‘만세일계’의주박에걸린보수논객들

박삼헌(Park Sam-hun) 고려대학교 글로벌일본연구원 2016 일본연구 Vol.26 No.-

본고는 2006년 9월 6일 히사히토(悠仁) 친왕의 탄생 이후, 황족 수 감소 대책으로 제기된 여성 미야케 창설 문제, 그리고이와 관련하여 등장한 황태자 퇴위론에 대한 일본 보수진영의 의견차이가 어떻게 이뤄지고 있는지 분석한 것이다. 그결과, 첫째, 일본사회에는‘황통이곧남계이고, 이것이 남성에게 계승되는 것이 만세일계’라는 보수진영의 논리가 여전히 유효하게 작동하고 있음을 확인하였다. 둘째, 황태자 퇴위를 둘러싼 보수진영의 의견차이는 전후 일본의 국가체제를‘상징이라는 개념 안에서 유지하려는 입장과, 이를 부정하고‘만세일계’의교조적 해석을 토대로 천황을 일본국의‘원수로 재규정함으로써 전후 국가체제에 변화를 시도하려는 입장으로 분화되기 시작했음을 보여줌을 확인 하였다. This paper examines the varied opinions of Japanese conservative camp on issues of the royal succession comprising an amendment of the Imperial Household Law to allow females to inherit the throne and the abdication of crown prince since the birth of Prince Hisahito of Akishino on September 6, 2006. The results of examination show the logic of Japanese conservative camp insisting the ‘royal succession in the sole imperial lineage of males’ remains effective in the Japanese society. Secondly, the opinions of Japanese conservative camp were found on the two different standpoints. The one advocates the post-war national system united and based on the ’symbolic emperor’ whereas the other one intends for the new national system with the Japanese King redefined as a sovereign based on the dogmatic interpretation of the tradition of ‘banseiittkei(万世一系)’.

1980년대 한일 지식인 교류와 역사인식 : 요미우리신문사 주최 ‘일한좌담회’를 중심으로

박삼헌(Park, Sam-Hun)(朴三憲) 한일민족문제학회 2021 한일민족문제연구 Vol.40 No.-

本稿は、1980年代に｢韓日·日韓新時代｣の到来を向かえて、韓日両国の市民社会がどのように｢韓日·日韓新時代｣を構築したのかを、読売新聞社が1982年と1984年に企画した｢日韓座談会｣の歴史認識を分析したものである。その結果は次の通りである。第一、企画背景には、1982年一次歴史教科書問題で発生した韓日の歴史認識の葛藤があった。しかし、ちょっと間違えば敏感であろうとする状況であったので、座談会は司会者を置かず、参加者たちが自由に議論する形式をとった。これは、参加者たちが多様なテーマに関して自由発言できるような環境になり、参加者たちの｢意見｣をより重視する意図で企画された座談会の性格をよく表われているのである。第二、日韓座談会は、韓国側の参加者が通訳なしに日本語で座談できたということで、日本語または日本という文化的記号の暗黙的な｢共有｣がコミュニケーションの元に成なっている。これは韓国側の参加者が｢日本の植民地支配を体で記憶する世代｣であることで可能であった結果である。勿論、韓国側も日本側も日本の植民地支配に対しては批判的な｢視線｣を共有していた。しかしその｢視線｣は近代以降形成された｢韓国｣と｢日本｣という｢ナショナリズム｣の概念を克服できなかった、むしろ現存するお互いの｢ナショナリズム｣を認める地点で｢合意｣した座談会であった。第三、日韓座談会では、朝鮮半島の分断という政治的な状況に関する暗黙的な｢回避｣が行われている。これは、左右というイデオロギーに基づいた｢分断｣という現実の政治、即ち󰡔世界󰡕で代表する北朝鮮よりの立場を守る日本の進歩的知識人とは意識的に｢距離をおく｣保守的知識人という｢自意識｣に、お互いの暗黙的な｢合意｣した結果とも言えるだろう。以上のように、読売新聞社が企画した1982年と1984年の日韓座談会は、1980年代の日韓両国の市民社会が合意できる歴史認識の境界線が韓日両国の保守主義であったことを示しているのである。 This article analyzed the historical awareness of the “Japan-Korea Talks” organized twice by Yomiuri Shimbun in 1982 and 1984 to find out how the civil society of Korea and Japan established the “New Korea-Japan/ Japan-Korea Era” with its arrival in the 1980s. The results are as follows: First, a history conflict that occurred between Korea and Japan in 1982 over the first history textbook issue existed in the background of planning the talks. However, because it could be sensitive, the talks took the form of free discussion by participants without having a moderator. This demonstrates the nature of the talks, which were designed with the intention of respecting the participants’ “opinions” more, as participants were able to speak freely by shifting various topics. Second, given that the Korean participants engaged in the talks in Japanese without an interpreter, “sharing” of Japanese language or Japanese cultural symbols formed the implicit basis of communication. This is thought to have been possible in that Korean participants were “generations who directly remembered Japan’s colonial rule.” Of course, both Korean and Japanese shared a critical view of Japan’s colonial rule. However, in the talks, the ‘view’ failed to overcome the concept of ‘nationalism’ that developed in ‘Korea’ and ‘Japan’ after modern times, rather ‘agreed’ to acknowledge each other’s existing ‘nationalism’. Third, the Japan-Korea Talks implicitly “avoided” the political situation of the division of the Korean Peninsula. This can also be interpreted as the result of an implicit “agreement” with each other due to the “selfconsciousness” of conservative intellectuals who consciously “distanced” themselves from Japan’s progressive intellectuals who maintained a North Korea-friendly position in the political reality of “division” based on the ideology of left and right, which was represented by 『Sekai』. As above, the 1982 and 1984 Japan-Korea Talks, organized by Yomiuri Shimbun, showed that the boundary of historical awareness agreed by civil society between Korea and Japan in the 1980s was conservatism of Korea and Japan.

