation of Oksan Seokwon based in Oksan Villa. However, in 1665, Lee Yean-jeok published 『Gwanseo Mundap-Rok』, which hinted on the succession of Hye Jae`s scholastic mantle, and it not only instigated disputes among legitimate and illegitimate children but also led to conflicts between Deokchean Seowon and Dosan Seowon, eventually collaborating with Noron power, which was on the opposite side to sustain the survival of the family. Following the publication of the Lee Jean-in collection, they eventually failed under the sponsorship of Noron sect after going through a lot of difficulties but planned and implemented the application of filial piety of Lee Jeon-in, foundation of seodang, village school and dedication of Gyeonghyeon Seowon and succeeded in building Jangsansa in 1780, which is their pet project. Led by Oksan Pa, the foundation of Jangsansa was much attributed to help of Hamyang Patk, son of Ui Heung-ui who was in marriage relationship with them. I n addition, their status was so differentiated from that of ordinary families in the village that they gained a series of support from the government. In 1797, it was promoted to Jangsan Seowon, and ancestral rites followed the rules and formalities of Hwayang Seowon, the Head Office of Noron, and the director appointment system followed the rules of Andong Seogansa, a Noron sect shrine in Andong, which was dedicated to Kim Sang-heon. The director appointment system changed from one master and one clerk to one director and two clerks where two clerks were strictly appointed by Oksan Pa. Following the promotion to the status of Seowon, the Oksan Pa, on the basis of Jangsan Seowon, honored and performed a variety of its duties strictly as Munjung Seowon, including application for Saaek Seowon in 1811 (11th year of King Sunjo`s reign), application for filial piety of Lee Jean-in 1842 (24th year of King Sunjo`s reign), and dedication Heunghae Gokgang Seowon to Lee Jean-in in 1833(13th year of King Heonjong`s reign) and publication of scripts by Oksan Pa, publishing, and establishing a base for Jeokseosibi. In 1868 (5th year of King Gojong`s reign) The Seowon was demolished into its mere site with the command of Heungseon Daewongun to abolish Seowons with the signboards and other items preserved in Hyejae Museum today.

