18세기 흥덕의 平海黃氏家의 산송의 전개과정 -『頤齋亂藁』를 중심으로-

김봉곤 ( Kim Bong-gon ) 조선시대사학회 2021 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.96 No.0

This thesis examined tomb lawsuits developed in the Pyeonghae Hwang Clan of Heungdeok. Grave lawsuits about the possession and use of graves and their graves were widely developed in each clan during the late Joseon Dynasty. And the Pyeonghane Hwang Clan of Heungdeok and the Gobu Lee clan were also locked into bitter grave lawsuit disputes in the middle of the 18^th century. The Pyeonghane Hwang Clan created the boundaries of graves in Gobu and Taein with Heungdeok, its residence, and gradually spread them. The Lee Clan in Gobu exte nded the boundaries of graves by occupying graves as it grew greatly in the 17^th and 18^th centuries. And grave lawsuits of The Lee Clan in Gobut against the Pyeonghane Hwang Clan were developed since 1730. The Lee Clan in Gobu was a great power because it was connected to the Iseo class in the whole area of Gobu as Hyangjok (鄕族) in this area. On the contrary, the Pyeonghane Hwang Clan of Heungdeok had difficulties in treating the grave lawsuits in the whole area of Gobu at the family’s hands because it did not serve in central government posts and declined in wealth until a father of Leejae Hwang Yunseok became a central government official since the late 17^th century These grave lawsuits were finally solved having help from Miho Kim, Wonhaeng who was a rustic literati of the age. Hwang, Cheojung in the Pyeonghane Hwang Clan entered Old Doctrine through Songam Gi Jeongik who Wuam Song Siyeol’s literati. During the previous generation of the father of Hwang, Yunseok, The Ulsan Kim Clan of Jangseong and the Dogang Kim Clan of Taein has a robust base as the families of Old Doctrine in the local society through marriage. In these lawsuits, Miho Kim, Wonhaeng requested County Superintendent Kim, Ishin who was his nephew to solve the lawsuits. And Kim, Ishin told Kim, Wonhaeng’s intention to Jeolla Provincial Governor Shim Yijy, Geumgu Country Magistrate, Jangseong Deputy Envoy, Heungdeok County Superintendent, and Gobu District Head. For this reason, the grave lawsuits documents submitted by Hwang Yun-seok were quickly reviewed by the governor of Gobu-gun, and the Yi Clan of Gobu-gun were summoned to dig the graves of Gobu-gun. By this time, Gobu District Head, the head of the seat, and the personnel clerk were punished due to a explosion accident of a explosive warehouse in Gobu Government Office. But all of them got to be safe as Taein County Superintendent Kim, Ishin asked Chief State Councilor and Third State Councilor in the central government and civil governors and provincial military commanders in the local governments for cooperation. Because of this, Gobu Government Office could not help to expedite the production process in accordance with Kim's will. As the Pyeonghane Hwang Clan of Heungdeok about the grave lawsuits was quickly closed with the help of the rustic literati and political personnel from Ro Ron(老論), the academic lineage and political world gradually leaned towards Ro Ron(老論) in the families of officials in this area and this was causative of Old Doctrine in the most areas of Honam after Yeongjo of Joseon.

디포스핀류를 가진 팔라듐(Ⅱ) 착물의 형태 이성질체에 대한 이론적 연구

김봉곤,양기열,정맹준,도명기,Kim, Bong Gon,Yang, Gi Yeol,Jeong, Maeng Jun,Do, Myeong Gi 대한화학회 1994 대한화학회지 Vol.38 No.6

필암서원(筆巖書院)과 울산김씨(蔚山金氏)