幕末維新期의 대외위기론

朴三憲(Park Sam Hum) 한국문화사학회 2005 文化史學 Vol.0 No.23

메이지초기 대외팽창론의 한 유형

朴三憲(Park Sam Hun) 한국문화사학회 2006 文化史學 Vol.0 No.26

1970년대 ‘조선반도 연구자’의 한국론

박삼헌(Sam-Hun Park) 일본사학회 2023 일본역사연구 Vol.60 No.-

‘만세일계’의 주박에 걸린 보수 논객들

박삼헌 ( Park Sam-hun ) 고려대학교 글로벌일본연구원 2016 일본연구 Vol.26 No.0

본고는 2006년 9월 6일 히사히토(悠仁) 친왕의 탄생 이후, 황족 수 감소 대책으로 제기된 여성 미야케 창설 문제, 그리고 이와 관련하여 등장한 황태자 퇴위론에 대한 일본 보수진영의 의견 차이가 어떻게 이뤄지고 있는지 분석한 것이다. 그 결과, 첫째, 일본 사회에는 ‘황통이 곧 남계이고, 이것이 남성에게 계승되는 것이 만세일계’라는 보수진영의 논리가 여전히 유효하게 작동하고 있음을 확인하였다. 둘째, 황태자 퇴위를 둘러싼 보수진영의 의견 차이는 전후 일본의 국가체제를 ‘상징’이라는 개념 안에서 유지하려는 입장과, 이를 부정하고 ‘만세일계’의 교조적 해석을 토대로 천황을 일본국의 ‘원수’로 재규정함으로써 전후 국가체제에 변화를 시도하려는 입장으로 분화되기 시작했음을 보여줌을 확인하였다. This paper examines the varied opinions of Japanese conservative camp on issues of the royal succession comprising an amendment of the Imperial Household Law to allow females to inherit the throne and the abdication of crown prince since the birth of Prince Hisahito of Akishino on September 6, 2006. The results of examination show the logic of Japanese conservative camp insisting the ‘royal succession in the sole imperial lineage of males’ remains effective in the Japanese society. Secondly, the opinions of Japanese conservative camp were found on the two different standpoints. The one advocates the post-war national system united and based on the ’symbolic emperor’ whereas the other one intends for the new national system with the Japanese King redefined as a sovereign based on the dogmatic interpretation of the tradition of ‘banseiittkei(万世一系)’.