조선후기 영남지역 노론계 가문의 분포와 서원 건립 추이

채광수 ( Chae Gwang-su ) 한국서원학회 2019 한국서원학보 Vol.8 No.-

영남의 노론은 크게 전통적인 노론 사족 가문과 노론을 표방하며 등장한 신향층 두 가지 유형으로 구분할 수 있다. 먼저 전자의 대략적인 지표를 제시해 주는 것은 1738년(영조 14) 정언 이수해가 안동 김상헌 서원 재 건립을 요청한 상소에서 영남 내 대표적인 서인 명문가들을 언급한 내용을 통해 일단의 단서를 찾을 수 있다. 그는 영남 최고의 노론 명문인 덕수이문 일원으로 열거한 대개의 가문들과 긴밀한 혼반을 구축하고 있었다. 이 가문의 통혼권 특징을 요약하면, 17세기에는 기호지역 서인 가문들과 주로 혼인하면서도 영남지역 사족가문과도 혼인을 매개로 노론 확산에 큰 역할을 하였다. 18세기에도 앞 시기와 유사한 흐름 속에서 상대적으로 통혼권이 더 확대되어 영남지역 내 가문들과의 혼인 비중이 높아졌다. 즉 영남 내 同色이 증가했음을 의미한다. 검토할 영남 노론계 서원 건립 흐름도 바로 이와 같은 환경 속에서 이루어졌다. 물론 여기에는 18세기 영남 사회의 변화 속에 관권의 비호를 받은 신향 세력의 부상도 큰 몫을 차지했다. 조선후기 영남 서인계 원사는 노론계 60개소[당파, 문중], 소론계 2개소, 노·소론계 공존 1개소로 총 63개소이다. 이들 가운데 중간에 승원한 곳이 대다수였으며, 지역별로는 38개 군현에 분포했고, 좌도가 우도에 비교해 앞서 있었다. 건립 시기는 18세기의 비율이 가장 높았으며, 대구부·상주목·경주부·성주목 대읍에 그 숫자가 높게 나왔다. 이중 사액 원사는 6개소이고, 대원군 원사 훼철 당시에는 2개만이 존치되었다. 영남 노론계 원사 제향인의 성격은 ①당파 ②문중 인물 ③충절인으로 구분할 수 있는데 이중 ①이 핵심이다. 당파 관련 인물은 노·소론 분당 이전 서인계 인물 6명, 노론계 29명, 소론계 5명, 기타 1명순이었다. 이들의 제향 배경을 점검한 결과 지방관 15개소, 유배 관련 14개소, 장루지지(杖屢之地) 5개소, 은거 2개소, 문인·입향조·지명·처향 각 1개소, 미상 5개소로 확인이 되었다. 합천 출신 윤봉구문인 최남두를 제외하면 영남인은 전무했다. 제향인은 송시열 제향 원사가 14개소로 가장 많았고, 이이와 주자 ⇒ 김상헌·김창집·윤봉구 등의 순으로 파악되었다. 문중관련 인물을 제향 한 노론계 서원은 14개 가문에서 16개소가 건립되었으며, 충절인을 제향 한 원사는 5개소가 건립이 되었다. The Noron of Youngnam may largely be classified in two types; The traditional Noron (a political faction during the Joseon Dynasty) in well-established family and the newly emerging party by claim to be Noron. First of all, the outlined indications of the former was presented by Jeonon Lee Su-hae in 1738 (the 14th year of King Youngjo's reign) with his petition to request the re-establishment of Andong Kim Sang-heon Seowon with the content that mentioned about the representative Seoin (a political faction during the Joseon Dynasty) of distinguished families in Youngnam in a way of finding the clue. He had established close relationship made in marriage with the most of families listed as members of Deoksu Lee Family, the top echelon well -established family in Youngnam. By summarizing the characteristics of the regional territory of marriage for the family, they had a significant role to disperse Noron's principle by mainly married to the Seoin families in the preferred area during the 17th century while taking the marriage with the well-established families in the Youngnam area as its medium. In the 18th century, under the similar flow to the earlier-mentioned period, the regional territory of marriage was even more expanded relatively that the ratio of marriage with the families in the Youngnam area was heightened. In other words, It implies that the same color in Youngnam had increased. The flow of establishing the Seowon of Youngnam Noron-line to be reviewed is made under such environment. Obviously, the emergence of the newly emerged people that had the protection of government authority under the transition of the Youngnam society in the 18th century made significant contribution. The Youngnam Seoin-line Wonsa in the later part of Joseon had 60 places of Noron-line [political faction, family], 2 places of Soron(a political faction during the Joseon Dynasty)-line, 1 co-existing place of Noron and Soron-line for a total of 63 places. Among them, most of them were the places for Buddhism in the middle, and they were scattered in 38 guns and hyeons for each area, and Jwado (one of the two regions formed by splitting a province) was comparatively ahead of Wudo (one of the two regions formed by splitting a province). The establishment period had the highest ratio in the 18th century and the figure was shown to be high in Daegu-bu, Sangju-mok, Gyeongju-bu, Seongju-mok Dae-eup. Among them, the bestowed Wonsa was in 6 places and only two were retained at the time of the damage by Daewon-gun Wonsa. The characteristics of Youngnam Noron-line Wonsa ritual personnel may be classified for ① political faction, ② family personnel, and ③ men of fidelity and the above ① is the core aspect. As for the political faction related personnel, there were 6 Seoin-line persons, 29 Noron-line persons, 5 Soron-line persons, and one person prior to the split of Noron and Soron. As a result of checking out the background of their ritual service, it is confirmed to be 15 places of local government office, 14 places related to exile, 5 places of Janglujiji, 2 places of seclusion, 1 place each for literary man, iphyangjo (persons settled in a new place), land name and religious service for ancestors, 5 unknown places. With the exception of Yoon Bong-goo from Hapcheon and literary man Choi Nam-doo, there was no one from Youngnam. For the sacrificial rite personnel, the Song Si-yeol Ritual Service Wonsa had the most for 14 places, followed by Yi Yi and Zhu Xi, Kim Sang-heon, Kim Chang-jip and Yoon Bong-goo. The Noron-line Seowon that ritual service for the family related persons shows 14 families with the establishment of 16 places and the Wonsa that men of fidelity with sacrificial rite had 5 places established.

