『예기』의 「월령」에 나타난 유교의 자연질서와 자연법

진희권 동양사회사상학회 2010 사회사상과 문화 Vol.21 No.-

In 'Yeogi(禮記)', the Chinese scriptures of Confucianism, they recoded the solar calendar of modern viewpoints. According to the ancient document, the 24 solar terms was one of seasonal divisions in a year. The regularly change of the four seasons play an important part in the national economic project. For a national economy depended on agriculture in East Asia of ancient times, the administration to pay no regard to the change of the season was directly connected to the fall of the nation. And then the legislator must enact laws to reflect the change of the season. According to the 'Wolryeong(月令)' in 'Yeogi(禮記)', there are recoded national regulations to suit with the each twelve month. The first month of spring is the prime of the year(February). The month shows sign of new living things. The ruler takes order to protect the first breath of spring and ought to put a ban on the military training and labor mobilization. The reasons are to safeguard the new life and not to interrupt the preparation for farming. Confucian attach value to the nature within a human’s way of life. Therefore the norm of human do correlate closely with the principle of nature. The rule of Wuju(宇宙) was not a simple concept of the natural phenomenon and Cheon(天) was not the Almighty for himself. Cheon was just the existence of virtue and moral influence in the confidence of man. And Ji(地) was the Mother of all things. In this space, man had to manage the world in sympathy with the process of cheonJi(天地); Cheonsi(天時), JIri(地利), Inhwa(人和). 서구의 법철학의 역사에서 자연법이란, 실정법을 제정하기 위한 객관적인 기준이지만 시대에 따라 내용을 달리했던 것이라고 할 수 있다. 고대에는 자연의 질서가, 중세에는 신이, 근대에는 인간이성이 그 자리를 차지하고 있었던 것이다. 그리고 그것은 모두 시대의 요청에 따라 만들어진 것이라고 할 수 있다. 그러기 때문에 자연법이 가져야 할 객관성은 시대를 넘어서 담보를 하지 못하는 것이 사실이다. 그러기에 다양한 내용을 가지고 하나의 이름으로 등장한 것이 자연법이라는 것이다. 이러한 자연법은 때로는 강자의 편에서, 때로는 약자의 편에서 각자에게 정당성을 부여하는 도구로서 사용되었으며 오늘날 다시 자연법을 되돌아보는 이유는 실재로 있어야할 올바른 법은 무엇이냐는 물음에 대한 해답을 찾는데 있다. 즉 실정법은 존재하고 있는 자체만으로 우리를 규율하는 힘을 가지고 있다. 그 법이 악법이던 정당한 법이던 간에. 또한 법은 당시의 법을 제정할 수 있는 권력을 가진 자에 의하여 만들어졌다는 것, 더 나아가서는 법적절차를 거쳤다는 것만을 가지고 효력이 인정된다. 이러한 상황에서 그 법의 내용이 가져야할 정당성의 문제는 뒷전으로 몰리고 만다. 이러한 법현실에서 존재하는 법에 대한 수정가능한 테제로서 당위의 법칙은 빛을 발할 수 있는 것이다. 즉 있는 법이 아닌 있어야할 법에 대한 요구이기에 객관적인 기준과 연결을 맺을 때에 의미가 있는 것이다. 따라서 서구의 법의 역사에 있어서 기존의 실정법의 정당성을 확보하기 위하기보다는 제정되어야할 정법正法을 찾기 위한 기준과 과정으로서 더 의미가 크다고 할 수 있다. 따라서 위의 질문은 옳은 법을 제정하기 위해서 동아시아에서는 어떠한 객관적인 기준이 존재하는가와 그러한 기준이 내용은 무엇인가 하는 것으로 정리가 되어야 할 것이다. 이 글은 이러한 질문에 대하여 조금이나마 답을 해보려는 노력의 일환으로 시도하는 것이다. 그리고 그러한 답을 하는 데 있어서 유교의 경전 중의 하나인 『예기禮記』를 인용하고자 한다. 『예기』중에 특히 「월령月令」편을 통하여 유교의 전통법의 근거로서 보고 있는 자연에 대하여 전통적으로 어떻게 이해하고 있는지를 통하여 답에 접근하고자 한다.