김봉곤 ( Kim Bong-gon ) 한국계보연구회 2014 한국계보연구 Vol.5 No.-

필암서원은 호남 지역에서 문묘에 유일하게 종향된 河西 金麟厚(1510~1560)와 그의 문인인 鼓岩 梁子澂(1523~1594)을 모신 서원으로 현재 유네스코 세계문화유산 잠정목록으로 신청된 유서 깊은 건축물이다. 서원에 모셔진 김인후는 조선 인종과 명종 대의 인물로서 문장에 조예가 깊었을 뿐만 아니라 을사사화 이후 인종에 대한 절의를 다하였고, 주자학 연구를 깊이 하여 호남 사림에 큰 영향을 끼쳤다. 이에 전라도 관찰사였던 윤두수(尹斗壽)의 발의로 정철(鄭澈) 등 서인계 호남 사림들이 협력하여 1590년 필암서원을 건립하였다. 왜란으로 불에 타기도 했으나 1624년 중건되었고, 이어 전라도 유생들의 상소로 1662년(현종 3)에 ‘필암서원’의 사액을 받았다. 그러나 이곳에 홍수가 나자 1672년 현 위치인 필암리에 서원을 옮겨 세웠다. 이때 송준길, 송시열, 송시도 등의 서인들이 적극 협력하였다. 필암서원은 이후 당대의 노론계 인물을 원장으로 모시고 지방관과 사림들의 유기적인 협조하에 호남의 대표적인 서원으로 부각되었던 것이다. 이러한 필암서원의 건립과 존치에는 김인후 후손들의 공로가 크다. 김인후의 후손은 김인후의 시호를 따라 문정공파(文正公派)라고 하는데, 손자인 김남중의 아들 대에 분파가 시작되어 지금은 모두 9개 파로 형성되어 있다. 이들은 김인후의 문집 간행, 필암서원의 사액, 김인후의 증직 및 시호, 문묘종향을 위해 중앙의 서인 내지 노론의 협력을 받기 위해 노력하였다. 특히 이들의 노력으로 송시열(宋時烈)이 김인후의 신도 비명을 지었는데, 송시열은 김인후를 도학과 절의, 문장을 완전하게 겸한 인물로 추앙하였다. 이러한 송시열의 평가는 이후 김인후의 평가지침이 되어, 이재와 김원행 같은 노론계 학자들도 김인후를 문묘에 배향해야 한다고 하였다. 정조(正祖) 역시 이러한 평가를 바탕으로 김인후를 해동의 주자(周子)이며 호남의 공자(孔子)로 칭송하고, 문정(文正)이라는 시호를 내렸으며, 김인후의 문묘종향을 통해 숭정학 벽이단(崇正學闢異端)의 정신을 고양하였다. 필암서원은 오늘날에도 울산김씨 문중 조직, 지역 유림들의 강학 모임인 산앙회, 그리고 행정기관인 장성군청과의 유기적인 협력 체제 아래 김인후의 도학과 절의정신을 끊임없이 계승해가고 있다. Pilam Seowon is a memorial hall where Haseo Kim, rinhoo(河西 金麟厚(1510~1560)), who was solely enshrined in the Confucian shrine in Honam region and his literary person Goam Yang, jajin(鼓岩 梁子澂(1523~1594)) were shrined, which is a historic building, currently applied as tentative list of UNESCO World Heritage. Kim, inhoo, who was shrined in Seowon, who was a person between Injong and Myungjong of Joseon dynasty, had a profound knowledge of sentence, also, was loyal to Injong since Ulsa massacre of scholars, also, greatly influenced Honam Confucianism by deeply studying neo-Confucianism. Here, Pilam Seowon was established in 1590 by cooperating with Seoin(西人) affiliate Homan Confucianists, e.g. Jeong cheol(鄭澈), etc. at Yun, doosu’(尹斗壽)s suggestion, who was a governor of Jeolla-do. Though it was burnt down due to Japanese Invasion, it was reconstructed in 1624, after that, it received the academy title of ‘Pilam Seowon’ in 1662(Hyunjong reign 3 years) at the appeal of Jeolla-do Confucian scholars. However, when it got flooded, Seowon was relocated in Pilam-ri, current location, in 1672. Here, Seo-in, e.g. Song, junguil, Song, siyeol, Song, sido, etc., positively cooperated. Henceforth, Pilam Seowon was highlighted as the representative Seowon in Honam, under the organical cooperation of local governors and Sarim, by taking the person of Noron(老論) field of that time as the director. Kim, inhoo’s descendents greatly contributed to the establishment and maintenance of this Pilam Seowon. Kim, inhoo’s descendents are called as Munjeonggongpa(文正公派), according to Kim, inhoo’s siho, division began in Kim, namjoong’s son, the grandchild, presently total 9 divisions are formed. They exerted efforts to get cooperation with central Seoin or Noron, for Kim, inhoo’s literary collection publication, academy title of Pilam Seowon, promotion and siho of Kim, inhoo, and Munmyojonghyang. Particularly, due to their efforts, Song, siyeol created Kim, inhoo’s Memorial stone title, here, Song, siyeol revered Kim, inhoo as a person who perfectly combined ethics, fidelity, and sentence. This way, Song, siyeol’s evaluation became the evaluation guideline of Kim, inhoo henceforth, Noron scholars as Yi, jae(李縡), Kim, wonhaeng(金元行), etc. also insisted that Kim, inhoo should be enshrined in the Confucian shrine. Jeongjo, also, complimented Kim, inhoo as Juja(周子) of Haedong and Confucius of Honam, based on this evaluation, assigned siho, Munjeong(文正), also, enhanced the spirit of Sungjeonghak Byukridan(崇正學 闢異端) through Kim, inhoo’s Munmyojonghyang. Still today, Pilam Seowon is constantly succeeding Kim, inhoo’s ethics and fidelity under the organical cooperative system with Ulsan Kim family organiztion, regional Confucian scholars, Sananghoe of regional Confucian scholars’ study pursuit meeting, and Jangseong County Office, administrative agency.