서원의 지식 네트워크 활동의 실제 -상주 도남서원(道南書院)의 시회(詩會)를 중심으로-

채광수 ( Chae Gwang-soo ) 한국서원학회 2021 한국서원학보 Vol.12 No.-

도남서원은 지식 네트워크 활동과 실제를 확인할 수 있는 가치 있는 시회 자료가 현전하는 곳이다. 먼저 도남서원 주도세력의 네트워크 성격을 분석한 결과, 원장을 배출한 상위가문은 부림홍ㆍ안동권ㆍ장수황ㆍ진양정ㆍ풍산류ㆍ흥양이씨 6개 성관이었다. 정경세와의 밀접한 관계성, 남인과 노론이 병존하고 있는 모습, 원장의 높은 소ㆍ대과 합격자와 관직자 비율, 원장을 지낸 다수가 다른 서원의 원장을 중복해 역임하는 일련의 현상들을 확인하였다. 이러한 인적구성을 토대로 낙동강과 도남서원을 무대로 삼은 ‘임술시단’과 ‘개별 학자의 문회ㆍ시회’ 축으로 지식 네트워크의 활동 양상을 살펴보았다. 전자는 소동파의 적벽놀이를 본받아 1607년부터 1778년까지 이어졌는데, 본고에서는 시회의 출발점인 1607년을 대상으로 도남서원과 관계, 구성원 면면, 선유 경유지, 공동시 창작 등 지식 네트워크의 활동을 탐색해 보았다. 이준이 작성한 공동시 서문에 ‘간략히 일의 전말을 써서 책머리에 놓아 도남서원에 갈무리해 뒷날이 놀이를 잇는 자의 선구가 되고자 한다’라는 말처럼 이후 도남서원에서는 시회를 통해서 연대와 결속, 나아가 긴밀한 네트워크 구축을 견인하는 계기를 만들었다. 후자는 영남학파의 적맥을 계승한 유수의 학자들이 배출된 지역 특성상 首院인 도남서원은 활발한 강학이 전개된 서원으로 꼽힌다. 이중 이만부ㆍ권상일ㆍ정종로의 강학과 어우러진 시회 사례를 주목했다. 이만부는 1697년 상주 이주 직후 도남서원에서 열린 문회와 선유를 경험했고, 1724년 講長의 자격으로 _근사록_ 강회를 주관하였다. 서원 교육에 관심이 남달랐던 권상일은 1723년 원장 신분으로 _심경_강회를 선보였고, 선유를 즐겼다. 1816년 수백명이 참석한 정종로의 도남서원 강회는 특기할 만하며, 강회 후에는 생전 마지막으로 추정되는 시 1수를 남겼다. 이러한 도남서원의 시회 활동을 통해서 서원의 지식 생성과 네트워크 형성, 지식 확산의 과정을 밝힘으로서 서원의 다양한 모습을 보여주는데 상당한 의미가 있다고 판단이 된다. Donam-seowon is a current place where the valuable social data that may confirm the activities of knowledge network and its actuality. First of all, as a result of analyzing the network characteristics of Donam-seowon-led influences, the upper-echelon clans that produced heads of such seowon (a place for scholars to study or holding ritual services) were 6 clans including Burim Hong, Andong Gwon, Jangsu Hwang, Jinyang Jeong, Pungsan Ryu and Heungyang Lee. A series of phenomenon could be confirmed from the following facts: close relationships with politically and economically powerful sectors, appearance of contrasting stance of Namin and Noron (political factions), high ratio of head of seowons in passing minor and major national examinations and working in government positions, and many heads of seowon concurrently serving as the head of seowon for other seowons. This study has taken a look at the activity trends of knowledge network on the foundation of culture and social aspects by ‘Imsulsadan’ that was mainstay in Nakdong-gang River and Donam-seowon and individual scholars on the basis of such personnel structure. The former had been descended from 1607 to 1778 by accommodating Jeokbyeoknori of Su Dong Po (Chinese poet, writer and philosopher), and under this article, it has sought the activities of knowledge network of relationship with Donam-seowon, aspects of constituents, detouring sites of scholars, creative writing for joint poetry and others from 1607 as the starting point of poetry session. As demonstrated on the introductory statement of the joint poetry that was written by Lee Jun, in pertinent part, ‘By writing the brief summary to place in the outline of this book, it is intended to be the pioneer for those who handed down at a later time by placing the same at Donam-seowon’, and thereafter, Donam-seowon came up with the solidarity and bonding through poetry session, followed by its starting point to lead the close network structuring. The later is considered as the seowon where the active study was undertaken in Donam-seowon as the capital of such seowon with its regional feature in advancing numerous famous scholars that were schemed from the influence of the Youngnam academic faction. The attention was paid to the cases of poetry sessions that were harmonized with the studies of Lee Man-bu, Gwon Sang-il and Jeong Jong-ro. After moving to Sangju in 1697, Lee Man-bu experienced literature sessions and encountering of scholars at Donam-seowon, and in 1724, he served led the 『Geunsarok』 study session as the head. Gwon Sang-il who was extremely interested in the seowon education held the 『Simgyeong』 study session as the head of seowon in 1723 and he enjoyed the scholars. In 1816, the Donam-seowon study session of Jeong Jong-ro with the attendance of several hundreds of audience was worth of special attention, and after the study session, he left a piece of poem that is presumed to be his last one. Through such poetry session activities of Donam-seowon, this article displays the knowledge generation, network formation and process of knowledge dispersion by seowon with significant implication to demonstrate the diversified aspects of seowon.

