仁祖代 前半期 왕권과 정치질서 재편 (1623~1636)

김한신 고려사학회 2020 한국사학보 Vol.- No.78

In this paper, I could show the outline of the main political currents at this time like the following. Right after the enthronement of King Injo(仁祖), the political situation was going on ascribing the political convulsion to Lord Kwanghae(光海君). And it grew arranged to impose a desirable model of monarch on King Injo. This sort of insistence rendered the instrument of limiting Injo's kingship. But King Injo was able to turn that situation by punishing several political cliques that selected hard line at some moments. Nevertheless King Injo still had not influence on other important matters. It was because of the absence of loyal group's favor and the weak authority of King Injo. At the time King Injo proceeded to enshrine his parents as king and queen officially. Because King Injo was not a son of king and queen. With this plan, King Injo attempted to expand the magnitude of his loyal group. However, Kim Ryu(金瑬), One of his loyal member, having opposed to the plan was expelled from the court provisionally. King Injo needed Kim Ryu again in order to prevent a recurrence of war with Qing(淸), the second Manchurian kingdom in China. King Injo led the new loyal group which had implemented the parental enshrinement to participate in devising diplomatic steps also. In this aspect, we can notice that King Injo accomplished some grasp of political situation with reorganization of the different loyal groups. But this was somewhat incomplete. The main frame of the above description is consisted of three points. The points are ㉠ the structural fortification of the political argument in the early period of King Injo, ㉡ the conspicuous role of small cliques subsisting in huge factions, and ㉢ the emphasis on the discrimination from the politics of Lord Kwanghae period intending to justify the enthronement of King Injo. 반정 이후 정국의 추이는 폐주 광해군을 반정이 일어난 주요 원인으로 설정하고 인조에게 모범적인 군주상을 강조하는 쪽으로 나아가게 되었다. 인조에게 이러한 과제는왕권을 정치적으로 제한시키는 장치가 되었다. 반정 이후 권력을 유지하기 위해 사림의 폭넓은 지지가 필요했고, 그 때문에 공론의 영향력이 전에 없이 커진 것이었다. 인조는 박정 등의 남이공 탄핵 사건을 계기로 이러한 틀을 전환시킬 수가 있었다. 그러나, 종친들의 호의를 얻을 수 있었던 인성군 문제나 인조의 정통성을 강화할 수 있는사친 제례에서 인조는 여전히 영향력을 가질 수가 없었다. 체계적인 대안을 제시하고인조의 의지를 실제 정책으로 실행시켜 줄 친위 세력과, 신하들을 순응하게 할 수 있는 권위가 인조에게 부족했기 때문이었다. 인조는 사친을 위한 추숭을 진행하면서, 친위 세력의 재편도 시도하였다. 인조는 이귀, 최명길의 계책과 조력에 힘입어 사친 추숭과 종묘 입묘를 마칠 수 있었다. 이 과정에서 인조는 비공신계 인물을 친위 세력으로들일 수 있었다. 그럼에도 왕권을 지탱해 주는 다른 한 축이었던 김류 세력이 없이는불완전할 수밖에 없었다. 인조는 後金의 건원 칭제 이후 대신들에게 삼사를 견제하게하는 시기에, 김류를 대신에 복귀시킬 수 있었다. 인조는 최명길을 비롯한 추숭 지지세력이 전란을 저지하는 외교적 대책 마련에 참여하도록 유도함으로써 김류 세력과의통합을 시도하였다.