영남지역(嶺南地域)에서의 노사학파(蘆沙學派)와 한주학파(寒洲學派)의 성립(成立)과 학설교류(學說交流)

김봉곤 ( Bong Gon Kim ) 韓國孔子學會 2007 공자학 Vol.14 No.-

조선말기 蘆沙學派 군정개혁책과 그 의의

김봉곤(Kim, Bong-gon) 국방부 군사편찬연구소 2012 군사 Vol.- No.83

Honam region, upon entering the 19th century, not unlike the rest of the country was faced with serious corruption within the military administration. The degradation of official discipline and the crumbling caste system led to a great number of people gaining immunity from conscription which resultedin increased burdens upon the poor to pay off their conscription duties. Pervasive laxity among military administration officials was constantly pointed out by royal undercover agents of the time with demands for improvement. With the Imsul insurrection in 1862, Nohsa scholar faction proposed a series of military reform measures. They proposed suggest a realistic re-evaluation of the required military force with the household tax regardless of status and bringing up elite troops, lest military strength should weaken. Nohsa scholar faction"s military reform measures led to Ki Jeong Jin"s insistence on across-the-board military reforms directed against the French invasion of 1866. Ki Jung Jin stressed that Yang-bans as well as commoners should be enlisted and armed with bow and arrow. Ki also would have the heads of household in each village lead the villagers and protect their own districts. In order to counter the fast loading short cannons of the West, Ki suggested cannons along with bows and arrows be produced at the military camp site in each province and distributed to the county depot. Also, Ki would have even civilians carry weapons and learn to use them. This would strengthen the military which then would incorporate interception tactics using topographic knowledge of the region. Ki Jeong Jin"s county scale defense strategy had been the result of the close analysis of the volunteer fighters" actions in the Honam region against the Japanese invaders. Ki Jeong Jin"s strategic plans were to lay the ideological groundwork for Ki Wu Man, who mustered the military forces of the Naju area to counter the Japanese in 1896. This tradition would continue through Ko Gwang Sun and Ki Sam Yeon, during the last days of the Daehan Empire, who organized volunteer fighters regardless of class and status, while bringing up professional soldiers and artillerymen to engage in guerrilla warfare against the occupying Japanese forces.