조선후기 경산현 玉川書院의 설립과 변천

채광수 ( Chae Gwang-su ) 역사교육학회 2022 역사교육논집 Vol.81 No.-

This study empirically examines the rural society’s recognition on family Seowon and the necessity of it in late Joseon with the case of Okcheon Seowon in the Gyeongsan Prefecture. Largely, this research explores the establishment and changes of Okcheon Seowon based on the entrance of Seo Sa-seon, the Juhyangja of Okcheon Seowon, in Gyeongsan, his activities in the rural society, and also old documents. Seo Sa-seon, who entered the Gyeongsan Prefecture, contributed greatly to promoting the literary atmosphere in the area by doing Ganghak activities, associating with people, cultivating literary persons, or writing official documents, and it served as an opportunity for his family to grow into an influential family grasping the local authority. Dalseong Seo family established a family seowon for the first time in the Gyeongsan Prefecture. The factors of its success are the existence of Iphyangjo Seo Sa-seon revered as Hyanghyeon (the sage of the country) and the possession of the building that could be converted into a shrine. Also, it was the result attained along with the flow of King Jeongjo’s years when control measures on seowon had been somewhat eased since the end of King Sukjong’s reign. In 1792, shortly after the conversion to a shrine, an auditorium was newly built to imply Seungwon, and in 1812, Hangang School applied for Seungwon. However, Seungwon was genuinely realized in 1854. Even in the middle of the 19th century, we can still detect the atmosphere of the rural society needing seowon. In addition, Wonsok were expanded along with that, and we can see the financial benefits accompanied by Seungwon from that. To sum up, Okcheon Seowon which started as Donggojeongsa Temple in 1604 was transformed to Okcheonsa Temple in 1786 and then Okcheon Seowon in 1854. This is a case study that helps you to understand the characteristics of family seowon that existed widely in late Joseon.

19세기 경상도 하양현 육영재(育英齋) 설립과 운영 양상

채광수 ( Chae¸ Gwang-soo ) 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2021 嶺南學 Vol.0 No.76

