인천지역의 조선시대 戶籍資料에 관한 기초적 연구(Ⅰ) ~甕津郡島嶼지역의 準戶口와 仁川港지역의‘新式戶籍’소개~

임학성(Lhim, Hak-Seong) 인천대학교 인천학연구원 2003 인천학연구 Vol.2 No.1

This article made an elementary analysis of the Census Registers from Incheon Province in the Choseon Dynasty. 1. About the Joonhogu(Copy of One’s Census Register) from Youngheung Island These historical manuscripts are Joonhogu of Pyoungtaek Lhim’s family, who lived at Youngheung Island from the late 17th century till the late 19th century. These possessed by Lhim’family, and the quantity is 30 sheets. 2. About the Joonhogu from the Deokjeok Islands These historical manuscripts are Joonhogu of Andong Kim’s family, who lived at Soya Island also Deokjeok Island in 19th century. These possessed by National Institute of Korean History, and the quantity is 23 sheets. And Incheon Metropolitan City Museum possess Joonhogu of Kimhae Kim’s family, who lived at Moonkap Island in 19th century. The quantity is 7 sheets. 3. About the New-form Hojeok(Census Register after the Keonyang era <1896>) These old books are New-form Hojeok of Dapdong and Chukhyeon Oedong in 1898. These two books possessed by Kyujanggak Archives of Seoul National University.

18세기 말 수원(水原) 읍치(邑治)지역의 가옥 양태와 가격

임학성 ( Hag Seong Lhim ) 한국고문서학회 2011 古文書硏究 Vol.39 No.-

In line with the national policy, there were two removal schemes in Suwon, Gyeonggido, in the late 18th century. In 1789, the grave of crown prince Jangheon(莊獻), which was originally in the vicinity of Seoul, was moved to downtown in Suwon-bu and, as a result, the downtown were removed with the houses there. In 1794, some houses were removed at Nam-ri(南里) and Buk-ri(北里) in the process of constructing Hwaseong(華城) or Flower Wall around the newly-built downtown. National records provide further details about 309 residences―244 in 1789 in the old downtown and 65 in 1794 in the new downtown―such as the owners` name and social status, type, size and price of the buildings, and the amount of compensation, etc. This article analyzes these records and makes report on the type, size and price of the houses in the old and new downtowns in Suwon in the late 18th century. First of all, of 309 residences, there were 290 thatched-houses(94%), 15 mud huts(5%), and 4 tiled-roof houses(1%) in the downtown. Secondly, their size vary from 1 gan(間) to 32 gan. All mud huts were 1 gan and the average size of thatched-houses was 7 gan (in the old downtown) and 8 gan (in the new downtown). Thirdly, the level of compensation shows a remarkable difference between two downtowns, that is, the average price per 1 gan was 1.7 nyang(兩) in the old downtown and 3.8 nyang in the new downtown. This distinction reflected the market value of old house and newly-built house. Even in the same downtown, the compensation money depended on where the house was situated. In the old downtown, the higher price was paid on the buildings near the grave of crown prince Jangheon, and in the new downtown, the price of residences where Hwaseong would be built was higher than the one of them at the site which new roads would be made. Finally, it depended on the social status of the owner also. Compared with commoner and the lowest people including servants, Yangban(兩班) and Joongin(中人) had a bigger place and received comparatively more compensation expenses.

19세기 전반 함경북도 호적(戶籍) 자료를 통해 본 어느 일가(一家)의 이주사(移住史)와 토노비(土奴婢) -중국 연변박물관(延邊博物館)에 소장된 명천도호부(明川都護府) 거주 리시연(李蓍衍)의 도광(道光) 2년(1822) 준호구(准戶口) 분석 사례-