宋代 居士佛敎의 발전과 儒·佛의 대응

김한신 중국사학회 2023 中國史硏究 Vol.- No.144

The perception of the relationship between Confucianism and Buddhism in the Song Dynasty as one of the rise of Confucianism and the decline of Buddhism is a projection of the views of later scholars. The Song elite, the Shidaifu(士大夫), was closely associated with Buddhism in the private sphere, as evidenced by the competitive establishment of grave temples(墳寺), but in public life, they maintained an attitude based on Confucian principles. In this article, we will take a deeper look at the interaction between Confucianism and Buddhism, focusing on Shidaifu and the Chan priest(禪師) in a seemingly contradictory situation. The Song dynasty, founded after overcoming the turmoil of the Five Dynasties period, sought to end the Age of Warriors and establish a system of governance based on a literate bureaucracy, and to this end, the civil service examination was continuously expanded. In this process, the Shidaifu sought to reject Buddhism as incompatible with their Confucian values. However, Chan Buddhism, flourishing in China's Jiangnan region since the Five Dynasties period, could draw on its superior academic credentials to propagate teachings that could satisfy the intellectual needs of the Shidaifu. They abandoned the traditional Buddhist dominance of Confucianism and argued that Confucianism and Buddhism were essentially the same in a way that was acceptable to the scholars. In this way, they were able to convert a large number of the great families to Buddhism. As a provincial official in southern China, Song Dai Shidaifu naturally interacted with scholar monks who inherited a high level of intellectual tradition, and through them, Chan Buddhist temples became extremely prosperous economically. This decline in temple economic growth and Wenzi Chan's rise to prominence, reinforced by his interactions with Shidaifu, led to the need for a purification effort in Buddhism, and Chan Buddhist priest Dahui Zonggao's Kanhua Chan was part of that effort. Dahui imparted ultimate enlightenment to Shidaifu by presenting a method of study in pursuit of don-o, or short-lived enlightenment, as a subject of conversation, which, in addition to its role in mitigating social criticisms of the excesses of the temple economy at the time, provided a powerful stimulus to the sexologists who sought to construct a new analytical metaphysics. Zhu Xi criticized Dahui's Kanhua and sudden enlightenment, emphasizing "investigation of things" as an alternative to overcome it by intensively analyzing the study methods of Dahui and the Shidaifu lay devotee who succeeded him. Meanwhile, in the new relationship that developed between Confucianism and Buddhism in the Song dynasty, the Chan priest's contact with Shidaifu consequently not only gave birth to a metaphysical Confucianism based on new academic attitudes and philosophies, but also to a new inclusive Buddhism that recognized the situation of Confucian dominance and emphasized its fundamental homogeneity with Confucianism to embrace the Confucian Shidaifu. 송대의 유교와 불교의 관계에 대한 유교의 흥성과 불교의 쇠퇴라는 인식은 후대 유학자들의 시각이 투영된 것으로서 실제로는 경쟁적으로 墳寺를 설치하는 모습에서 볼 수 있듯이 사적인 분야에서 송대 사대부들은 불교와 밀접한 관련을 맺고 있었음에도 공적 생활 속에서는 유가적 원칙에 입각하한 태도를 견지하고 있었다. 일견 모순적으로 보이는 이러한 현상의 배경에는 兩宋代 유교계와 불교계의 치열한 경쟁과 지속적인 융화가 있었다. 특히 본고에서 살펴보았던 바와 같이 계숭과 대혜종고와 같은 탁월한 선승들은 당시의 사회 정치적 질서 속에서 불교를 위한 공간을 확보하고자 노력하였다. 오대십국의 혼란을 극복하고 건국된 北宋은 무인의 시대를 종식하고 문인에 의한 황제 전제체제를 구축하고자 하였고 이를 위해 과거시험이 지속적으로 확대되었다. 이 과정에서 탄생하게 된 사대부들은 자신들의 유교적 가치관과 배치되는 불교를 배척하고자 하였다. 그런데 오대십국 이래로 중국 강남지역을 중심으로 번성하고 있었던 선종 중심의 불교계는 자신들의 우월한 학문적 수준을 바탕으로 사대부들의 지적 욕구를 만족시켜 줄 수 있는 가르침을 전파하였다. 송대에 이르러 계숭을 비롯한 선승들은 기존의 불교 우위의 유불회통의 방식을 포기하고 유학적 사대부들이 거부감 없이 받아들일 수 있도록 유교와 불교가 본질적으로 동일하다는 주장을 개진해 나갔다. 이를 통해 대규모의 사대부 거사들을 불교에 귀의시킬 수 있었다. 지방관으로서 중국 남부지역에 부임한 송대 사대부들은 높은 수준의 지적 전통을 계승한 선승들과 자연스럽게 교유하게 되었고, 이들을 통해 당시 숭유억불을 주창하였던 송대에 선종 사원은 오히려 경제적으로 극도로 번성하게 되었다. 이와 같은 사원 경제 성장의 폐단과 사대부와의 교류로 인해 심화된 文字禪의 강세는 불교에 대한 自淨노력의 필요성이 대두되었고, 대혜종고의 간화선은 그러한 노력의 일환이었다. 대혜는 화두를 갖고 단박의 깨달음 즉 돈오를 추구하는 공부 방법을 제시함으로써 사대부들에게 궁극적인 깨달음을 전해주었고, 이는 당시 사원경제의 지나친 비대화에 대한 사회적 비판을 완화시켰던 역할 이외에도 새로운 유학적 형이상학을 구축하고자 하였던 성리학자들에게 강렬한 자극을 주었다. 주희는 대혜나 그를 계승한 사대부 선사들의 공부 방식을 집중적으로 분석하여 이를 극복하기 위한 대안으로서 ‘격물’을 강조하면서 대혜의 간화와 돈오를 비판하였다. 한편 송대 유교와 불교 사이에 전개된 새로운 관계 속에서 선승과 사대부의 접촉은 결과적으로 새로운 학문적 태도와 철학에 기반한 형이상학적 유학을 태생시켰을 뿐만 아니라 불교 역시 유교 우위의 상황을 인정하고 사대부들을 포섭하기 위해 유학과의 근본적 동질성을 강조하는 새로운 포용적인 불교를 태동시켰다.