이 글은 경상북도 내 유일하게 건물 원형을 간직한 하양 육영재의 설립과 운영을 검토한 것이다. 養士齋의 일종인 육영재는 건축사적 가치도 높지만, 이 글에서는 소장 자료를 바탕으로 생동감 있고 구체적인 양상을 살펴보았다. 먼저 조선후기 하양의 재지사족의 동향을 임난 의병활동, 향안·유안등을 통해 살폈다. 그 결과 하양허씨를 필두로 이른바 ‘임난 창의 8의사’를 배출한 가문과 임난 후 이주한 청도김씨 등 유력 가문이 줄곧 향권을 주도해 갔음을 논증하였다. 또 재지사족의 성장과 문풍 진작은 류치명 문인 배출, 육영재 설립 등으로 이어졌다. 육영재는 1823년 현감 이태승의 주재와 사족들의 협조로 설립이 이루어졌다. 설립된 육영재의 구체적 교육 내용은 지역의 특성에 맞게 작성된 『재규』를 통해 규명할 수 있었다. 교육 활동으로는 거접과 백일장 등이 실시된 사실을 검토하였으며, 강회 참석 후 남긴 시를 통해 교육적 분위기를 엿볼 수 있었다. 또한 육영재는 지역의 사마시 입격자 배출에도 기여한 사실을 수치적으로 확인을 하였다. 경제 규모는 비교적 풍족한 전답 135두락을 보유하였음을 분석하였다. 통상 양사재의 재정은 독립적으로 운용되는데 비해 육영재의 경우 하양향교에 속한 점은 향교와 육영재 참여 세력이 크게 다르지 않기 때문이었다. 기존 유력 가문들에 의해 배타적으로 운영이 되면서 교육 기관으로서 기능을 충실히 수행하였다. 수령의 흥학책 일환으로 설립이 되었고, 지역 유력 사족에 의해 운영이 된 육영재는 19세기 소읍의 관학 실체를 보여주는 한 사례로 중요한 의미가 있는 연구 주제이다. This article has examined the establishment and operation of Hayang Yukyeoungje, the only village school that retains its original form of building structure in Gyeongsangbuk-do. Yukyeoungje, a type of yangsaje, is not only superior in terms of value in architectural history but also is valuable for its collection, based on which this study has examined the vital and concrete aspects. First, the study has explored the trends of provincial noble families in Hayang in the late Joseon Dynasty period through civilian army activities during the Imjin War, Hyangan and Yuanan and found that the families who produced the so-called ‘8 martyrs of Imjin War’ led by Hayang Heo family and other influential families who moved into the village following the Imjin War, including Cheongdo Kim family continued to lead the local authorities. In addition, the growth of provincial noble families and the promotion of learning led to brilliant achievements such as the creation of exceptional scholar Ryu Chi-myeong and the establishment of Yukyeongjae. Yukyeongjae was successfully built in 1823 with the leadership of local governor Lee Tae-seung and the cooperation of scholarly families. The study was able to identify the details of the education conducted at Yukyeongjae through the ‘Jaegyu’ written aligned with the regional characteristics. The educational activities that were carried out include geojeop and essay contest, and the poem left after attending the even gave a glimpse of the educational atmosphere there. The study has also found out based on numerical data that Yukyeongjae contributed to producing local talents who successfully passed the Samasi test. The farmland is found to have been 135 duraks in area, which indicates relative economic well-being. Typically, the yangsaje, the dormitory building for students, has financial and operational independence, but Yukyeongjae belonged to Hayanghyan Confucian School, indicating little difference between the Confucian school and Yukyeongjae in terms of their participatory influence. Operated exclusively by existing influential families, it has fulfilled its role as an educational institution. Established as part of the education promotion policy of the local chief, Yukyeongjae, is a significant research topic that serves as an example of government schools in local villages in the 19th century.

영유아기 복막염 28예의 임상적 고찰

채광수(Kwang Soo Chae),이병철(Byung Cheol Lee) 대한외과학회 1982 Annals of Surgical Treatment and Research Vol.24 No.2

