韓末 民族運動의 一硏究: 遯軒 林炳瓚을 中心으로

申圭秀 원광대학교 원불교사상연구원 1987 원불교사상과 종교문화 Vol.10·11 No.-

朝鮮時代 流配刑罰의 性格

신규수 이화여자대학교 한국문화연구원 2012 한국문화연구 Vol.23 No.-

Exile was one of the punishments during the Joseon Dynasty. The punishments of the Joseon Dynasty was established into five types after being influenced by the Grand Ming Codes of China and from these, being exiled was classified as a severe punishment. “Hyung” indicates punishment and punishment originated from revenge. Revenge is to take vengeance on someone you have a grudge or resentment against but after a nation was established, this has been represented as a compulsive penalty upheld by the power of the nation. If there was someone to receive this punishment of exile, there was someone who ordered this punishment. In principle, the punishment was ordered by the king, the Minister of Justice, and the provincial governor;however, there were cases forced by the lobbying of bureaucrats and political opponents. That is, a person can be exiled by an individual with power, through the decision of a policy or if it is the wish of the people throughout the nation. Therefore, the exiled could have resentment and hatred toward the punisher and it is just as important to whom the exiled person holds a grudge against. This is because the exiled could spend their life resenting someone for the rest of their life, which will only bring about self-destruction. On the other hand, under the bad geographical conditions, an exiler lived a difficult life since their day jobs were mainly in fishery or agriculture. The exiled had no one to express and listen to their frustrations and hate and it was also not the place to discuss philosophy or academia. Although many suffered from the inevitable anger in their place of exile, as time passed and much of the rage has faded, some took this opportunity to make a fresh new start. They blamed themselves for their situation which provided an opportunity for a self-examination. This paved the way for a better future and from time to time, some of the most beautiful arts and intellectual studies were created in places of exile. In this respect, the punishment of exile was a chance of self-reflection and the place of exile was a secret training ground where people can build their character, not a fierce battle ground. 유배의 형벌은 조선시대 형벌 가운데 하나이다. 조선시대 형벌은 중국의 대명률(大明律)의 영향을 받아 오형(五刑)으로 정립되었는데, 여기서 유배의 형벌은 중형에 해당되었다. 형(刑)이란 곧 형벌을 지칭하는 말이다. 형벌의 기원은 ‘복수’라는 데에 있었다. 복수라는 것은 원한이 있는 상대에게 대한 앙갚음인데 국가가 세워지면서부터 국가의 권력에 의한 강제력이 뒷받침된 형벌로 정립되었다. ‘유배형벌을 받은 자’가 있다면 ‘유배라는 형벌을 내린 자’가 있었다. 유배의 형벌은 국왕과 형조, 지방의 관찰사가 결정하는 것이 원칙이었지만, 더러는 국왕을 둘러싸고 도는 관료집단이 국왕의 의사를 강요하여 정해지는 경우와 정적(政敵)에 의해 유배의 형벌에 처해지는 경우가 있었다. 따라서 유배의 형벌을 내린 자는 권력을 가진 개인일 수도 있고, 정책에 의한 결정일 수도, 혹은 온 국민의 바람에 의해 이루어질 수도 있다. 그렇기 때문에 유배자는 상대에 대한 원망과 증오가 있을 수 있다. 이는 곧 유배의 당사자가 누구를 원망하느냐와 궤를 같이 할 수 있는 문제인데, 유배 기간 동안 줄곧 상대에 대한 원망과 한탄으로 일관할 수도 있기 때문이다. 물론 이 원망으로 일관한 삶이란 결국 자기 멸시와 자기 파괴를 가져올 따름이었다. 한편, 지형적인 악조건 속에서의 지역민의 생활이란 것도 어업이나 농업이 주업인 관계로 세찬 격랑과 싸워야만 했을 열악한 삶이었다. 따라서 유배지는 자신의 온갖 울분과 증오를 토로해 보았자 귀 기울여 줄 사람이 없고, 철학이나 학문을 논할 환경이 아니었다. 열악한 유배지에서 어쩔 수 없는 인간적인 분노에 시달리다가도, 세월과 더불어 격정(激情)이 사그라지고 허물이 벗겨질 양이면, 유배라는 극악한 현실을 오히려 새 출발의 계기로 삼은 인물도 있었다. 그들은 모든 결과를 자신의 모자람과 부덕의 소치로 돌리고 운명의 힘을 온 가슴으로 끌어안기도 하였다. 그랬을 때 가장 활기찬 현실의 반성과 미래의 모색이 유배지에서 꽃피기도 하였다. 즉, 유배지에서 가장 아름다운 예술품의 완성이, 가장 심오한 학문의 집대성이 이루어졌기 때문이다. 그런 의미에서 본다면 유배라는 형벌은 곧 자신을 회고하는 기회의 제공이었던 것이며, 유배지는 골치 아픈 이전투구가 벌어지는 난전이 아니라 우리의 정신세계를 가다듬을 수 있는 심산(深山)의 수련장이었던 것이다.