임진왜란기 유성룡의 경기 방어구상과 군비강화책

김한신 조선시대사학회 2017 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.- No.82

This paper focuses on the Yu Seong-ryong’s defense plan for Gyeonggi(경기). The conception and implementation of it can be considered meaningful in the aspect of the military preparedness which the Joseon Court tried against Japanese army. This defense plan was started since the Peace Negotiation in April, 1593 had been arranged. When Yu Seong-ryong was forming the plan, the Ming Court gave message to Joseon that they would not want to send Chinese army and supplies any more. And the message also said that the Joseon Court should control the war situation on its own. It means the Ming Court had wished to withdraw most of military support from Joseon. Meanwhile the Ming military headquater stationed in Joseon began peace negotiation in order to avoid more chinese casualties. At the time the prime minister of Joseon, Yu Seong-ryong established and implemented his defense plan covering three southern provinces(三南), Gyeonggi, and the capital stage by stage. He took advantage of the period that battles should be ceased for a while. In his plan, the defense of Gyeonggi was the key point. It was direct measure to protect the capital of Joseon ultimately. In Gyeonggi, Yu Seong-ryong gave attention to the route from Yeoju(여주) and Icheon(이천) to Jipeong(지평) and Yanggn(양근). It leaded to the capital in shorter time than other routes could do. More specific design which involved fortified areas, the defense net among each area, and troop deployment was revised since 1595. Eventually Yongjin(용진) and the Pasa Fortress(파사성) were intensified with military measure at the Left Gyeonggi Region(경기좌도) ; Suwon(수원) and Yongin(용인) at the Right Gyeonggi Region(경기우도). For the final control, Yu Seong-ryong decided to station himself at the Castle of Namhan(남한산성). He reported this to his king. The defense plan for Gyeonggi(경기) was a step to make the military system organised by each fortified area check the enemy's advance. It was supposed to work with the defense system of the capital. While Yu Seong-ryong implemented this plan, the urgent problems such as conscription of army, training, and gathering provisions for them got improved rather than in the beginning days of the War. Even after his being dismissed, the defense plan was discussed as effective military way at the meeting of Joseon Court. 유성룡의 경기 방어계획 구상과 시행은 조선 조정의 자구책 마련이라는 측면에서 그 의의를 찾을 수 있다. 이러한 경기지역 방어계획 등은 1593년 4월 강화국면이 시작된 이후 준비되기 시작했다. 명 조정에서는 자국의 개입을 최소화하겠다는 의사를 전달하는 동시에 조선에 자구책을 촉구한 바 있었다. 이와 함께 조선에 주둔 중인 명군지휘부에서는 자국의 군사 희생과 물자 소모를 줄이기 위해 부산 동래 등으로 후퇴한 일본군과 강화교섭을 시도했다. 이 때 영의정 유성룡은 교전이 자제되는 강화교섭기의 특성을 활용하여 삼남-경기-도성을 아우르는 방어대책을 단계적으로 수립하고 시행한 것이다. 이 중 경기 방어계획은 유성룡의 방어대책 중 핵심에 해당한다. 이는 바로 도성방어라는 궁극의 목표를 수행하기 위한 직접적인 방안이었다. 유성룡은 경기지역 중에서도 여주 이천→ 지평 양근 → 도성으로 향하는 길목에 주목하여 이 일대의 대비를 주장했다. 좀 더 구체적인 거점의 확정과 그에 따른 방어권역의 고려, 군사배치 및 이동계획 등은 1595년(선조 28) 이후 보완되었다. 그 결과 경기 동남지역에서는 용진․파사성을 중심으로, 경기 서남지역에서는 수원의 독성과 용인 석성 일대를 중심으로 하는 방어계획이 수립되었다. 최종적으로 유성룡은 광주의 남한산성에서 경기좌․우도의 상황에 맞게 군을 통제하려 했다. 경기 방어계획은 파사성과 독성 등 거점을 중심으로 방어체계가 작동되도록 기초하고, 도성방어와 일체화시키려는 시도였다. 그러한 측면에서 군사선발, 훈련, 군량의 확보 등이 이루어져 조선의 군사력을 제고한 측면이 있다. 유성룡의 주장은 그의 실각 후에도 전쟁이 재발할 가능성에 대비하여 조정에서 주요한 대안으로 논의되었다.