선산 文山書院의 변천과 운영 양상 : 『노상추일기』를 중심으로

채광수(Chae Gwang-Soo) 영남대학교 민족문화연구소 2021 민족문화논총 Vol.78 No.-

조선시대 서원은 기본적으로 문중적 요소를 가지고 있으며, 문중서원은 전체 서원 현황에서도 절대 다수를 차지했다. 경상도 선산 안강노씨 가문에서 설립･운영한 문산서원은 문중서원의 전형에 해당한다. 문산서원 운영 주체 중 한명인 노상추가 68년 동안 쓴 일기에는 문산서원에 대한 기록들을 곳곳에 어렵지 않게 찾아볼 수 있다. 이를 토대로 문중서원이 어떤 방식으로 만들어지는지 그 실체를 살펴보기에 충분할 것 같다. 먼저 1750년 무렵 별묘에서 출발해 1782년 齋舍, 1791년 里社, 1815년 서원에 이르는 약 66년 동안 4단계에 거친 승격 절차 즉 문중서원이 만들어지는 하나의 유형과 실례를 정리해 보았다. 이러한 지난한 과정에도 불구하고 승원을 추진한 가장 큰 이유는 19세기 여전히 서원이 필요한 향촌 사회의 분위기가 배경이 되었다. 그리고 노상추라는 주도 인물의 등장과 역할이 승원 성공의 결정적 요인이었다. 다음은 서원 운영에 대해 살폈다. 조직은 승격과 동시에 외부 인사를 초빙해 공적 영역 확대시켰다. 다만 그 인적구성이 노상추와 연계되어 있는 인사들이 다수였다. 한편 잦은 산장 교체 원인을 추적해 본 결과 문중 간 시비에 기인했고, 그 구체적 내용들을 분석하였다. 문산서원의 경제기반에 대해서는 송암정사 ｢완의｣와 중건 과정을 통해 대체적인 윤곽을 파악할 수 있었다. The seowons (schools during the Joseon Dynasty) during the Joseon Dynasty basically had the aspects of family and the munjung-seowon (seowons run by clans) had the absolute majority under the entire seowons. Munsan-seowon that was established and operated by Seonsan Angang Ro Clan of Gyeongsang-do was a typical case of munjung- seowon. Ro Sang-chu who was one of the main operators of Munsan- seowon had the diary for 68 years and he described how it was like regarding the Munsan-seowon in many sections of his diary. Based on his diary, it would be sufficient to find out the reality on how a munjung-seowon was made and operated. First of all, for approximately 66 years stemming from 1750, starting from Byeolmyo, there were 4 steps of promotion process to Jesa in 1782, Risa in 1791, and seowon in 1815 as an example of type and process in establishing a munjung-seowon. Notwithstanding such a cumbersome and difficult process, the biggest reason to work on such a promotion process can be attributable to the fact that there was a prevailing social atmosphere in the local towns requiring a seowon still in the 19th century. And, the emergence and role of Ro Sang-chu as the initiating character would be a determining factor for the successful promotion for the seowon. Next, the operation of seowon has been sought. The organization invited scholars from outside simultaneously with the promotion to expand the public domain. However, a number of personnel invited were connected to Ro Sang-chu for the personnel structure. In the meantime, as a result of tracing down the cause of frequent changes of personnel, as it caused for troubles in the clan and the detailed contents are analyzed. With respect to the economic base of the Munsan-seowon, the general outline could be found out through the Songamjeongsa ｢Wanui｣ and intermediary process.