韓非子의 法治의 재해석

진희권 한국법철학회 2006 법철학연구 Vol.9 No.2

Another understand on legalism of Han Fei Tzu Hee-Kwon Chin We generally understand that the legalism of Han Fei Tzu is the rule of an absolute monarch. But there is another facet of his legalism. Han Fei Tzu was a systematic and synthetic thinker of Legalism of the Warring States period in China. He stood on the legalism by way of the national enrichment and military buildup in the warlike age. The Fa(法) and The Shu(術) and The Shih(勢) constituted his legalism. The Fa is the base of right or wrong. It was made by the king, but did not leave to his optiononly. It was subjected to the influence of the people's standards(or public morals). the standards did not base on the family morality of Confucianism but the social morality. We catch snatches of that The Shu is a machinations of an absolute Monarch. The Shu has another meaning. It is that the Shu is a device for correcting official's impropriety. In the same way, It does not necessarily mean that the Shih is the power of an absolute ruler. It is an instrument to make a proper application of the law. It was wanted to realize the rule of law not of one’s self-will. For that reason, we can not tell that Han Fei Tzu is a supporter of authoritarianism only.

조선에서의 여성의 법적 지위에 대한 소고 -주요 법전을 중심으로-

진희권 한국법철학회 2005 법철학연구 Vol.8 No.2

Generally we think that a woman received an unfair treatment in the Yi-Dynasty. That is partly of right thing and partly of wrong. There was not a distinction but classification between man and woman. In the Yi-Dynasty, they thought that the social role differed with the sexual distinction. Then they would give a treatment suitable to social role. With a viewpoint of nowadays, the treatment by social role is unfair. But it is poor judgement. The viewpoint does not make any Nation free, because the equality of both sexes is issued modern times. The legal position of woman in the Yi-Dynasty is different from the age of Europe. A woman in the Yi-Dynasty had a equal right to a man on the part of private law. Above all, men and women were treated equally on the right of succession. And a female prisoner on criminal proceeding was taken care of to keep her self-respect.

순자의 예치와 한비자의 법치

진희권 한국법철학회 2004 법철학연구 Vol.7 No.2

The Confucian scholars who lived in the age of Warring States would be met the need of the time. Xunzi was the one of the confusianist that acceded to meet the period’s demand. The other way about Mencius(孟子), Xunzi was the actualist. In social upheaval, peoples sincerely hope their state will keep peace. Xunzi insisted that there is need the institution for closing of the disorder. But Mencius claimed to need king’s moral. Xunzi granted the institution of the near-past-king(文·武王) but the past king(堯·舜), because that was more clear than this. That was referred to as Li. Xunzi thought that the Li played on important part of the disorder. Hanfeizi was a pupil of Xunzi. He upheld the idea of Xunzi, and was regrouped. He suggested the Fa that was the law to give the prize or penalty for one’s duty. China was brought under a single authority on the basis of the idea of Fa.

조선의 법치에 대한 일 고찰

진희권 京畿大學校 法學硏究所 2007 경기법학논총 Vol.- No.5

다산 정약용의 규범관

진희권 제주대학교 법과정책연구소 2000 法과 政策 Vol.- No.6

선진유가(先秦儒家)의 국가철학

진희권 경기대학교 연구교류처 2005 京畿行政論集 Vol.19 No.-

김정은 시대의 ‘현지료해’ 연구 - 내각총리와 총정치국장의 현지료해 분석을 중심으로 -

진희권,진희관 21세기정치학회 2015 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.25 No.3

The purpose of this paper is to find the answer to the question on what is 'field survey', which is a term that first appeared in 2011. Accordingly, analysis was conducted by reviewing 207 news articles and reports not repeated that included the term 'field survey' in the title among the news articles and reports reported in Rodong Sinmun and Korean Central News Agency during February 2011 - December 31, 2014. Based on the summary of above results, the reason why top leader field survey and inspection were concentrated in the area of military units and the livelihoods of the public can be seen as the result of role allocation with Prime Minister. top leader is empowering cabinet system by showing his lack of direct involvement in the area of economy while indirectly providing guidance and control of cabinet through the Party, which can be seen as an attempt to alleviate the burden of top leader in the area of economy that has long been a task of the North Korean regime. In addition, Director of General Political Bureau appears to be concentrating on activities to gain full control of the military workforce by being responsible for 'construction of socialism' for which he is mobilizing the military, while assisting top leader right by his side. In the main areas of top leader's interest of military first policy and economy, it is thought that role allocation has been implemented for Director of General Political Bureau to be in charge of military first policy and Prime Minister in charge of economy. In regards to the full control of the military and livelihoods of the general public, Director of General Political Bureau appears to be in charge of the military, while Prime Minister is in charge of the livelihoods of the general public.

사형제도의 폐지에 대한 소고

진희권 경기대학교 사회과학연구소 2005 한국사회연구 Vol.8 No.-

전통법에 있어서 죄형법정주의에 반하는 규정의 재해석

진희권 한국형사법무정책연구원 2000 형사정책연구 Vol.42 No.-