노사학파(蘆沙學派)의 남명 조식(南冥 曹植)의 경의(敬義)사상 계승양상

김봉곤 ( Bong Gon Kim ) 한국사상사학회 2016 韓國思想史學 Vol.0 No.52

영남과 호남사이에는 18,9세기 경 진주-하동-구례-곡성을 잇는 섬진강 유역의 인구와 경제력의 성장으로 많은 사족들이 성장하였고, 서로간에 자주 왕래하였다. 이러한 교류 결과 영남지역에 기정진의 문인들이 다수 나타나게 되었는데, 이들은 당시까지 영남 일대에 커다란 영향을 끼치고 있었던 16세기 중엽의 남명 조식의 사상을 재조명하고 선양하는데 큰 공헌을 하였다. 노사학파에서는 시비분별을 통하여 외적인 사특함을 막고, 경을 통해 시종여일 천리를 마음속에 보존하려고하였기 때문에 경을 통해 심을 활성화시키려는 조식의 경 사상에 깊이 경도되었던 것이다. 이에 노사학파인 정재규, 최숙민, 김현옥 등은 허유가 지은 신명사도명혹문(神明舍圖銘或問) 에 대해 신명사도명의 위치나 내용에 대해 검토하고 남명의 사상이 경의에 있음을 분명히 하였다. 정재규는 ‘국군사사직(國君死社稷: 임금은 사직을 위해 죽어야 한다)’에 ‘한적불양립(漢賊不兩立: 한 나라의 역적과는 양립할 수 없다)’을 추가하자고하여 위정척사(衛正斥邪)에 대한 강한 신념을 토로하였고, 최숙민은 신명사도의 전체적인 면에서 심의 주리적 측면을 강조하였다. 김현옥은 조식의 경의 사상이 황제-여상-주자-남명으로 도통을 계승한 것이며, 신명사도가 선천도나 태극도와 동일한 비중이 있다고 보았다. 또한 사론(士論)이 쇠미해지고 구차스러워진 것은 신명사도의 국군사사직의 뜻이 강론되지 않았다고 주장하고, 조식이 ‘국군사사직(國君死社稷: 임금은 사직을 위해 죽어야 한다)’을 기록한 이유가 일신(一身)의 사직에 죽지 않은 자를 위하여 경계한 것이라고까지 하였다. 이러한 조식의 사상은 노사학파에 커다란 영향을 끼치게 되었다. 최숙민은 남명의 학문자세를 본받아 뜻을 세워야 한다고 주장하고, 심(心)을 심성정(心性情) 일리(一理)로 보는 견해를 발전시켰다. 이는 심군(心君)이 경을 통해 성정을 주재한다는 신명사도의 논리가 일관되게 흐르고 있는 것이다. 또한 정재규는 심은 주재하고 상정(常定)하는 것으로서 하늘로 말하면 상제이며 사람에게는 심(心)이라고 하여 조식과 같이 심의 주재를 강조하였기 때문에, 영남지역 노사학파에서는 심을 주재적 측면에서 리(理)로 보는 결과를 초래하였다. 또한 조식의 경의사상과 출처의리를 높이 받들었던 노사학파에서는 허목의 덕산비보다는 송시열의 남명신도비가 남명의 기절(氣節)이나도학을 잘 드러내었다고 평가하였다. 그리고 남명의 ‘한적불양립’과 ‘국군사사직’을 중시하였던 영남지역 노사학파에서는 조선조말 조선조말 개화파와 일본의 침략에 반발하여 전개된 위정척사운동과 의병운동에 적극 가담하였으며, 일제 치하에서도 도학과 나라의 혼을 지키자는 운동을 지리산 일대에서 강인하게 전개하였던 것이다. Lots of family tribes increased due to the growth of population and economic power of Somjin river basin which connected Jinju - Hadong - Gurye - Gokseong during the 18th, 19th century between Youngnam and Honam, and they often exchanged with each other. Here, literary persons of Gi, jeongjin from Honam Jangseong appeared a lot in Youngnam region, and the life and idea of Nammyung Jo Sik of mid 16th century was reilluminated, besides exchange between literary persons between Youngnam and Honam. Jo Sik``s study and fidelity was highly evaluated by Youngnam region Nosa school in late 19th century again. Since, originally in western Gyeongnam region, Nosa Gi, jeongjin``s literary persons was closely related with Josik``s discipline center or the descendents, and Nosa Gi, jeongjin highly evaluated academic attitude of Jo Sik based on Gyung Jeong, jaegyu, Choi, sukmin, and Kim, hyunok, etc. of Nosa school reviewed the location and content of Sinmyeongsadomyung based on Heo Yu``s 「Sinmyeongsadomyung hokmun(神明舍圖銘或問)」, and clearly determined that Jo Sik``s idea was based on Gyung Ui. Particularly, Kim, hyunok considered that Jo Sik``s Gyung Ui idea succeeded Dotong through Hwangje-Yeosang- Juja-Jo Sik, and Sinmyeongsado had the equal importance with Seoncheondo or Taegeukdo. Also, he insisted that the reason why Saron(士論) went weakened and shabby was because Gukgunsasajik of Sinmyeongsado was not preached, and the reason why Jo Sik wrote ‘Gukgunsasajik (國君死社稷, A king must die for Sajik)’ was to protect those were not dead in Ilsin Sajik. This way, Jo Sik``s idea greatly influenced Nosa school. Choi, sookmin insisted on the establishment of the idea based on Jo Sik``s academic attitude, and developed that opinion that viewed the mind (心) regarding Simseongjeong(心性情) as Ilri(一理). This shows that Sinmyeongsado``s logic that Simgun(心君) presided Seongjeong through Gyung consistently flowed. Also, Jeong, jaegyu emphasized that Sim was to preside and Sangjeong(常定), which is Sangje in respect of heaven, Sim(心) for human, emphasizing presiding of Sim as Jo Sik, therefore, Youngnam region Nosa school resulted in the result of determining Sim as Li in presiding aspect. Also, Jirisan region Nosa school highly respected Song, siyeol by evaluating Song, siyeol``s Nammyungsindobi revealed Gijeol(氣節) or Dohak of Jo Sik, better than Heo Mok``s Deoksanbi. Also, Youngnam region Nosa school, which highly evaluated ``Gukgunsasajik`` of Jo Sik, actively participated in Wijeongcheoksa movement and righteous army movement developed her during late Joseon, also, a movement to protect Dohak and spirit of nation was developed in Jirisan region even under Japanese imperialism.