우복학단의 성격과 계보학적 갈래

채광수 ( Chae Gwang-soo ) 한국계보연구회 2020 한국계보연구 Vol.10 No.-

이 글은 우복 정경세의 문인 곧 우복학단의 형성 및 갈래와 그 성격에 대해서 다룬 것이다. 정경세는 화려한 관료생활, 양난 창의활동, 향촌 재건사업, 퇴계학파의 적통계승, 당색을 초월한 교유 등 당대 정치·사회적 위상에 대해서는 재론의 여지가 없는 인물이다. 그는 향촌에서 성리학에만 몰두한 산림과는 또 다른 유형의 관료학자였다. 그의 문인양성은 1600년(선조 33) 영해부사에서 파직되고, 여생을 보내기 위해 상주 우북산 서쪽에 별업을 조성하면서 본격화 된다. 그의 才望은 수학하려는 자들이 주변에 점차 늘어갔고, 이와 같은 문하생에 대한 정보는 『우복문인록』에 실려 있다. 『우복문인록』을 통해 검토한 우복학단의 성격은 크게 5가지로 요약할 수 있다. ①다양한 연령대의 문인들로 구성, ②지역적 범위가 정경세의 향촌 생활 반경과 합치되는 상주권에 주로 분포, ③다른학파와 상호 소통을 가능케 하는 중첩적사승관계의 문인 다수, ④혼인과 戚緣으로 얽힌 문인 포진, ⑤여타 영남 문인록에서는 보기 힘든 소·대과 합격자와 관직 역임자들의 높은 비율 등을 들 수 있었다. 우복학단의 갈래를 이해하기 위해 확연히 대별되는 남인계와 서인계로 구분하여 살펴보았다. 다수인 전자 집단에서는 도남서원 추향과 운영권 장악을 통해 이황-류성룡-정경세로 이어지는 영남학통의 적전 계보를 정립했고, 우복학단의 거점 서원으로서 성격을 보다 분명히 하였다. 또 18세기 후반 우복 별집과 연보간행, 우산서원 설립, 우북산 修契所를 설치 등의 현양 사업은 우복문인 후손으로서의 정체성과 계승의식의 또 다른 발로였다. 반면에 영남에서 서인계 성향의 문인이 배출되는 현상은 매우 특이하다. 소수 이기는 하나 이에 대한 검증은 정경세가 영남학을 계승하면서도 기호학을 수용한 융화적인 면모를 이해하는데 중요한 의미가 있었다. 또 영남 내 서인계 형성의 시초가 되었다는 점에서 주목된다. This study examines the establishment and branches of the Ubok Academy, a talent-fostering school led by Ubok Jeong Gyung-se. Jeong Gyung-se is an unquestionable person when it comes to the political and social status of his time with various accomplishments, including flamboyant career as an official, creative activities during the two wars, village rehabilitation work, succession of the principles of Toegye Academy, and social companionship beyond partisan politics. He was a different type of bureaucratic scholar from who classical scholars devoted to Neo-Confucianism without seeking a government position. His effort to foster talents began in earnest in 1600 (33rd year of King Seonjo's reign) when he was dismissed from Yeonghae Busa and built a villa in the west of Mt. Ubuksan in Sangju to spend the rest of his life. His scholarly talent and reputation brought a large number of those who sought to learn from him, which is described in the ‘Ubok Muninnok’. According to the Ubok Muninnok, the characteristics of the Ubok Academy can be summarized in five categories as follows: ①Comprised of literary men of various ages, ② regional coverage limited to the Sangju area, which is within the radius of village life of Jeong Gyeong-se, ③ many literary men with overlapping relationship between teachers and disciples that allows interactive communications with other schools, ④ literary men linked with marriage and relative connections, and ⑤ higher percentage of those who successfully passed the state examinations and secured a government official post, unlike other Yeongnam Muninnok records. The study has examined the Yeongnam Academy and the Giho Academy that are distinctly differentiated from each other in order to understand the branches of the Ubok Academy. The former, which is a majority scholarly group, established the lineage of the Yeungnam Academy involving Yi Hwang, Ryu Seong-ryong, and Jeong Gyeong-se by securing the right to practice fall memorial service and operate Donamseowon Confucian Academy and solidified its position as the foothold educational institute of Ubok Academy. The establishment of the Ubok villa, publishing of annuals, establishment of the Usan Confucian Academy and the establishment of the Ubuksan Suseolso in the late 18th century were another manifestation to ensure the identity and sense of succession as the descendants of Ubok literary men. Meanwhile, the phenomenon of introducing literary men oriented toward Gihohak Study in Yeongnam region is quote uncommon. Despite being in small number, it carries a significant meaning in understanding Jeong Gyeong-se’s tolerant aspect of embracing the Gihohak in a conciliatory manner while inheriting Yeongnamhak. It is also noted that it served as the beginning of establishing the Seoingye faction in Yeongnam.