1970년대 일본의 보수주의 언론과 한국 인식 : 『쇼쿤(諸君)!』의 한국 관련 기사를 중심으로

박삼헌(Park, Sam-Hun) 일본사학회 2020 일본역사연구 Vol.51 No.-

The purpose of this study was to analyze articles about South Korea published in 『Shokun!』. First, most of these articles were critical of the liberal camp s perception of South Korea of the time. In other words, the perception of South Korea was framed in Cold War ideology. However, as noted in preceding studies, the articles were not intended to propagate an outright campaign against Communism and anti-North Korea sentiment, but the two contrasting perspectives co-existed. One perspective was to stress the importance of realistic economic assistance rather than the Japanese government s contrition and apology over its colonial rule in establishing new, friendly relations between Japan and South Korea (Okazaki), while the other perspective was to prioritize the self-reflection over colonial rule and discrimination against South Koreans from a historical dimension rather than political and economic assistance (Honda). Second, the perception of South Korea was consumed by Cold War ideology, but it did not “negate” nor “affirm” the existence of North Korea. As opposed to the perspective of 『Sekai』 s in ｢Interview with Kim Il Sung｣, this was the result of the conservative magazine 『Shokun!』 s faithful adherence to its editorial policy of retaining a ‘cool’ perspective by distancing from the illusion of North Korea. As mentioned above, the conservative magazine 『Shokun!』 strived to pursue so-called liberalism without bias to the right or left of extremism to seek a breakthrough in the bilateral relationship between Japan and South Korea during the 1970s. However, two opposing perspectives on South Korea were drawn by the magnet of Cold War ideology and coexisted: one view was the perception of South Korea with an emphasis on of contrition and apology over colonial rule, and the other view was perceiving it otherwise. However, such coexistence ended in the 1980s when the controversy over Japanese history textbook revisions moved beyond the borders of Japan and South Korea to become an international issue.

1920년대 도쿄의 제도(帝都) 부흥계획 수립과정

박삼헌(Park Sam-hun) 가천대학교 아시아문화연구소 2011 아시아문화연구 Vol.24 No.-

제도부흥계획은 도쿄의 재건을 ‘제도부흥’으로 볼 것이지 아니면 ‘도쿄복구’로 볼 것이지를 둘러싼 치열한 정치투쟁 과정을 거쳐서 수립되었다. 고토심페이(後藤新平)의 제도부흥론과 이토 미요지(伊東巳代治)의 도쿄복구론이 그것이다. 제1차 세계대전 이후 세계 5대 강국으로 성장한 ‘대일본제국’의 국격을 배경으로 하여, 고토의 제도부흥론이 그 국격에 걸 맞는 ‘제도(帝都)’의 인프라 구축을 지향했다면, 이토의 도쿄복구론은 그 국격에 걸 맞는 ‘신민(臣民)’의 권리 확보를 지향했다. 그리고 이러한 정치적?경제적 대립은 유권자의 투표를 의식할 수밖에 없는 의회라는 공간에서 보다 첨예하게 발생했다. 정우회가 단독으로 정부안을 수정한 정우회안을 통과시킨 제47회 임시의회는 바로 그러한 공간이었다. Reconstructing the imperial capital was established through the process of a fierce political struggle involving the matter as to whether reconstruction of Tokyo would be considered either as ‘reconstructing the imperial capital’ or as ‘Tokyo restoration’. A theory of reconstructing the imperial capital by Shimpei Goto and that of Tokyo restoration by Miyozi Ito are included in above-mentioned categories. And this confrontation was taken place more sharply at a space called the Diet where electoral voting should be considered with priority. 47th extraordinary session where Seiyukai bill that was revised from the government bill solely by Seiyukai had been passed was the very space as mentioned hereinabove.