16세기 지리산권 유학사상(1) -남원,함양의 안처순(安處順), 노(盧)진, 변사정(邊士貞)을 중심으로-

김봉곤 ( Bong Gon Kim ) 한국사상사학회 2012 韓國思想史學 Vol.0 No.42

삭녕최씨(朔寧崔氏) 통례공파(通禮公派)의 형성과 최상중(崔尙重)(1551~1604)가(家)의 기호학계(畿湖學界) 내의 역할

김봉곤 ( Kim Bong-gon ) 한국계보연구회 2021 한국계보연구 Vol.11 No.-

본고는 남원의 대표적인 사족인 삭녕최씨 통례공파의 형성과정과 통례공파 중에서도 崔尙重家가 기호학계 내에서 수행한 정치, 사회, 문화적 역할은 어떠하였는가를 분석하기 위해 작성되었다. 남원의 삭녕최씨는 세조 때 영의정을 지낸 崔恒의 손자 崔秀雄이 15세기 말 처가인 남원 둔덕에 내려온 이후 정착하였다. 이어 최수웅의 손자 최언수가 김종직의 제자 鄭汝諧(1450~ 1530)의 문인이 된 이후 호남의 많은 유력가문과 혼맥이 형성되고, 16세기 중엽 사림들의 중앙정계로의 활발한 진출과 함께 중앙 정계에도 다수 진출하였다. 특히 최언수의 아들 대에는 승지공, 남강공, 지평공, 목천공 등 4파로 분파되었으며, 그중에서도 승지공파에서 현달한 인물이 많이 배출되었다. 승지공파는 최상중의 아들인 최연과 최온이 현달하여 성만공파와 폄재공파로 나뉘어졌고, 둔덕 외에도 남원 중방, 사동, 백암 일대에도 정착하였다. 최상중가는 선조 이후 서인으로 자정하였으며, 많은 인물이 왜란과 호란 때에 의병을 일으켰다. 특히 최상중은 임진왜란 때 도원수 권율의 종사관으로서 큰 활약을 하였으며, 아들 최연은 병자호란 때 인조를 호종하여 남한산성으로 들어갔고, 최온은 의병을 일으켰다. 또한 최상중가는 실학을 중시하여 실무에 능하였으며, 최유지의 경우 천문학이나 병학에 능통하였다. 뿐만 아니라 최상중가는 효종의 사부를 배출할 정도로 기호학계에서 명망이 높아서 이경석이나 윤증 등 소론가문과 혼맥이 형성되었다. 남원사회에서도 재지사족의 명단인 향안을 작성하고 향촌사회 질서 유지를 위한 향규를 제정하였으며, 노봉서원을 건립하고 구로회 등을 통해 양반문화를 확산시켜 나갔다. 18세기 이후로도 최상중가는 노론을 택한 목천공파와 함께 남원사회를 경쟁적으로 이끌어갔으며, 기호학계와 향촌사회에 끼친 영향이 적지 않았다. This paper was written to examine how the Saknyeong Choi Clan Tongryegong Branch in Namwon formed and to analyze the political, social, and cultural role of Choi Sang Jung family in the Ki-ho school. Saknyeong Choi family of Namwon began to establish their settlement when Choi Su-Wung, who was the grandson of Choi Hang, a meritorious retainer during King Sejo`s reign, in the reign of King SeongJong and took up residence in Dundeok of Namwon, his wife’s home. After Choi Su-Wun's grandson, Choi Eon-soo, became a writer of Kim Jong-jik's disciple, many influential families in Honam were formed, and in the mid-16th century, many people entered the central politics with active entry into the central politics. Especially, Choi family further divided into Seungjigong, Namganggong, Jipyeonggong and Mokcheongong branches during the time of Choi Eon-soo`s son. As scores of prominent names were from Seungjigong Branch among others, they became the center of Saknyeong Choi Clan in Namwon. Seungjigong Branch was redivided into Sungmangong and Pyeomjaegong Branches by descendants of Choi Yeon and Choi ohn. Besides Dundeok, they setteled in Sungwon in the middle of Namwon, Nobong·Sooding of Sadong, all over Hyogiri in Baekahm. Choi Sang Jung raised a loyal army in Namwon during the Japanese invasion, helped a lot grasping the war situation as a subordinate under Dowonsoo Kwon ool. His two sons, Choi Yeon and Choi Ohn raised a loyal army during the revolt by Lee Gwal, Choi Yeon was in waiting for King Injo during the Manchu invasion as a Seungji and Choi ohn raised a loyal army as a headman of Sunchang. And also Choi Sang Jung family valued Silhak above all things, they introduced plans of real help to national policy. Choi Yuji was expert in astronomy and military science as well as Neo-confucianism. He made a creative observation balloon, which contibuted greatly to the development of astronomy and also produced armors made from wood. Choi Sang Jung family played a significant role during Japanese invasion, Manchu invasion and King Hyojong. Choi Ohn was especially a big part of Ki-ho school as a tutor to Hyojong. They adopted Soron familes as platform after King Sukjong, advanced a lot into the center of government service and Nobong Seowon was named by king. Even after the 18th century, Choi Sang Jung family has led Namwon society competitively with Mokcheongong branches, who chose Noron, and it can be said that it has had a significant impact on Ki-ho school and local society in many fields of politics, sosiety and culture.