技能을 넘어선 神妙함 ― 『舊唐書』 「方伎傳」 譯註 ―

김한신 중국고중세사학회 2019 중국고중세사연구 Vol.53 No.-

The “fangji(方技)” or the “method and technique” had been regarded as an occult and esoteric practice which had been handed down through the relationship between the master and disciple, and also known, understood, or appreciated by only a small number of people. Although the pre-modern Chinese social perceptions of the “fangji” people was quite low, their “method and technique” was essential for both the ordinary people and the state. Since they predominantly influenced over the lay people, in addition, the Chinese courts had tried to bring them under control and keep detailed records of them. The early records of “fangji” show us that it was originated from the ancient sharman’s divination and the sorcery. Even though there was no significant change in the nature of the “fangji”, the states’ attitudes toward it had been evidently transformed during the medieval Chinese period. For instance, they ardently tried to bring the “fangji” into the regulatory state system with granting official titles and government positions. The main part of this article is the annotated translation of the Jiu Tangshu(舊唐書) Fangji zhuan(方伎傳). Through the annotated translation, this research will mainly try to figure out the detailed characteristics of the Chinese method and technique or “fangji.” It will also contribute to establish the cause why the ancient Chinese governments and literati put the various “methods and techniques” with heterogeneous features together into one category.

Particle Size Control and Surface Carboxylation of Dispersed Polymer via Anionic Polymerization

김한신,차국헌,김정안,박태석,김광웅 한국고분자학회 1995 한국고분자학회 학술대회 연구논문 초록집 Vol.1995 No.4

제32차 학술대회 : 128. 흰쥐 복막염의 복강세척 효과

김한신,강태성,강병주 () 대한외과학회 1980 대한외과학회 학술대회자료집 Vol.- No.-

임진전쟁기 조선조정의 對明 일본재침 경보와 양국 공조

김한신 역사학회 2022 역사학보 Vol. No.

During the Imjin War, both the Joseon and Ming courts faced an urgent problem of repelling the Japanese invasion. Through trial and error, the roles and responsibilities for tasks on the ground, such as rations transportation, arms production, and military training, were determined. However, there were times of serious conflict between two courts when appropriate measures could not be found. Although it is true that the Joseon and Ming courts were not always on good terms, nevertheless, in the midst of the Imjin War, the Joseon court frequently warned the Ming court of the growing threat to China, convincing them to intervene. By 1597, there were so many communications received through various channels that the Ming court came to realize the huge significance of Joseon as her ally and deployed a considerable number of troops based on the information sent from the Joseon court. It is due to this historical fact that Joseon should not be regarded as a “sad,” incompetent victim, responding both militarily and diplomatically to combat the Japanese invasion. 전란을 계기로 조선, 명 양측은 군사・외교의 측면에서 전례 없이 실무를 해결해야 하는 과제에 직면했다. 양측은 군량 운반, 무기 제조, 군사양성 등의 사안에서 시행착오를 겪고 그로부터 파생되는 문제로 때로 상호갈등하기도 했다. 대체로 명에서는 적정한 선에서 군사지원을 마무리하고 변경의 경계를 강화한다는 계획을 세우고 있었다. 그러나 재침 발발 직전까지 조선 조정에서는 명이 조선의 전쟁에 개입해야 하는 이유를 꾸준히 보여주었고, 명 조정에서는 이러한 정보에 기초하여 점차적으로 조선과의 공조가 불가결하다는 것을 인식하게 되었다. 이 시기 조선은 ‘슬픈’ 피해자가 아니었다. 전란을 극복하기 위해 조선 조정에서 군사・외교적으로 적극적으로 대처한 면모를 주목할 필요가 있다.