소득·자산 기준 빈곤 지위별 부채 보유특성

신규수 한국사회복지정책학회 2019 사회복지정책 Vol.46 No.2

This study divides poverty status into non-poverty, double poverty, income poverty, and asset poverty by the income and asset based criteria and examines the demographic and financial characteristics and the determinants of holding and the level of household debt by each four poverty classes. As a result, the asset poverty group and the double poverty group use non - institutional financing which they should pay a high-interest rate for the living expenses, and include the households with the highest risk level based on the debt risk index are included. Second, in the case of income poverty, the elderly who have the asset but have no income can belong to this class. However, under the age of 65, the most frequent job status of the income poverty is self-employed, and due to business difficulties are likely to temporarily lead them to this poverty status. Third, in the structural poverty class, unlike other classes, the probability of holding debt is significantly higher for the female householder, and the use of debt is for living expenses such as housing rental cost. Based on the results of this analysis, it seems that institutional support will be needed to establish preventive policies for poverty on a multidimensional level based on these characteristics. 이 연구는 소득 및 자산 기준에 따라 빈곤지위를 비빈곤, 소득·자산 이중 빈곤, 소득 빈곤, 자산 빈곤으로 나누고 이에 따른 인구사회 특성 및 재무적 특성을 살펴본 후 이들 빈곤지위별 부채보유 특성과 이에 미치는 유의미한 영향요인을 분석하였다. 분석 결과, 자산빈곤 계층과 이중 빈곤계층은 생활비의 조달을 위해 높은 이자율을 지불해야 하는 비제도권 금융을 사용하고 있으며 부채위험지표를 기준으로 볼 때 가장 높은 위험 수준의 가구들이 포함되어 있다. 둘째, 소득 빈곤의 경우 자산은 빈곤하지 않지만 소득이 적거나 없는 고령층이 이에 속할 수 있다. 그러나 65세 미만의 경우, 소득 빈곤계층의 가장 많은 종사상 지위는 자영업자에 해당해 경영상의 어려움으로 사업소득이 감소함으로써 일시적으로 빈곤계층에 속하게 될 가능성이 높다. 셋째, 이중 빈곤계층에서는 다른 계층과 달리 여성 가구주의 경우 부채보유 확률이 유의미하게 높은 것으로 나타났고 부채의 용도는 대부분 주택임대비용과 같은 생활비를 위한 것이다. 이러한 분석 결과를 바탕으로 이들 계층별 특성을 기반으로 한 다각적인 차원의 탈빈곤 및 빈곤 예방적 정책을 수립하는 제도적 지원이 필요하다고 판단된다.