의료화된 건강과 해피 드러그(happy drug)의 탄생

박삼헌(Park, Sam-Hun) 고려대학교 한국학연구소 2018 한국학연구 Vol.65 No.-

본고에서는 근대 일본의 의료화된 ‘건강’, 그중에서도 여성의 성역할에 기초한 건강과 해피 드러그(happy drug)의 관계를 고찰하였다. 구체적으로는 여성의 일생과 의료화 과정을 분석하는 사회문화사적 관점에서 1893년부터 현재까지 125년 동안 판매되고 있는 일본의 대표적인 여성용 자양강장제 Chujoto(中將湯, 이하 주조토)의 광고를 분석하였다. 그 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 주조토는 ‘자궁병 혈도증’으로 고생하는 부인, 즉 성인 여성을 대상으로 판매를 시작하였다. 이는 ‘혈도’로 대표되는 한방의 여성 신체관과 ‘자궁병’으로 대표되는 서양 근대 의학의 여성 신체관이 공존하는 메이지 20년대의 특징이 반영된 결과였다. 하지만 1906년 3월 3일 이후 주조토는 더 이상 ‘자궁병 혈도’만을 강조하지 않고, 이를 다른 증상들과 병렬적으로 배치하는 광고를 하게 되었다. 이것은 1910년대 이후 여성의 건강을 바라보는 사회의 시선이 변화된 결과이기도 하였다. 둘째, 1910년대 이후, 주조토를 일상적으로 복용하는 행위는 “부인이 젊음을 되찾는 법”으로 선전되었다. 그리고 여기에서 ‘부인이 젊음’을 되찾는 것은 ‘청춘의 건강미’가 아니라 ‘여성미’를 되찾는 것을 의미하였다. 이것은 주조토의 판매 전략이 더 이상 ‘자궁병 혈도’ 치료제에 있지 않고, ‘건강 연령을 젊게 유지할 수 있는 약’, 즉 해피 드러그의 성격에 있음을 명확히 보여준다. 셋째, 주조토는 ‘제국 일본’의 확장에 따라 식민지 타이완과 조선은 물론이고, 중국(상하이 · 우한[武漢] · 텐진[天津] · 베이징)과 베트남(하노이)까지도 판로를 개척하였다. 이런 의미에서 주조토는 ‘제국 일본’을 배경으로 탄생한 근대 동아시아의 여성용 해피 드러그라 할 수 있다. The present study investigated medicalized ‘health’ of modern Japan, especially, the relationship between health and happy drug based on the gender role of female. Specifically, the present study analyzed advertisements of Chujoto (中將湯), which is a representative Japanese nutritional tonic for women that has been sold for 125 years from 1893 to the present, from a sociocultural perspective that analyzes women’s lifetime and the process of medicalization. The results were as follows. First, Chujoto began to be sold to married women, i.e., adult women, who suffered from ‘Sikyubyou Chinomichi(子宮病血の道)’. It is the results of reflecting the characteristics of Meiji 20s during which both perspectives of Chinese medicine on women’s body represented by ‘Chinomichi(血の道)’ and modern Western medicine coexisted. Since March 3, 1906, however, Chujoto does not emphasize ‘Chinomichi(血の道)’ only anymore but advertised in parallel with other symptoms. It was also the result of changes in the society’s view on women since the 1910s. Second, since the 1910s, the behavior of routinely taking Chujoto was advertised as “a method for women to recover youth”. In addition, the recovery of ‘women’s youth’ here meant ‘the feminine beauty’ rather than healthy beauty of youth. It clearly shows that the sales strategy is no longer on the medicine for ‘Chinomichi(血の道)’, but on ‘medicine that can maintain healthy age young’, i.e., the nature of happy drug. Third, Chujoto pioneered markets not only in colonial Taiwan and Joseon but also in China (Shanghai, Wuhan, Tianjin, Beijing) and Vietnam (Hanoi) following the expansion of ‘Imperial Japan’. In this sense, Chujoto can be considered as a happy drug for women in modern East Asia born against the backdrop of ‘Imperial Japan’.

불안정형 염색체 이상 탐지를 위한 딥러닝 기반 알고리즘

한중훈(Junghun Han),강승영(Seungyoung Kang),장승현(Seunghyun Jang),이인경(Inkyung Lee),주해미(Haemi Joo),양세정(Sejung Yang) 대한전자공학회 2022 대한전자공학회 학술대회 Vol.2022 No.6