1597년 전후 조선 조정과 고니시 유키나가 진영의 교섭 분석

김한신 한일관계사학회 2023 한일관계사연구 Vol.80 No.-

Around 1597, the Joseon court did not renounce its attempts to prevent Japanese reinvasion. The Joseon court communicated with the Konishi, Yukinaga camp through their envoys Hwang, shin(황신) and Kim, Eungseo (김응서), and carefully watched whether Toyotomi, Hideyoshi would actually invade Joseon again. The Joseon court received direct and indirect information from the Yukinaga camp, and perceived the internal and external situations in Japan. Although the Joseon and Yukinaga camps were adversaries, they shared common interests to some degree. Meanwhile, Kato, Kiyomasa pursued the reinvasion of Joseon in Japan’s camp, while Yukinaga was opposed to war. The Joseon court recognised that there was some scope for negotiations with regard to preventing the war with Yukinaga. It was inevitable for the Joseon court to consider that Yukinaga was not an ordinary rival to fight against like other Japanese enemies. Ironically, Joseon had to negotiate the peace-making process with an adversary like Yukinaga for its survival. It was true that the Joseon court suspected Yukinaga repeatedly, but it did not lose hope that they could negotiate with the camp. In these circumstances, negotiations between the Joseon court and Yukinaga camp critically continued for a moment, making it imperative to analyse the communication and its significance of the process thoroughly.

사이버교육활성화를 위한 CRM방법의 적용에 관한 연구

김한신,이공섭,이창호 대한안전경영과학회 2002 대한안전경영과학회 학술대회논문집 Vol.2002 No.05

인터넷을 기반으로 하는 사이버교육은 활발 전개되고 있다 하지만 사이버교육에서의 CRM 적용사례는 부족한 현실이다. 본 연구는 RFM, Prediction, 고착도, 연관규칙, 분류규칙등 데이터 마이닝기법들을 활용하여 학습자의 수준에 맞는 강의추천전략을 제안했다.

宋代 瘟神신앙의 형성과 전개 ― 疫鬼에서 瘟神으로 ―

김한신 동양사학회 2023 東洋史學硏究 Vol.162 No.-

The people of the Song dynasty responded to the frequent epidemics in two ways: medicine and religion. First of all, the government and intellectuals of the Song Dynasty actively promoted the dissemination of medical knowledge to relieve the people suffering from the plague disaster and to eradicate the customs of shamanic treatment in southern China. On the other hand, the religious response has also undergone a notable change since the Song Dynasty, and it has been deviated from the vague fear of plague-causing demons and the reliance on exorcism for them, assuming the existence of a deity who can control the demons. In particular, through the worship of the God of Pestilence (Wenshen), the general public was able to escape from the vague fear of infectious diseases and heal the psychological trauma of the past. This study aims to analyze from a new perspective the background of the seemingly contradictory phenomenon in which southern customs spread and became larger at the same time as the correction policy on the so-called southern customs was implemented extensively by the Song Dynasty and the ruling class. In particular, rather than concluding that the outbreak of infectious diseases and the rise of the worship of the God of Pestilence in the Song Dynasty are simply strong resistance to civilian customs, we would like to understand it in terms of balance and harmony between the official realm of the ruling class and the customary realm of the private sector. Entering the Song Dynasty, assuming a more neutral image of higher-ranking gods who control the demons, temples were built for them, and periodic sacrifices and worship became more common and large-scale. In particular, the belief in the God of Plague during the Song Dynasty was the most representative form for the general public to visually recognize infectious diseases. In the end, it can be understood that in responding to the fear of epidemics in the Song Dynasty, the two realms had a mutually confrontational and complementary relationship at the same time.