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이영춘 ( Lee Young-choon ) 한국계보연구회 2012 한국계보연구 Vol.3 No.-
The lineage heir and the mistress are the descendants of the main lineage family(宗家) according to the jongfa(宗法) which was originated from ancient China. They are responsible together for the ancestral rituals of the sacrifice. Originally the main lineage family was founded by a few highest aristocratic people such as a prince, princess and a meritorious retainer in Korea. But from the late Chosun period so many lower aristocratic families used to declare themselves the main lineage family. In the traditional ages of the east Asia, the heir of the main lineage family was the representative of a large family consisted with a main lineage and many sub-lineages. He had the responsibility to care and govern all the family members. He also did his role of maintaining the family cemetery and the ancestral shrine in which all the ritual services were done. As a result the lineage heir got many privileges, usually adopting the novel title and the hereditary property with much respect and love of the family members. In modem times we cannot expect them to do the same role and the responsibility for their lineage family. Nowadays there are many relative organizations and administrations such as the family counsels and kinship communities, which can govern the lineage members rather rationally in democratic ways. The main families of Korean society are very unique heritages which take over the traditional Confucian cultures from ages to ages. And the lineage heir and the mistress play the leads. Though they are not expected in this modem society to do the same role which they have done for many centuries, they might do their parts to keep the traditional lineage communities, which would make the society of good morals and manners. So it would be hopeful for them to be conscious of their identity as the core of the Korean tradition and the Confucian culture. If they could learn and embody the spirits of their ancestors to pass them to their descendants, the valuable Korean tradition would be succeeded well generation by generation ever more.
우암(尤菴) 송시열(宋時烈) 가문의 계보(系譜)와 가학(家學)
이영춘 ( Lee Young-choon ) 한국계보연구회 2014 한국계보연구 Vol.5 No.-
Song Siyeol(1607~1689) whose pseudonym was Woam(尤庵) was a great scholar in later Choseon dynasty. His academic and political thought influenced profoundly for more than 200 years afterwards. His spiritual ideology of the Confucian justice prevailed all through the dynasty, especially in the period of Japanese invasion in 19th century. Though much studies have been done on his academic achievements and political thoughts, it might be a deficiency that few investigation has done on his family backgrounds and the activities of his ancestors and descendants which is essential to understand him. This study focussed on the genealogy of his family lineage and on the activities of descendants all of whom was so much enthusiastic to inherit the spirits and thoughts of their brilliant ancestor. As Song Siyeol had no son grown up, He adopted Song Gitae who had 5 sons and 1 daughter. So Song Siyeol had a large family, and owing to his economic and social properties his descendants were flourished very much afterwards. Each of the five grandsons made their own sub lineages which had thousands of family members. There emerged many high officials and good scholars from the family. But they were very prudent to live silently, and would not eager to do important roles in politics though they were in high positions. Instead they were rather eager to take over the spirits and the ideologies of the Confucian justice of their ancestor Song Siyeol, which became the family tradition to followed up and to hand down forever.
한국적 종중의 형성과 역사적 변천과정 -진성이씨의 사례를 중심으로
김문택 ( Kim Mun-taek ) 한국계보연구회 2013 한국계보연구 Vol.4 No.-
In the traditional era, Korea had the most advanced history of clan system in the world. This situation was intensified by the end of the Joseon Dynasty, which allowed plenty of people to live as a member of the clan system. They took intense pride in their clan. Some fairly traditional clans used to bequeath both Jokbo(a genealogy book) documenting the family history of ancestors or descendents and materials about ancestral rites. Jinseong Yi clan from Andong in southern Korea was regarded as one of the most representative clans in this respect. The clan system was formed and developed as descendants gathered centering on Hyeonjo(顯祖), a prominent ancestor, or Pajo(派祖), a first ancestor to establish a branch(派)in the clan. Most of posterity continued to perform ritual ceremony for those who were beyond time scope of four generation from the clans originator, which resuited in Bulcheonwijo(不遷位祖), ancestors who had a permanent ancestral tablet in the shrine. The founder of Jinseong Yi clan was Yi Seok(李碩) who lived in Jinbo, Gyeongbuk at the end of the Goryeo Dynasty. Yi Ja-su(李子修), his son, moved to Andong and his descendants lived there since then. As Jinseon Yi clan system was settled in, the clan published a genealogy book printed from wooden blocks by 1600. It recorded not only paternal lines but also maternal lines. Therefore, it contained records of all the offspring from sons and daughters, which