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        유색작물의 Cyanidin-3-Glucoside 최적 추출분석

        김은실,신진철,정하숙,Kim, Eun-Shil,Shin, Jin-Chul,Chung, Ha-Sook 한국작물학회 2006 Korean journal of crop science Vol.51 No.suppl1

        Anthocyanins are water-soluble glycosides and acylglycosides of anthocyanidins, having different color variations due to its substitution patterns. Anthocyanins, present in various fruits, vegetables and crops as natural colorant, have been well characterized for its bioactive properties, anti-oxidant, anti-cancer, anti-proliferative and anti-inflammatory properties. During extraction and purification, the factors, such as pH, temperature, oxygen, light, enzymes, nucleophilic agents, sugar derivatives and co-pigments, have affected on anthocyanin stability. For this reason, the extraction method should be thoroughly checked for the qualitative/quantitative analysis of anthocyanin in particular plant material. To identify the optimum extraction method of cyanidin-3-glucoside, major anthocyanin of dark purple-colored grains, Oryza sativa cv. Heugjinjubyeo, Phaselous vulgaris, Phynchosia gngularis, Sesamum indium, Rhynchosia nulubilis and Lablab purpureus, reversed-phase HPLC analysis using solvent system of acetonitrile, methanol and water were accomplished.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재
      • 염상섭의 모델소설 「해바라기」의 나혜석 이해하기

        김은실(Kim Eun-Shil) 나혜석학회 2016 나혜석연구 Vol.9 No.-

        본 논문은 1920년대 최고의 문제적 소설가인 염상섭이 신여성 나혜석의 결혼을 모델로 하여 쓴 동아일대 신문연재 소설 「해바라기」를 다룬다. 나혜석과 일본 유학 시절 매우 가까운 친구관계를 유지했던 염상섭은 개인적으로 알고 있는 나혜석과 나혜석을 둘러싼 남성들의 이야기를 소설화하여 심리적 내면을 묘사하는 새로운 소설 양식을 창조해냈다. 본 논문은 이러한 사건이 나혜석에게 어떤 영향을 미치는지 그리고 당시의 남성 지식인들은 자신들이 알고 있는 나혜석을 어떻게 평가하는지를 살펴보면서 남성지식인 사회에서 인기인이었던 나혜석의 위치성을 드러내고자 하였다. 그리고 이러한 모델소설을 통해 염상섭이 성취한 것은 무엇이었고, 신여성을 소재화하면서 여성에 대해 고정된 그리고 부정적인 이미지를 만들어내고 있는 염상섭의 여성경멸과 여성혐오의 기원이 무엇인지를 살펴보고자 하였다. This article deals with the novel Sunflower written as a serial story for the Dong-A Ilbo(Dong-A Daily News) by the most problematic Korean novelist of the 1920s, Yeom Sang-Seop. Sunflower was modeled after the modern woman Na Hye-Seok and her marriage. Yeom Sang-Seop, who formed a close friendship with Rha Hyeseok during their days in Japan as overseas students, created a new mode of novel writing by focusing on the actual relationship between Rha Hyeseok and the men around her and describing the psychological inner emotion and changes among them. In this article, I examine the effects this novel had on Rha Hyeseok and how the male intellectuals of the time viewed her, thereby illuminating her situationality as a woman of great popularity within an intellectual circle dominated by men. I also look into the achievements that Yeom Sang-Seop was able to claim through this modeling novel as well as the misogynistic origins behind the fixed and negative images of women in his treatment of the modern women as a writer.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        4ㆍ3 홀어멍의 “말하기”와 몸의 정치