韓國 開化期 爲政斥邪論의 性格과 時代的 推移에 관한 硏究

신규수 圓光大學校 1995 論文集 Vol.29 No.1

Nearing modern society in the late nineteenth century, Korea was confronted with such problems as the invasion of the Western Powers and the attainment of modernization. Particularly, because the modernization which is based on a scientific technology was basically produced by Western World, the acute crisis of our nation lay in the invasion of the Western Powers in the process of accepting modern civilization. To this threat of colonization, Koean responses were an anti-catholicism in Tong-Hak and developed an original trend of thought called Uy-Jung Chunk-Sa(衛正斥邪) Movement. Under circumstances of an sovereign independence and attainment of modernization, in those days the Confucianist who almost formed our intellectual group at that time was founded on Metaphysics(性理學) both a government official party and a non-government party. Uy-Jung Chuck-Sa movement had a thought of Byoeg-I Dan(闢異端) in Metaphysics. And it had the five cardinal principles and virtues of morality, which were the supreme morals for leading our social order and Hwa-I Gwan(華夷觀) that differed Chung-Wha(中華) that thad kept this thoughts from Yi-Chuck(夷狄)that hadn't kept them. Therefire Uy-Jung Chuck-Sa(衛正斥邪) thought was a conscious system, when our traditional culture and society was faced a new culture and an alien elements, shocked by a various foreign things, so as to oppose against them. Uy-Jung Chuck-Sa(衛正斥邪) thought was made from the crisis of our nation, but its degree of consciousness to the crisis was varied by a historical situation and a given condition of our nation. Accordingly the orientation and characteristics of this movement were also varied by its degree of consciousness to the crisis. Consequently it was developed from criticizing Buddhism for heresy at the end of Koryo to the various forms at the age of invasion of Western Powers before the colonization. In those days, the Confucianists was bringing about public opinion with Sang-So(上蔬)expanding the domestic demand and such logics as called Right(正) and Wrong(邪) for reflect their ideas into the policy. Right which mus keep was Metaphysics itself and its value system, on the other hand, Wrong which must expel included all religious thought and western power lacking Metaphysics. The volunteer corps movement which was a practice of the Confucianist's thought, according to their scientific origin and lineage, was mainly made by such literary men as Hwa-su(華西), Yi Hang Lo(李恒老), Rho Sa(蘆沙), Ki Jung Jin(奇正鎭), and then the direction of the Confucianists had a vital influences.

구영필의 독립운동과 국내 관련자료 분석

신규수 호남사학회 2013 역사학연구 Vol.51 No.-

Goo Young-Pil was a great leader of independent movement who implemented armed struggle at first and then aimed autonomous independence line based on Ibjukganminhohoe in Youngahnhyeon, Northern Manchuria in 1921. However, he was killed in 1926 due to being prescribed as a traitor by Shinminboo of Kim Jwa-Jin who performed armed independence resistance. And yet, after the restoration of independence, there had been testimonies and attestations that considered him as a pro-Japanese informant of all the Miryang bombing incidents in 1920 to all the activities in Youngahnhyeon. As a result of analysis on such domestic documents after the independence, unlike the fact that he lead the incident of Miryang in 1920 by infiltrating into the country himself, those documents wrote as ‘no report of entry into the country’ or ‘unknown’ which appear to be absence of reliability in the documents. If we look at the channel of influence, it had been falsely reported in the standpoint of Shinminboo which killed him. Instead, he was found out to be an independence fighter who initiated the incidence of Busan Independence Telegram added on the Miryang bomb as proved in confidential documents of Japanese imperialism. Rather, he must have joined the establishment of Uiyoldan as he progressed heroic fights with the people who founded Uiyoldan and took the position of fellowship leader among those who graduated Shinheung Military School. In particular, it appears that he was killed in Youngahnhyeon not because of the pro-Japanese problem but in conflicts and confrontations of independence line. He was respected as the pioneer in Youngahnhyeon and a national leader on newspapers and so on. The confidential document of Japanese imperialism also reported that rejections and contests occurred among independence fighters due to the Younggotap assembly of Kim Jwa-Jin’s Daehan-dokrip-gundan, and Shinminboo killed Goo Young-Pil in order to grasp Youngahnhyeon. Therefore, the murder of Goo Young-Pil was not because of the charge with pro-Japanese but it was a tragedy of independence fighters and the Korean independence movement history due to the difference of independence line and direction. In order to shed light on his independence activities objectively, it is expected to do full-fledged researches with a new aspect as overcoming the limit of domestic documents as well as ideological prejudice of independence line and direction. 구영필은 처음 무장투쟁을 전개하다가 1921년 북만주 영안현에서 入籍墾民戶會를 토대로 자치독립노선을 지향한 독립운동가의 거두였다. 그러나 무장 독립항쟁을 전개했던 김좌진의 신민부에 의해 1926년 國賊으로 규정되어 피살되었다. 그런데 광복 이후 1920년 밀양폭탄사건에서 영안현의 모든 활동에 이르기까지 그를 친일밀고자로 규정하는 증언과 서술이 이루어져 파급되었다. 따라서 광복 이후 이들 국내 자료를 분석 검토한 결과 그가 1920년 직접 국내에 잠입하여 밀양사건을 주도한 사실과는 달리 이들 자료에는 ‘입국한 사실이 없음’ ‘미상’ 등으로 서술되어 있어 자료상의 신빙성이 결여된 것으로 나타난다. 이는 그 파급 경로를 볼 때, 그를 피살한 신민부의 입장에서 와전된 것으로 오히려 그는 일제 기밀문서 등에 나타난 것처럼 국내의 밀양폭탄사건에 그치지 않고 부산독립전보사건을 전개한 독립운동가임이 밝혀지게 되었다. 오히려 그는 의열단을 창단한 인물과 의열투쟁을 전개하였고, 신흥무관학교 출신들의 단체인 학우단장을 맡았던 것으로 보아 의열단 창단에 참여했을 가능성이 높은 것으로 판단된다. 특히 영안현에서의 그의 피살도 친일의 문제가 아니라 독립노선상의 갈등과 대립 속에서 비롯된 것으로 파악된다. 당시 그는 신문 등에 영안현의 개척자이자 민족지도자로 추앙되고 있었으며, 일제 기밀문서도 김좌진의 대한독립군단의 영고탑 집결로 독립운동가 사이에 배척과 쟁탈의 국면이 초래되었으며, 신민부가 영안현을 장악하기 위해 구영필을 암살하였다고 보고하고 있었다. 따라서 구영필의 피살은 친일논란의 문제가 아니라 독립노선과 방략 차이에 따른 독립운동가와 한국독립운동사의 비극으로 현존하고 있다고 할 수 있다. 앞으로 그에 대한 독립활동이 객관적으로 조명되기 위해서는 독립노선과 방략의 이념적 편견, 국내 자료의 한계를 극복하고 새로운 시각에서의 본격적인 연구가 기대된다고 할 수 있다.