경영자의 사업 가치관과 교육훈련 투자에 관한 탐색적 연구

김봉곤(Kim Bong Gon),이을터(Lee Eul Teo) 한국인적자원관리학회 2015 인적자원관리연구 Vol.22 No.3

본 연구는 경영자의 사업에 대한 가치관을 경제적 가치관과 사회적 가치관으로 구분하고, 두 가치관이 교육훈련 투자(교육훈련 총액, 교육훈련 방법 다양성)에 미치는 영향을 파악하고자 하였다. 그리고 경영자의 사업 가치관과 교육훈련 투자의 관계에서 불확실한 환경과 전년도 경영성과를 조절변수로 설정하여 환경 및 재정적 여건들 하에서 교육훈련 투자에 대한 경영자 사업 가치관의 영향력을 확인하고자 하였다. 조사는 군산 소재 500여 개의 중소기업 경영자들을 대상으로 사업 가치관과 교육훈련 투자(금액 및 방법)에 대해 설문조사하였다. 설문조사는 우편, 이메일, 그리고 직접 방문 등을 통해서 이루어졌으며, 총 153개 업체의 자료를 통계 처리하였다. 연구결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 중소기업 경영자의 사회적 가치관은 교육훈련 투자액과 교육훈련 방법 다양성 모두에 통계적으로 유의한 정(+)의 영향을 나타냈다. 이 결과는 경영자가 기업 운영을 통해 사회에 기여하고자 하는 신념이 강할수록, 보다 고품질의 제품과 서비스를 양산하기 위해 교육훈련 투자액을 높이고, 다양한 교육훈련 방법들(현장 OJT, 멘토링, 직무 관련 교육 프로그램, 관리자 승진 교육훈련, e-Learning, 외부 강사 초청 교양교육 등)을 동원함을 보여주는 것이다. 둘째, 경영자의 경제적 가치관과 교육훈련 방법 다양성과 통계적으로 유의한 부(-)의 영향을 나타냈다. 즉, 경제적 가치관의 중소기업 경영자는 필수적인 교육훈련 이외의 다양한 교육훈련에 부정적임을 알 수 있었다. 셋째, 환경 불확실성과 전년도 경영성과는 통계적으로 유의하지 않았으며, 그 이유를 논의하였다. 마지막으로 연구의 시사점과 한계점을 토론하였다. This study, facing up to the fact that the training in the rapidly changing business environments of the 21 century makes an organization secure its competitiveness, has tried to find key influence factors to training investment from CEO's business value. To put it concretely, with CEO's business value being largely classified into economic business value and social business value, it has appreciated the effect of those two values on the amount invested in training and the variety of training. In addition, in terms of the correlation between CEO's business value and investment in training, the firm performance of the previous year and the environmental uncertainty have been employed as moderating variables. Theoretical background were reviewed those preceding researches on CEO's business value, investment in training and its method and environmental uncertainty. The conceptual relationship models of research variables have been established for research model so that the concrete correlation might be appreciated for hypothesis establishment. The research objects of about 500 small and medium businesses located in Gunsan City were surveyed on CEOs' values and their different training conditions (amount, methods and time). The total 163 copies questionnaires were collected, 153 out of which, those with insincere answers excluded, have been analyzed by means of SPSS Statistical Package. The research results are suggesting the verification of hypotheses and the outcome of statistical analysis on training states. The followings are the key outcomes. First, among CEOs' business values, the social business value showed a positive effect of statistical significance on the invested amount in and the variety of training, which means that the more a CEO's belief for contribution to the society by managing his/her business is, the more the invested amount in training for better quality and service gets and the more variously the training methods are carried out. Second, the economic business value showed a positive effect on the variety of training. On the other hand, it was revealed that there is no relationship between CEOs' economic value and their investment in training. Third, the environmental uncertainty and the firm performance of the previous year, which were employed as moderating variables in respect to the relationship between their business value and training, did not show any statistical significance. On the contrary, the higher environmental uncertainly of an organization was found to have the trend of decreased investment in training. This finding, reflecting the unique environmental features of small and medium businesses in Gunsan City, makes it possible to assume that it is because they, owing to the characteristics of small and medium businesses, put more special stress on the improvement of short-term internal performance factors rather than try to overcome the environmental uncertainty via any long-term plan through training. Fourth, the following shows the training status of those small and medium businesses in Gunsan City. The investigation of valid samples revealed that the total amount and the total time spent on the training in 2014 were 7,236,088 won (median = 3,000,000 won) and 172 hours (21.5 days) (median = 16 hours ( two days)) on average respectively. Out of the total 7 training methods (training for new staff, OJT (on-the-job training), training program related to duties, training program for managers' promotion, mentoring, e-learning and liberal education by invited instructors), 2.5 on average were being carried out. Lastly, the implications of and limitations to this study have been discussed.