임학성 ( Lhim Hak Seong ) 한국고문서학회 2016 古文書硏究 Vol.49 No.-

이 논문은 중국 吉林省 延吉市 延邊博物館에 소장되어 있는 古文書 자료 1점을 통해 두 가지 역사적 사실을 살펴본 것이다. 하나는 조선 후기 조선인의 間島 이주 사실이며, 다른 하나는 함경북도 지역에서만 존재한 ‘土奴婢’의 실체 및 성격이다. 고문서 자료는 1822년 12월, 함경북도 明川에서 거주한 李蓍衍이 관아로부터 발급받은 准戶口이다. 특히 이 준호구 자료는 현재 한국(남한 지역)에 소장된 함경북도 지역의 호적 고문서 자료가 거의 없다 는 점에서 주목된다. 아울러 조선시대 호적 자료 중 ‘土奴婢’가 발견되는 자료는 현재로서는 이 자료가 유일하다. 이시연은 公州 李氏로 이들 일가는 先祖 李謙이 燕山君 때 함경북도 鏡城으로 유배되었다가 中宗反正으로 解配되었음에도 불구하고 계속 그 곳에서 거주하였고, 이후 그 후손들이 鏡城을 비롯하여 明川, 城津, 吉州 등에서 수백 년 이상 거주하면서 함경북도의 양반가문으로 자리 잡게 되었다. 특히 李麒壽·鵬壽 형제가 임진왜란 때 경성에서 의병을 일으켜 활약하였고 후에 벼슬이 추증되고 彰烈祠에 配享 됨으로써 공주 이씨는 경성의 명문세족으로서의 지위를 더욱 견고히 하였다. 그러다가 이시연의 5世孫 인 鍾衡 때 두만강을 건너 중국 延邊의 和龍으로 이주하였는데, 族譜에 기재된 내용으로 볼 때 이주 시기는 일제강점기인 대략 1930년대로 추정된다. 중국 연변박물관에 이시연의 호적 자료가 소장된 배경에는 이들 일가의 間島 지역으로의 이주 역사가 있었던 것이다. 한편, 이시연의 준호구 자료에는 소유 노비가 총 6口(奴 1口, 婢 5口) 등장한다. 그런데 이들 소유 노비에서는 세 가지 특징이 발견된다. 첫째, 이들 6口의 노비가 모두 하나의 가족 관계로 이루어져 있었다는 점. 둘째, 5口의 婢 모두가 良人과 혼인을 했다는 점. 셋째, 소유 노비가 모두 ‘土奴’와 ‘土婢’로 기재되었다는 점 등이다. 비록 그 사례 건수가 적어 단언하기는 어려우나, 모든 婢가 良人과 交婚하였던 점은 여타 지역의 양상과는 다른 이곳 함경북도(또는 明川)만의 독특한 양상이었던 것 같다. 그리고 토노비는 함경북도에 거주하는 私奴婢에게만 붙여진 명칭인데, 더 중요한 것은 소유주 역시 함경북도에 거주하는 土着人(元居民)이어야만 그 소유 노비를 토노비라 할 수 있었다. This paper traces two historical facts: One is Korean emigration to Gando(間島) in the late period of Joseon Dynasty, the other is what “Tonobi”(土奴婢) was, which existed in Hamgyeongbukdo(咸鏡北道) only. An ancient document owned by Yanbian Museum(延邊博物館), China, is utilized. It is a Junhogu(准戶口) issued on December, 1822, that Yi Siyeon(李蓍衍), resident in Myeongcheon(明川), Hamgyeongbukdo, got from the government office. It is highly significant, considering South Korea owns few family register issued in Hamgyeongbukdo. Also, for now, it is the only material contains Tonobi among the family registers in the Joseon Dynasty era. The root of Gongju Yi`s(公州 李氏) family in Hamgyeongbukdo traces back to Yi Kyeom(李謙). He had stayed in Gyeongseong(鏡城) since he was exiled there in the reign of Yeonsangun(燕山君). His descendants had lived in Hamgyeongbukdo area such as Gyeongseong, Myeongcheon, Seongjin(城津) and Gilju(吉州), for more than several hundred years. Among them, Yi Kisoo(李麒壽) and his brother, Yi Boongsoo(李鵬壽) raised an army voluntarily in Gyeongseong when Japanese army invaded Joseon in 1592. This made the family a prestigious noble family in the area. Afterward, Yi Jonghyoung(李鍾衡), great-great-great-grandson of Yi Siyeon, emigrated to Helong(和龍), Yanbian(延邊), China. It seems that it was around 1930s that he and his family crossed Duman River, considering their family record. That is why Yanbian Museum owns Yi Siyeon`s Junhogu. According to the material, Gongju Yi family owned six private servants(私奴婢), one male and five females. There are three characteristics. First of all, they were all family. Secondly, all of females married a commoner. Thirdly, male servant was recorded as “Tono”(土奴) and females were “Tobi”(土婢). Tonobi(土奴婢) was a title given to private servants in Hamgyeongbukdo. And more importantly, they were regarded as Tonobi only if the owner was a native of Hamgyeongbukdo.