made posterity's genealogy book include lots of different last names. Jinseong Yi clan was rigorous to pay respect to ancestors, as the clan built a memorial house(齋舍) near forefathers' tombs and hired a superintendent to manage the house. First of all, the clan set up Gachangjaesa(可倉齋舍) for Yijeong(李禎), 4th-generation ancestor from Yi clan. It was unusual that a monk(僧徒) was resided to take care of the Jaesa. In addition, Yijeong was dedicated as Bulcheonwi in the shrine of the head house. Furthermore, ancestral rites were performed for remote ancestors such as the founder of Yi clan unlike the past. Tombs of Yi Seok(李碩), a founder, and Yi Woon―hu(李云侯), 3rd-generation ancestor, had been lost, while their ritual ceremony had been skipped. By the 17th century, however, the clan made a great endeavor to locate their tombs. As a result, the tomb of Yi Woon-hu was found in Mt. Gagu (佳丘山), Andong in 1643 before the founders tomb was discovered in jinbo in 1679. Meanwhile, even though living philosophy ixom Family Courtesy (家禮) by Zhu Xi(朱子) was emphasized during,the joseon Dynasty, people were dependent on a conventional custom practiced before the Joseon era. In particular, Family Courtesy(家禮)'stipulated to practice ancestor rituals in the shrine on aiixed date of February, May, August^ and November, while people preferred to perform the rituals in front of tombs on traditional holidays such as New Years day, Hanshik, Dano, and Chuseok. Confucian scholars including Yi Eon- jeok(李彦迪), 'YiHwang(李滉), eong Gyeong-se(鄭經世), and Yijae (李繂) recognized these circumstances as a traditional custom, while they were concerned about the situation. Ancestral rites during the Joseon Dynasty have been practiced up to the present time. Even if the ceremony is somewhat different depending on the clan system or the family, it has been passed down to the tombs in the mountain or to homes‘ It is expected that Myoje (rituals held in front of the tombs) would be a place to communicate among people and Gijesa(household rites held at night before an ancestors death anniversary) would be a harmonious time and place for family.
원창애 ( Won Chang-ae ) 한국계보연구회 2013 한국계보연구 Vol.4 No.-
It was presumed, by a rule of thumb, that the scopes of relatives or relative consciousness was not so much different from that of Chinese, because the neo - Confucianism had early been rooted as the ruling ideology of Chosun(朝鮮) dynasty. The following research, however, gradually has disproved this naive hypothesis that bilateral relatives of the previous dynasty, Koryeo(高麗), had changed into kinsman system. It was only around the 17th century which saw the transition from bilateral to unilateral, after many different features were accumulated in the research. Although the neo - Confucianism was imported around the late period of Koryeo dynasty, it took quite a long time to be full-fledged and practical in their daily lives, that is, from the 17th century around. In early days of Chosun, the traditional values were rather kept with the generous evaluation, ‘familiar custom’. But as the newly adopted ideology attained righteous position, they began to ratify all of the old values accordingly. The records of royal relatives also seem to reflect this sort of shift perspicuously. The records for king’s families show the transition in which early versions had conservatively preserved the old tradition for quite a long time. There are such materials remained until now for the royal families; ‘Relatives Records’(宗親錄), ‘Included Clans’(類附錄), ‘Essential Documents for Precious Blood’(廟原系譜/紀略), ‘Precious Blood Documents’ (增源錄) and ‘Records for Queens’(王妃世譜). Among them, ‘Relative Records’ and ‘Included Clans’ were drastically changed from the king Sookjong(肅宗) era, around the 17th century. That is, the ramified version of 'Precious Blood Document’, neo-confucian versions of ‘Essential Documents for Precious Blood’ and ‘Records for Queens’ had newly been edited. Their continuous enlarged versions allow us to detect which features were changed in this trend. ‘Relative Records’ list the lineage of sons (princes) and ‘Included Clans' contain daughters (princess) and additional grand daughters from each princes. Both materials delineate the 6th generations. The 4th king of Sejong(世宗) adopted ‘Five Land Divisions’(五服制) and regulated the royal relatives accordingly in the same way. Chinese ‘Canonical Script of Rites’(禮言己) says that the mourning close-relatives who should wear the most harsh garment(總麻親) expand up to the 4th descendents and the 5th nodes are allowed, only if for the same family name, to wear fine textile(袒免親). But the 6th generations onwards have no ties at all without any obligation. It is not clear yet why this peculiarity of royal genealogy reached up to the 6th nodes which was declared, by the neo -confucian ideology, not clans’ any more. 