        김은실 ( Kim Eun-shil ) 한국문화인류학회 2016 韓國文化人類學 Vol.49 No.3

        본 논문은 4ㆍ3 당시 남편을 비롯해 수많은 죽음을 목격하고, 그 과정에서 죽음에 가까운 폭력과 공포를 경험했던 여성들(홀어멍들)이 “말할 수 없는” 자신들의 목격과 체험을 기억하고 표현하고 살아내는 방식을 다룬다. 특히 본 논문에서는 생존자 여성들이 말할 수 없는 `칭원`(슬픔), 두려움 그리고 억울함을 어떻게 체현하면서 홀어멍으로서 자신의 정체성을 형성해가는가 그리고 홀어멍은 어떻게 자신이 경험한 `시국`으로서 4ㆍ3의 시간과 공간을 신체화하는가에 초점을 둔다. 4ㆍ3 생존자 여성들의 역사적 삶의 경험을 사회 공동체가 함께 공유하고 그것을 치유하기 위해서는, 진상규명의 틀 속에 포획되지 않는 피해자의 `침묵`, `말할 수 없음`, `재현불가능성`, `몸에 붙어버린 느낌이나 감정`과 같은 경험에 접근할 수 있는 새로운 인식론이 요구된다. 본 논문은 새로운 인식론을 모색하는 하나의 과정으로서 민족지적 자료를 깊이 있게 질문하고 검토하는 시도를 통해 `말` 중심의 인식 및 해석체계를 넘어 인식 불가능한 현실을 경험한 피해 생존자들의 트라우마적 주체성에 접근하고자 한다. 이는 4ㆍ3 이후 자식들을 키워내고 마을을 재건해낸 여성들, 즉 홀어멍(홀어머니)들의 트라우마적 삶의 경험을 공적 영역 이슈로 드러내기 위한 하나의 시도이다. The 4ㆍ3 Incident refers to one of the most tragic events in modern Korean history in which approximately 30,000 residents of Jeju were killed over a period of 6 years and 6 months from April 3, 1948. Although it has been estimated that one ninth of the entire Jeju population was killed in this incident, it has remained an unspoken topic. This article is based on ethnographic research addressing how the April Third (4ㆍ3) Incident is remembered, represented and understood by the holomongs (widowed mothers) of Jeju Island, who after having witnessed countless deaths in the incident and having lost their own husbands, brought up their children and reconstructed their villages which were destroyed during the suppression of the incident. The holomongs ascribe the incomprehensibly violent and uncontrollable time and space of 4ㆍ3 to the political situation of the time. Their way of dealing with the incident has been to push it outside of their sphere of awareness in their lives. Since the 4ㆍ3 Incident, they have locked up their memories and experiences within their bodies in order to survive in a world where a person`s association with 4ㆍ3 signifies that the person is a `red`(communist). In Korean society, which assigns a strong stigma communism, the dominant view of 4ㆍ3 has been that it was a riot led by communists, and the holomongs have refrained from talking about their memories of their husbands` deaths out of fear that it might bring harm to their sons. In this research, I regard the testimonies and oral accounts given by the women who are both victims and survivors not just as descriptions of certain events, but also as voices for themselves and their experiences. I argue that the witnessing of brutal and horrifying events has turned these women into tainted and abject beings who are unable to speak of their loss and pain, not to mention the truth. I try to show that the way the narrative of the 4ㆍ3 holomongs is told and represented makes it elusive to language- centered interpretation, and that the key to figuring out the narrative may lie in the cultural norms and social circumstances surrounding the women and the politics of the body, since it is the body upon which their personal experiences are inscribed. The body not only conveys meanings that are subordinate to language, but also actively generates and/or reinforces meanings in its encounters with different cultural practices and political circumstances; hence, the body serves to carry and call out certain emotions. Therefore, to understand the historical experiences of the women who have suffered brutality, horror, and deep sorrow due to the 4ㆍ3 Incident and furthermore to share and heal their pain within the state and the community, it is crucial to pay attention to the `silence,` `unspeakability,` and the `feelings and emotions beyond words` of the victims, that evade the grasps of `facts` and `political truths;` this can be approached by trying to empathize with their bodily experiences.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        공사영역에 대한 여성인류학의 문제제기 : 비교문화적 논쟁

        김은실(Kim Eun-Shil) 이화여자대학교 한국여성연구원 1996 여성학논집 Vol.13 No.-

        Since the 1970s the oppositional model of public and private has been widly used to discuss the lower status of women cross-culturally. The concepts of public and private entered into feminist studies primarily through the works of cultural anthropologists. It was especially Michelle Rosaldo who suggested the oppositional model between domestic and public domains as a way of explaining women's lower status in a wide variety of historical and social settings. This article examines the way in which Rosado's model of public/private division has been discussed in the Western feminist studies particularly in feminist anthropology and reviews its theoretical and methodological debates for cross-cultural settings. Rosaldo, in her 1974 articled, escribed the relationship between women's lower status and public and private model as follows: Sexual asymmetry is universal based not in terms of biology per se but in terms of the fact that a good part of a woman's adult life is spent giving birth to and raising children in most societies; that because of these responsibilties women participate relatively less than men in public life; that this leads to a differentiation of domestic and public spheres of activities; and that such structural differentiation affects men's and women's relative psychological, cultural, political and economic experiences in given societies. From this fact, women and men's universal social arrangement are organized into public and private domains and sexual asymmetry is constructed. Rosaldo made some points about this; first, in all known societies male activities are more highly valued than female activities; second, universal sexual asymmetry is a culturally legitimated; third, though women exert important pressures on the social life of the group, they generally do so through informal influence and power rather than through formal authority. Therefore, women's status would be lowest in those societies where there is a firm differentiation between domestic and public spheres of activity and where women are isolated from one another. Rosaldo's model has had much influences upon many women scholars in 1970s and the early 1980s. At the same time, however, various criticisms against this model have been advanced. Many feminist scholars including anthropologists who carried their own fieldworks in various cultures argued the universal applicability of Rosaldo's model by problematizing the universalality of women's subordination in variour cultures; the Western-centric epistemological and methodological assumptions of the public and the private which have derived from the Victorian social thought; and the identification between the concepts of woman and motherhood. They also pointed out theoretical and cenceptual vagueness about this model by questioning the way in which the divisions are organized and the concepts of power, anthority, and woman are constructed in various cultures. Upon these responses to her original formulation, Rosaldo herself examined her domestic/public model and reposited her model as a tool to problematize the political relationship between public and private, and gender relations as well. Rosaldo, in her 1980 article "The use and abuse of anthropology," reasserted the significance for the public status of women's reproductive role as the basis of the public and private divisions. She argued in her article that the vast majority of opportunities for public influence and prestige were all recognizead as men's privilege and right in all known human groups. She criticized women scholars who emphasized situations in which women enjoyed the use of power because that this kind of works reinforced the idea of gender differences as essential attributions to men and women. She also stated that this kind of work neglected the fact that what we had to do was to change the world in which men and women utlimately lived together. Particularly upon the Marxist feminists who emphasized the w

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