18세기 중엽 사근도(沙斤道) 소속 역인(驛人)의 직역과 신분 - 1747년 “사근도형지안(沙斤道形止案)” 자료의 분석 사례 -

임학성 ( Lhim Hak Seong ) 한국고문서학회 2017 古文書硏究 Vol.51 No.-

이 논문은 경상북도 문경시의 `옛길박물관`에 소장된 1747년 작성 “沙斤道形止案” 자료에 수록 된 驛人들의 職役·신분이 어떠했으며, 또 어떠한 변동 양상을 보였는가를 살펴본 것이다. “사근도형지안”은 경상도 咸陽에 위치한 沙斤驛을 본역으로 하고 인근 14개 驛을 편제한 沙斤道의 역인 현황을 조사·편제한 자료로 그동안 학계에 전혀 소개된 적이 없는 新발견 자료라는 점, 특히 기존에 공개된 여타 형지안과 달리 역인들에 대한 인적 정보가 매우 상세하게 기재되어 있다는 점에서 많은 관심을 끌고 있다. 자료의 분석 결과 확인된 주요 양상은 다음과 같았다. 첫째, 1747년 작성된 “사근도형지안”의 경우 驛吏는 일반 호적의 驛吏戶와 유사하게 기재된 반면, 驛奴婢는 그 직역·신분의 귀속을 명확히 판별하려는 목적으로 `驛卒降奴秩`, `(驛女)嫁公·私賤所生秩`, `(驛吏)娶公·私賤所生秩` 등과 같이 별도의 항목으로 묶어 기재하였다. 둘째, “사근도형지안”에서 확인되는 驛人의 종류는 驛吏, 驛奴, 驛婢와 日守, 保人 등이었다. 그런데 일수와 보인의 경우 자신들만의 독립 `戶`로 편제되지 않았다는 점에서 18세기 중엽 사근도의 주요 역인은 역리와 역노비로 구성되어 있었음을 알 수 있다. 셋째, 사근도 전체로는 역리가 70%의 압도적 점유율을 보였으며 그 다음으로 역노가 20%, 역비가 10%, 그리고 일수의 점유율은 1% 정도에 불과하였다. 넷째, 18세기 중엽 사근도 소속 역노비의 신분 귀속 경향은 父의 직역·신분이 역노·노비였던 자가 64%로, 그리고 母의 직역·신분이 양녀·평민이었던 자가 52% 등으로 나타났다. 그 결과 역노비의 부모 결합 경향은 <역노·노비(父)+양녀·평민(母)>이 48%로 절반가량이나 되었다. 다섯째, 18세기 중엽 사근도 소속 역인들의 직역·신분 변동 양상은 주로 역노비로 하락한 경우가 많이 나타났지만, 역노비의 직역·신분 상승 사례도 적잖이 확인할 수 있었다. 끝으로, “사근도형지안” 자료에서는 역인이 驛役에서 벗어난 경우도 多大하게 확인되었는데, 그 사유로는 老除 및 사망, 도망 등이 가장 빈도가 높았다. 이밖에 私奴, 軍保, 成均進士가 되었거니 驪興君의 후손이었다는 등의 다양한 사유로 驛役에서 벗어나는 경우도 발견되었다. 1747년 “사근도형지안” 자료를 분석하여 역인의 직역·신분 양상을 살펴본 결과 “사근도형지안” 자료가 지니고 있는 가치를 명확히 드러낼 수 있었다. 이 자료는 驛人帳籍이라는 형지안 본래의 성격을 매우 충실하게 지니고 있으며, 그런 이유로 현존하는 조선시대 최상의 驛(道) 形止案 자료라고 평가할 수 있다. This paper analyzes the changes in the jikyeok(work of life: 職役) and status of the station workers(驛人) in the mid-18th century. The data used in the analysis is the “Sageundo Hyeongjian(Census Register of Sageundo Stations: 沙斤道形止案)” written in 1747, which was collected in the “Museum of Old Roads(옛길박물관)” of Mungyeong City(聞 慶市), North Gyeongsang Province(慶尙北道). “Sageundo Hyeongjian” is a survey of the current status of stations in the area of Sageundo Stations(沙斤驛) in Hamyang(咸陽) area of Gyeongsang and 14 nearby stations. This data was recently discovered. The major findings were as follows First, in the case of the “Sageundo Hyeongjian”, the station officials(驛吏) are described similar to those of the census register, while the station servants(驛奴婢) are classified for the purpose of clearly identifying his or her status. It is listed as a separate item such as `Yeokjolkangnojil(驛卒降奴秩)`, `Yeoknyeogakongsacheonsosaengjil(驛女嫁公私賤所生秩)`, and `Yeokrichuikongsacheonsosaengjil(驛吏娶公私賤所生秩)`, etc. Second, the types of station workers identified in the “Sageundo Hyeongjian” are the station officials(驛吏), station servants(驛奴婢), station clerks(日守), etc. However, it can be seen that the station clerks were not organized as their own independent “Ho(household: 戶)”. Therefore, the main station workers of the Sageundo Stations was composed of the station officials(驛吏) and the station servants(驛奴婢). Third, in Sageundo Stations, station officials has an overwhelming share of 70%, followed by station man-servants(驛奴) of 20%, station woman-servants(驛婢) of 10%, and station clerks(日守) of 1%. Fourth, the station servants belonging to Sageundo Stations were found to be 64% of those whose father was a station man-servant and 52% of those whose mother was a common woman(良女). As a result, the parents` union of the station servants were 48% of the “father: station man-servant + mother: common woman”. Fifth, the station workers belonging to Sageundo Stations were generally downgraded to the status. However, We were able to confirm a lot of the station servants that raise their status. In conclusion, by analyzing the data of the “Sageundo Hyeongjian” in 1747, we can clearly show the value of the data. This data is very faithful to the original nature of the scheme, which is the census register of the station, and for that reason, it can be regarded as the best data of the present Joseon dynasty era.