衛正斥邪運動 小考 : 勉菴·遯軒을 中心으로

申圭秀 신룡교학회 1989 정신개벽논집 Vol.7-8 No.-

近代 日本의 韓國支配認識에 關한 硏究 : 강화도조약, 임오군란을 중심으로

신규수 원광대학교 채문연구소 2000 역사와 사회 Vol.25 No.-

The second half of the 19th century of both Korea and Japan was the turning point of great importance. Korea came out of the Orient centered society, and the Korean values got through a great move by means of getting contact with different world of Western countries. Moreover the influence of these new changes was great ranging through the concrete aspects of real lives by the challenges and effects of foreign countries. The rapid invasion of foreign forces into Korea made Korea evoke a new sense of crisis and self-awareness. Unlike up to those times, foreign troops in Korea brought about the opportunity to change the political power, which was recognized the crisis of the whole nation, and as a result, the national awareness arose nation-wide. Japan, opening itself to the Western great powers preceding Korea, was into the course of being colonized by the Western countries, especially the rapid invasion of English and American capatal. With the Western capitalism Japan kept practicing its plans step by step in the Asian countries inclulding Korea. The history of challenge of the Imperialism of Japan to govern Korea, in especial, would be the whole of the modem history of Japanese politics in the same period. After Meiji revolution, Japan with great expansion of power focused on pursuing the only purpose of colonizing Korea. Any of its both internal and external activities which we could get hold of in the process of the historical events was developed to achieve the purpose. This paper, under the great title of the study on the Korean-Japanese history of mutual negotiation in the modern times, considered the two central stems; one is Japanese recognition against Korea from the age of the late of markbu(幕府) to the period of Meiji reign, and the other is the mutual history between these two countries by way of Kanghwado Treaty in 1876 and Imogunlan in 1882.

韓末 衛正斥邪運動 小考

申圭秀 원광대학교 원불교사상연구원 1989 정신개벽 Vol.7·8 No.-

우리나라 중고령층의 사회계층에 따른 여가사용의 불평등

신규수 한국노인복지학회 2012 한국노인복지학회 학술발표논문집 Vol.2 No.1

대전시립 도서관

신규수,Sin, Gyu-Su 한국도서관협회 1965 圖協月報 Vol.6 No.8