'included Clans’(類附錄) show the traditional meaning of relatives, because it still kept daughters lineages. The neo-confucian principle does not include maternal great children and great-great children who are exempt from wearing any special cloth because they are regarded not relatives any more. This does not explain why the royal genealogies kept the relative up to the 6th generations of maternal lineage. Moreover, ‘Included Clans’ fairly treat the offsprings the same way, regardless of paternal side and maternal side. Although some weight can gradually be observed more on paternal line, it can be stated that the old custom was more or less respected. It further kept some identity which sharply distinguished from aristocratic classes because female names were recorded independently. The normal way at that time was that the husband names were substituted to represent daughters throughout the whole period. The typical way to describe was the exact name of daughter which was followed by “this girl married to whom. It is not sure whether this template goes back to the previous dynasty or not. One of the earliest versions for high class genealogies, ‘Matrix of Haeju Oh Clans’(海州吳氏族圖), listed only son-in - law names which was assumed written in 1401. The bilateral model of clans began to change in the 17th century, when the cordial reception was at issue and the modification was dis cussed on ‘Relative Records’ and ‘Included Clans’ as well. The debate went on how slaves could become a commoner by paying for themselves, from king Hyojong(孝宗) era, but some persistently argued discrimination between direct discendants and maternal offsprings. But they agreed with no discrimination, only if already listed in the records, so as to pay respect to the customs. Only after the debate, in king Injo(仁祖) era, on issuing a copy production of royal records, due to destruction from several Chinese invasions(淸), there began at last to modify two records, as the king Sookjong(肅宗) was enthroned. The main points were imitation of literati styles, in which five or six rows were divided in each page of records and paternal maxims were authorized such as ‘First Males and then. Females’(先男後女) and ‘Precise for Males but Coarse for Females’(詳內外略). The coalitional edition was also published with the name of ‘Documents for Precious Blood’(增源錄). This order reflected the arguments from Western Party(西人) who took part in the edition at that time. Their urgent tasks were regulation between two different features from our tradition and from the new ideology. Although some disagreements were observed between Western Party(西人) and Southern Party(南人), they could successfully reach at consensus in which some ‘timely,and reasonable' measure counted in the negotiation of differences among ‘Family Ritual Norms’(家禮) written by Zhu Xi(朱熹, 1139~1200), Chinese old rites, and our traditional ones. The Western Party members kept some idea to merge two different systems. Although imported ideologies did not allow, the newly edition preserved the previous royal genealogy which included up to the 6th node of offsprings, while the discrimination was so attested that only male descendants expanded further up to the 9th node in ‘Relative Records’. The son-in-law names occupied the daughter nodes instead, while female names, for the time being, were inserted as a footnote. But they were ultimately removed, solely because they could not identify female names with ease. This is a way that the royal records also fit to the norms prevailed at that time; ‘First Males and then Females’ and ‘Precise for Males but Coarse for Females’.
주영하 ( Joo Young-ha ) 한국계보연구회 2012 한국계보연구 Vol.3 No.-
I want to focus on the cultural meaning and value of Korean head family(宗家)food that has lately become an social issue. Investigating the context of clan rule from the ancient Chinese era and investigating the relation between the Joseon dynasty head family and food based on its clan rule. The head family food of Joseon has a specific meaning. First, it has the property of one regional community that connects several families together. Especially, the cookery is shared with the relative of the grandnephew and grandmother within the social system. Second, the difference of perception about courtesy in the social system shows ’Each Family Manners(家家禮)’.It makes each different ceremonial food and art according to the head family in each clan. Third, the conception of Neo-Confucianism influences the cookery of ‘food control(食治)’ and ‘food moderation(節飮食)’. This rule of small-eating and preventing disease applies to head family food. Fourth, the food materials in setting table contain a variety of food such as the grains, vegetables, poutry, fowls, and fishes. Moreover, the traditional Korean sauces like soy sauce, soybean paste, and red pepper paste and the kimchi group reflects the taste of head family food. However, the many events of 20th century of Korean society like the Japanese colonial era, agrarian reform, Korean war and modernization changed the pre-modem social-economic base sustaining the head family. This has resulted in the head family disorganization and the decline of head family food. Nevertheless, some head family has kept on their legacy in the rural areas. Such conditions like the following have been required to sustain the heritage of the head family and food in the 21st century. First, the head family is where the right grandson has persistent ancestral rites(不遷位祭祀). Second, the definition of head family food is the food consumed by the family members in the clan house based on rural area. Third, ingredients of head family food must be produced and obtained in the same region as much as possible.