18세기 후반 洞里의 증가와 ‘新’里 생성

林學成(Lhim Hag-seong) 호서사학회 2008 역사와 담론 Vol.0 No.49

1910년 3월 대한제국(大韓帝國) 도지부(度支部)에서 활자(活字)로 간행한 “1663년 한성부(漢城府) 북부호적(北部戶籍)” - 최초의 활자 인쇄본 호적대장(戶籍大帳) 『개국이백칠십이년계묘식년북부장호적(開國二百七十二年癸卯式年北部帳戶籍)』의 소개 -

임학성 ( Lhim Hak Seong ) 한국고문서학회 2021 古文書硏究 Vol.58 No.-

1896년 이전에 작성된 漢城府 지역(城內와 城外 모두 포함)의 호적대장은 현재 서울대학교 규장각 한국학 연구원에 소장된 “1663년 漢城府 北部戶籍”이 유일하다. 그런데 1910년 3월에 大韓帝國 정부의 度支部에서 이 자료를 활자본으로 인쇄하여 『財務彙報』 제36호의 부록으로 간행하였다. 그 題名은 ‘開國二百七十二年癸卯式年北部帳戶籍’이라 하였다. 이는 우리나라에서 활자로 인쇄하여 간행한 최초의 호적대장으로서 그 역사적, 자료적 가치가 매우 높다 하겠다. 이에 활자 인쇄본으로 간행한 “1663년 漢城府 北部戶籍”의 간행 배경 및 현존 상황 등을 考究한 결과, 이 호적 자료를 활자 인쇄본으로 간행한 주체는 일제의 統監府였고, 그 간행 이유는 관습조사 및 호적제도 (즉, 민적법)의 개정에 참고 자료로 활용하기 위함이었다는 결론을 얻었다. 아울러 1910년에 한성부 호적대장을 활자 인쇄할 당시 1896년 이전에 작성한 한성부 호적 자료로는 바로 “1663년 漢城府 北部戶籍”만 유일하게 남아 있었음을 추적하였다. 한편, 활자 인쇄본을 필사본 원 자료의 기재 내용과 비교 대조해 보았더니 적잖은 오탈자를 발견할 수 있었다. 추후 이 활자 인쇄본 “1663년 漢城府 北部戶籍”에 대한 정치한 교감 작업이 필요하다는 과제를 안게 되었다. “Census Register of the Northern Part of Hanseong-Bu of 1663”, preserved in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies, Seoul National University, is the only original of census records of Hanseong-Bu (including inside and outside) made before 1896. It was printed in types and published as a supplement to the 36th volume of The Bulletin of the Financial Affairs (『財務彙報』) by the Ministry of Finance of the Daehan Empire in March, 1910. Titled as the “Census Register of the Northern Part of the 272nd year of the Dynasty” (開國二百七十二年癸卯式年北部帳戶籍), it is a highly valuable historical source as the first original of census records printed in types. The author examines by whom and why the census register of 1663 was printed in types in 1910, and finds out that it was printed at the Resident-General’s command. It was supposed to be used as a reference when Japanese surveyed the Korean custom and reformed the system of family register, in other words, established the law of civil register. He also finds out that it was the only remaining record made before 1896 when it was printed in 1910. In addition, comparing the census register of 1663 to the printed material, he discovers considerable misprints and missing words in the latter. It appears that it requires thorough correction by comparing it to the former.