智異山圈(南原)士族 朔寧崔氏 家系記錄과 通婚圈

김봉곤 ( Bong Gon Kim ) 한국고문서학회 2013 古文書硏究 Vol.42 No.-

본고는 남원사족 삭녕최씨의 문중활동과 가계기록을 검토하고 이어 16세기 이후 삭녕최씨 통혼권을 분석해 본 것이다. 남원의 삭녕최씨는 세조 때의 훈구대신인 최항의 손자인 최수웅이 사화를 피해 16세기 초 처가를 따라 남원의 둔덕에 정착하면서 시작되었다. 이후 남원의 삭녕최씨는 최수웅의 손자대에 승지공파, 남강공파, 지평공파, 목천공파로 분화하였다. 거주 지역도 둔덕에서 사동방의 노봉 일대와 지리산 넘어 중방방까지 확산되었다. 특히 승지공파는 줄곧 중앙정계에 진출하여 서인이나 소론 가문과의 연대를 통해, 향촌사회에서도 향회를 주도하고, 顯祖를 모신 서원을 건립하였으며, 구로회 등을 통해 남원사족과 깊이 결속하였다. 또한 종족의 단합을 위해 묘사를 위한 재원을 마련하고 각 파간에 공동으로 묘사를 지내는 규정을 마련하기도 하였다. 18세기 이후에는 노론의 우세 속에 가세가 많이 약화되었으나, 서원 운영이나 선조들의 문집 간행, 중앙이나 지방의 사족 가문과의 혼인관계를 밝혀주는 가계 기록을 통해 명문가문으로서의 위상을 제고하고자 하였다. 이에 최익효는 족조인 최만현과 함께 1809년 삭녕최씨 최초의 대동보인『朔寧崔氏世譜』를 만들어 大宗을 중심으로 종족의 단합을 꾀하면서도 종족의 입록범위나 적서차별을 규정하였다. 이어 최익효는 『朔寧崔氏內外淵源譜』와 『朔寧崔氏外族諸譜』를 작성하여 고려 말까지 거슬러 올라가는 부계나 모계의 8고조, 삭녕최씨 외가 가문의 족보를 작성하여 중앙이나 지방에서의 삭녕최씨 가문의 현저한 위상을 드러내고자 하였다. 특히 『삭녕최씨외족제보』에서는 최익효 가문과 밀접한 관계를 맺고 있었던 남원 둔덕의 전주이씨나 소론 명문인 파평 윤씨 가문과의 관계를 빠짐없이 기록하였다. 이러한 기록을 통해서 남원의 삭녕최씨는 서울에서 뿐만 아니라 남원에 내려왔을 때에도 상당 기간 서울 지역과 혼인이 이루어졌음을 알 수 있었다. 또한 16세기 중엽 사림정권이 확립된 이후에는 남원이나 호남 지역과의 혼인을 통하여 재지사족으로서의 기반을 튼튼히 하였다. 그리고 17세기에는 중앙정계에 활발히 진출하면서 서울이나 호서지역의 대표적인 소론가문과의 혼인을 통해 사족으로서의 지위가 고양되었다. 18세기 이후로는 노론의 우세 속에 거의 중앙 관직에 나아가지 못하였지만, 여전히 소론 가문이나 지방의 유력한 사족가문과의 혼인을 통해 향촌 사회에서의 지위를 유지하고자 하였다. 그러나 승지공파와는 달리 목천공파는 영, 정조 이후 노론을 택하였으며, 남원이나 함양 등지의 노론 가문과도 통혼이 많았다고 할 수 있다. This study takes a close look at the activities and genealogy records of the Choi family of Saknyeong in Namwon and attempts to analyse the marriage sphere of the Choi family in the wake of the 16th century. Saknyeong Choi family of Namwon began to establish their settlement when Choi Su-Wung, who was the grandson of Choi Hang, a meritorious retainer during King Sejo`s reign, sought refuge from the purge of literati and took up residence in Dundeok of Namwon, accompanying his in-laws during the late 15th century. Later, Saknyeong Choi family of Namwon would grow into one of the leading Sarim families of the region. Choi family would further divide into Seungjigong, Namganggong, Jipyeonggong and Mokcheongong families during the time of Choi Su-Wung`s grandson. Also their settlement would spread out from nearby Nohbong of Sadobang region to the parts of Jungbang which lay beyond the Jirisan mountain. Notably, Seungjigong family would hold central government positions during the 17th century, and through the the solidarity of Seoin aand Noron family, they took the initiative in the activities of the local community and presided over Gurohoe, not to mention erecting Seowons. Their rally to fortify ties among the families would see