조선후기 善山 安康盧氏 가문의 족보 발간을 둘러싼 적서 갈등 - 《노상추일기》를 중심으로 -

노용순(Nho, Yong-Soon),채광수(Chae Gwang-Soo) 동아인문학회 2022 동아인문학 Vol.58 No.-

이 글은 조선후기 선산 안강노씨의 종중 특징과 18・19세기 족보 발간을 둘러싼 적서 갈등의 전말을 검토한 것이다. 14세기 후반 선산에 입향한 안강노문은 송당・서애・여헌학파와 學婚으로 연계되어 지역의 주요 사족일원으로 안착한다. 그러나 중흥조 노수함의 장자 노경준이 적자 없이 사망하자 義母 인동장씨는 ‘총부권’을 활용해 형망제급으로 3자 노경필을 봉사자로 지명했다. 안강노문은 장손계열이 아닌 차남계열에서 종통이 계승되었고, 18세 이후 처사공서자동령파・찰방공파・장사랑공파・교리공파 4개 파로 분파가 이루어졌다. 그리고 이 시기 병마절도사에 오르는 노계정 이래 문한가에서 무반가로 전환이 되었다. 종중 내 위상이 남달랐던 노계정과 그 가계에 의해 종권과 종론이 주도해 나갔다. 흔히 조선시대 종권은 고정적이라고 인식되지만, 실제로는 각 가문의 환경에 따라 유기적으로 작동되었음을 알려준다. 조선후기 개별 종중은 자신들만의 정체성을 정립하고 차별화하기 위해 족보 편찬이 유행하며 그 중요성도 강조되었다. 노계정이 만든 《안강노씨초보》에는 ‘庶’를 명기해 적서의 엄격한 구별을 두었다. 그런데 종중 내 경제적으로 성장한 盧洙는 신분 상승을 위해 족보에 자신의 이름 위에 ‘庶’자를 삭제 의견을 제기하여 수용이 되었다. 그러나 의도와 달리 다른 서족들의 반발로 ‘庶’자 전체가 삭제된 족보가 출간되기에 이른다. 그 과정에서 서파가 적파의 소목으로 편입되는 奪宗으로 비화가 되었다. 즉 선산 안강노문의 대종손이 약 150년 만에 노세효에서 서자 노동령으로 둔갑하는 순간이었다. 이에 노상추는 32년이 지났음에도 소송을 통해 인동장씨가 수립한 종통을 재정립하고, 위보를 전량 소각하는데 성공을 하였다. 종중의 주도 계파인 노상추의 家勢가 종통 유지와 불가분의 관계를 가지고 있었음을 확인시켜준 사건이었다. This study examines the characteristics of the families of Seonsan Angang Rho’s clan in late Chosun and the details of conflict between legitimate and illegitimate children around the publication of genealogies in the 18th and 19th century. Angang Rho’s family that entered seonsan at home in the late 14th century settled down as a member of major sajok in the region connected to Songdang, Seoae, and Yeoheon Schools through hakhon (學婚). When Jungheungjo Rho Su-ham’s eldest son, Rho Gyeong-jun, died without any legitimate child, however, his stepmother from Indong Jang’s family utilized ‘Chongbugwon’ and appointed the third son, Rho Gyeong-pil, as Bongsaja through Hyeongmanhjegeup. Angang Rho’s family succeeded to the clan in the line of the second son, not the first one, and after the age of 18, faction division was done to Cheosagongseojadongryeongpa, Chalbanggongpa, Jangsaranggongpa, and Gyorigongpa. In that period, on account of Rho Gye-jeong who held the position of Byeongmajeoldosa, it was changed from Munhanga to Mubanga. Rho Gye-jeong and the family whose statuses were different in the clan led Jonggwon and Jongron. This tells us that Jonggwon in Chosun is often regarded to be static, but in fact, it worked organically according to the environment of each clan then. In late Chosun, each individual clan tried to establish and differentiate their own identity, so publishing genealogies was popular and the importance of them was stressed. 《Chobo of Angang Rho’s Family》 added ‘seo (庶)’ clearly to distinguish legitimate children from illegitimate ones strictly. Yet, to elevate his status, Rho Su who was financially rich suggested the omission of ‘seo (庶)’ on his name in the genealogies, and it was accepted. Contrary to his intention, genealogies omitting every ‘seo (庶)’ in them came to be published for the resistance of other seojok. In that process, an event of taljong (奪宗) took place as seopa was affiliated as a subcategory of jeokpa. In other words, it was the moment that the heir to Seonsan Angang Rho’s head family was disguised from Rho Se-hyo into illegitimate child Rho Dong-ryeong about 150 years later. Reacting to it, Rho Sang-chu filed a lawsuit even after 32 years to reestablish the clan established by Indong Jang’s woman and succeeded in burning all the faulty genealogies. It was an incident that lets us realize the power of Rho Sang-chu’s family, the leading faction of the clan, was inseparably associated with the maintenance of the clan.