조선시기 京畿 島嶼지역의 空間認識 변화

임학성(Lhim, Hakseong) 목포대학교 도서문화연구소 2014 島嶼文化 Vol.0 No.43

조선시대 島嶼지역에 대한 중앙 정부의 空間認識은 시기별로 뚜렷한 차이를 보였다. 조선전기에는 空島政策으로 代辯되듯이 도서지역을 범죄자의 소굴 또는 敎化가 미치지 못하는 변방 정도로 인식하였던 반면, 조선 후기에는 도서의 중요성 및 활용성이 제대로 인식되면서 入島政策으로 전환하였던 것이다. 아울러 이러한 공간인식의 변화와 연동하여 조선 전기에는 도서지역에 적잖은 國營牧場이 설치되었던 반면, 조선 후기에는 국영목장을 폐장하고 목장터를 농지로 개간함은 물론 水軍鎭을 설치하여 방어체제를 강화하는 것으로 전환하였다. 조선 정부가 취한 도서정책의 결과와 영향은 경기도의 도서지역에서도 그대로 확인되었다. 첫째, 조선 정부가 파악하고 있었던 경기지역의 도서 수가 조선 전기(15세기 전반)에는 20여개에 불과했으나, 조선 후기(18세기 후반)에는 80여 개로 무려 4배가량이나 급증하였다. 둘째, 조선 전기(15세기 후반)에 20여 개였던 경기 도서지역의 국영목장 수가 조선 후기(18세기 중엽)에 이르러 그 절반 이하인 9개로 급감하였다. 셋째, 공도정책 폐지 및 국영목장 폐장의 결과 주민의 입도가 활발히 전개되어 경기지역의 일부 도서에서는 조선 후기(18세기 중엽)에 이미 적잖은 주민이 거주(예를 들어 자연도의 경우 850戶)하고 있었으며 이러한 주민 증가추세는 이후에도 계속 진행되고 있었다. 넷째, 조선 후기(17세기 중엽) 이후 경기 서해 水路의 요충지에 위치한 도서지역에 수군진이 설치되기 시작했으며, 일부 수군진의 경우 保障處이자 咽喉處로 인식된 江華島를 外護하기 위해 獨鎭으로 재편되어 운영되기도 하였다. 이상 조선시기 경기 도서지역에서 확인되는 여러 현상, 즉 국영목장의 설치와 폐장, 도서주민 및 농지의 多大한 증가, 수군진의 설치 및 독진 운영 등은 도서지역에 대한 조선 정부의 空間인식 및 도서정책이 변환한 결과였다. Between the early Joseon Dynasty and the late one, there was a distinct difference how the government treated islands. In the early period, as we know from the empty-island policy, they were viewed as the hotbed of crime or frontier beyond the edification. On the contrary, the government realized their importance and encouraged people to migrate to there in the late days. According to this change, it closed state-owned ranch which had been built before, changed ranch into agricultural land, and built naval bases to reinforce the defense system. The results and influences of the governmental policy on islands can be seen islands in Gyeonggi Province. First, the government estimated that there would be about 20 islands in the early 15th century, while about 80 ones in the late 18th century. Secondly, it removed state-owned ranch from 20 (late 15th century) to 9 (mid-18th century). Thirdly, lots of people moved to islands after abolition of the empty-island policy and state-own ranch. For example, there were 850 households residing and the population growth in an island. Finally, naval bases had been built in the islands located in the strategic points of sea route of the Yellow Sea since mid-17th century, and some of them were run independently in order to preserve Ganghwa Island, which was viewed as a wartime shelter and the throat-like spot. In conclusion, some phenomena were the results of change of the governmental view and policy on islands in Gyeonggi Province in the Joseon dynasty, which were installation and closing of state-owned ranch, remarkable growth of residents and agricultural land, and establishment and independent operation of naval bases.