them make provisions for memorial ceremonies and remodel rules regarding commemorative rites to hold them as joint ceremonies. However, among the predominance of Noron, and when it was no longer possible for those from provinces to secure a position in the government, they began to focus their attention on enhancing the family reputation by concentrating their efforts on operating the Seowon where highly respected ancestral tablets were enshrined while publishing their ancestors` writings and organizing genealogy records which disclosed matrimonial relationships among the Sajok families in the province or in the capital. To this end, Choi Ik-Hyo, with his distant relative Choi Man-Hyeon, put out 『Saknyeong Choi-Si Sebo』 in 1809, which was Saknyeong Choi family`s first ever comprehensive genealogy record. Its intentions were to strengthen the unity of the clan, but it would also come to set a precedent for laying emphasis on importance of bloodlines and discrimination against illegitimate offspring. Choi Ik-Hyo would also compile 『Saknyeong Choi-Si NaeWoe Yeonwonbo』 tracing their paternal and maternal ancestral line as far back as four generations and 『Saknyeong Choi-Si Woejok Jebo』tracing maternal ancestral lines to boast family`s prominent lineage as Sajok. In Woejok Jebo, close-knit relationships between the Choi Ik-hyo family and other particular families were exhaustively documented. Notably, ties with Jeonju Lees of Dundeok in Namwon and with Papyeong Yun family, who were a well-respected Soron faction, stand out. The documentation shows that, for considerable period of time, Saknyeong Choi family continued to arrange marriages with those in Seoul even after they relocated to Namwon. In the mid-16th century and afterwards, when Sarim power took hold of the government, they sought to strengthen the foundation of the landed Sajok by establishing matrimonial relations with Namwon or Honam households. During the 17th century, they would once again find themselves in the center of political circles with their status as Sajok enhanced by establishing matrimonial relationships with Soron families of Seoul and Hoseo region. After the reign of King Yeongjo and Jeongjo, although the family would no longer produce as many who passed the state exam as before, they still carried the banner of the Soron family. On the other hand, Mokcheongong family, who also settled in Namwon, professed themselves supporters of Nohron after the reign of King Yeongjo and Jeongjo and developed matrimonial relationships with Sajoks of Namwon and Hamyang.