조선후기 광주이씨 창시보와 합동계보 -경술보(1610)와 갑진보(1724)를 중심으로-
朴洪甲 ( Park Honggab ) 한국계보연구회 2017 한국계보연구 Vol.7 No.-
The majority of renowned families during the Joseon period became prominent in the late Goryeo period. An eminent politician in the late Goryeo period named Dunchon Lee Jip had a successful career in the government and his family as a result acquired durable fame, as well. Therefore, he now is even regarded as the founder of the Gwangju Lee family. As Lee Jip's grandson Lee Yinson and his five brothers all served as the state councilor and minister, the family became the most flourishing family of the time. The first publication of a genealogy which is called Changsibo (Ch. 創始譜) in Korean is usually led by eminent descendent of a family. The first genealogy of the Gwangju Lee family published in gyeongsul year (1610) was a work of a former chief state councilor Lee Jungyeong's grandson Lee Sasu. The Gyeongsul Genealogy can be regarded as a unique example of a genealogy from the time because it only contains patrilineal information. The patriarchal clan system was not established thoroughly at the time. And the fact that the record of Lee Jip's collateral line is contained in a separate annex is also remarkable. However, there are abundant records of the direct ancestors of Lee Sasu in the genealogy. And the names of the family members were listed according to birth order so that male names were not written before female names. The notations of bastardy and adopted sons were marked on the list agreeable to the custom of those days. These features show that The Gyeongsul Genealogy reflects the transitional change of a genealogy between the early Joseon and the mid-late Joseon periods. In the following century, another genealogy from the Gwangju Lee family was published in gapjin year (1724). The fact that The Gapjin Genealogy adopted the system of putting stress on the founder of a family sect means it was a comprehensive genealogy that was published by a collaborated work of various family sects of the Gwangju Lee family. It also contained matrilineage of two generations according to the general custom of the time. The distinguishing feature of The Gapjin Genealogy is that the book recorded various perceptions of the pedigree of each family sect in a separate annex and it gives The Gapjin Genealogy a great historical significance. Following studies on this book is anticipated.
조선초기 김종순(金從舜)의 정치적 성장과 경주김씨 계림군파(鷄林君派)의 형성
나영훈 ( Na Younghun ) 한국계보연구회 2018 한국계보연구 Vol.8 No.-
KyoungJu Kim’s Family(慶州金氏) Gyeorimgunpa(鷄林君派) is a group of people who believed to be the founder of KimGyun(金稛), who was sealed in GyerimGun(鷄林君) by founder of the Joseon Dynasty. In particular, KimGyun's grandson Kim Jong-soon(金從舜) and his immediate descendants had many successes during the Joseon Dynasty. Therefore, it is necessary to focus on the formation of Kim Jong-soon(金從舜), a member of the Gyeorimgunpa Family, during the Joseon Dynasty. In chapter II, I looked at Kim Jong-soon(金從舜)'s family and fleet. Kim Jong-sun appears to have been greatly influenced by his grandfather, KimGyun, and his maternal grandfather Lee Jung-gan(李貞幹). In chapter III, I was able to find out why Kim Jong-soon was able to grow politically through the political realities of his time and his choices. Kim Jong-soon was involved in Lee Bo-heum's request for personnel management, which prevented him from holding office for a long time during the reign of King Sejong. Eventually, It was not until the end of King Danjong's reign that he was able to move to government office that became close to the Suyangdaegun(首陽大君) and grew politically in the post-KyeYujeong(癸酉靖難). In Chapter IV, Kim Jong-soon was able to see his long-term success in office, helping King Sejo to contribute to various national policies. Kim Jong-soon, who served as a Seungji(承旨) for three years from the middle of the reign of King Sejo, actively participated in policies for raising taxes and policies for the migration of people to stabilize the North, including Hamgyeong Province(咸鏡道) and Pyongan Province(平安道). In chapter V, I can see the growth of the Gyerimgunpa after Kim Jong-soon, a descendant of Kim Jong-soon. Kim Jong-soon's four sons became famous for having graduated from the Mungwa(文科), and especially from the descendants of his grandson, Kim Cheon-ryeong(金天齡), produced Dangsangwan(堂上官) almost continuously to secure his footing as a master of the late Joseon Dynasty.