18~19세기 서해(西海) 도서주민(島嶼住民)의 거주 양태-백령도(白翎島) 거주 김해(金海) 김씨(金氏) 일가의 고문서(古文書) 자료 분석 사례-

임학성 ( Lhim Hak-seong ) 인하대학교 한국학연구소 2016 한국학연구 Vol.0 No.41

This paper analyzes ancient documents and census registers related to Kimhae(金海) Kim(金) family, who moved from interior Hwanghae Province to Baekryeong Island in the first half of the 18th century. Its members left fifty-eight sheets of material about their lives in the island. Fifty-one of them are census registers, and the rest are certificates of appointment and agreements for deed, etc. In case of ancient documents of Joseon Dynasty era, almost of them have been preserved by descendants of yangban(兩班) who have lived inland area. It is very rare that insular people from non-yangban class have kept nearly sixty sheets of paper and introduce them to the academic world. Thanks to them, we were able to understand how they have lived during the latter period of Joseon Dynasty era. The results are as follows. First of all, Kimhae Kim Family's people moved from Jangyeon(長淵), inland town of Hwanghae Province to Baekryeong Island in the former period of the 18th century. Their migration was a government policy to reinforce maritime defense. The government set up the naval post and moved people there, when pirates began to appear frequently. Secondly, its people were originally commoners when they first moved to the island. Some of them were yangban or middle-class since mid-19th century, while rest of them were commoners even in the end of the 19th century. Generally speaking, the family had flourished ever since, and was able to be one of the strongest family in the island. Thirdly, it is common that children's names were not written on the census register during the Joseon Dynasty era. However, people of Kimhae Kim family wrote all the names of their children, even their young daughter. There are no children's names on the census register written in other islands with the naval post. It seems that they had a very different idea about their children. Finally, people of Kimhae Kim family constantly tried to improve their economic conditions. They were probably involved in collecting tax and products, assuming an important office at the naval post. It seems that Kim Du-Gi’s family was able to be the biggest family based on power, information, and efforts.

독일 상트 오틸리엔수도원 선교박물관 소장 조선 후기 “益山戶籍” 자료의 書誌的 재검토

임학성 ( Lhim Hak Seong ) 인하대학교 한국학연구소 2024 한국학연구 Vol.- No.73

The Mission Museum under the St. Ottilien Archabbey, Emming, Bayern, Germany, has about 1,800 cultural objects which German missionaries had collected in Korea for 100 years since the early 20th century. Among the four items that were returned to Korea, there is a family register called “Iksan Hojeok” (益山戶籍). It was used as backing paper for a map of the world called “Gonyeo Jeondo” (坤輿全圖) in the form of an eight-panel folding screen (49 centimeters in width, 186 centimeters in height). “Iksan Hojeok” was found during the process of conservation and restoration of the folding screen, 2013-2015. Its forty-five sheets of paper were attached to it in three rows, layer by layer. It was severely damaged and the pages were also jumbled up, requiring a bibliographic study. As for the time of production, “Iksan Hojeok” consists ‘Imja Hojeok’ (壬子戶籍: family register made in the year of Imja) and ‘Geyu Hojeok’ (癸酉戶籍: family register made in the year of Geyu). While ‘Geyu Hojeok’ was written according to the system of making five households into one group (五家作統制), ‘Imja Hojeok’ was not. Considering the system had been carried out since 1675, it seems that ‘Imja Hojeok’ was written before 1675, ‘Geyu Hojeok’ was after 1675. Further analysis indicates that ‘Imja Hojeok’ was written in 1672, and ‘Geyu Hojeok’ was in 1753. As for the place of production, place names appearing in ‘Imja Hojeok’ indicates that it was produced in Iksan, Jeolla-do. However, it is difficult to determine where ‘Geyu Hojeok’ was produced. However, judging by the people’s names, family origins, and occupations appearing in it, it can be said that it was produced not in Iksan, Jeolla-do, it could be presumed to be from the Paju (坡州) or Gyoha (交河) area, located near the Imjin River (臨津江) in the northern part of Gyeonggi-do. This family registers is not complete, but considering that most family registers from the late Joseon dynasty are concentrated in the Gyeongsang-do and Jeju Island (濟州島) regions, such as Daegu (大邱), Ulsan (蔚山), Danseong (丹城), and Eonyang (彦陽), it is valuable in that it is data from Jeolla-do and Gyeonggi-do regions.

조선 후기 호적에 등재된 양반직역자의 신분 - 1786 년도 단성현 현내면의 사례 분석 -

임학성(Hag Seong Lhim) 조선시대사학회 2000 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.13 No.-

N/A