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박계리 ( Carey Park ) 한민족문화학회 2012 한민족문화연구 Vol.39 No.-
본 논문에서는 현실동인제1선언과 현실동인의 중심인물이자 1980년대 민중미술의 기폭제가 되었던 ``현실과 발언``을 통하여 두 시대를 잇는 가교 역할을 하였던 오윤의 초기 작품활동을 중심으로 당시의 움직임을 살펴보고자 한다. 현실동인은 오윤, 임세택, 오경환, 강명희 등 4명의 청년작가와 김지하, 김윤수 2명의 젊은 평론가에 의해 결성되었는데, 김지하와 김윤수는 서울대학교 미학과 출신었지만 미학과가 미술대학에서 분리되는 1960년 이전에 입학했기 때문에 미술대학 선배이기도 하였다. 비록 미술대학 재학생의 모임으로서 전시 자체도 무산되었으나, 현실동인전은 현실주의라는 뚜렷한 지향 아래 그 미술의 이론과 실체를 한국의 대중 앞에 선포한 최초의 집단적 움직임으로서 현실주의를 표방했던 현실과 발언, 광주자유미술인협의회 보다는 11년 앞서는 운동이라는 점에서 매우 중요한 움직임이었다고 생각한다. 동인전의 선언문을 살펴보면, 이들은 끊임없이 전통을 의식하고 인식하여 새로운 민족미술론을 설립하고자 하였으며, 이러한 민족미술론을 현실주의의 토대 위에서 구축하고자 하였다. 이것은 단순한 사실주의가 아니라 사실에 토대를 두면서도 사실의 극복을 통해서 얻을 수 있으며, 단지 수동적 반영이 아니라 변형이나 과장 같은 능동적 표현을 통해서 더 높은 현실성에 도달할 수 있다고 보았다. 이 시기 오윤의 아방가르드 정신은 1980년대 ``현실과 발언``을 비롯한 미술계의 기성 작가들 뿐만 아니라, 서울대학교 미술대학 안에서 지속적으로 파급되어, 1990년대 ``에루화``를 비롯한 청년미술공동체로 이어졌다. ``현실동인``의 활동으로 대표되는 오윤의 초기 작품들과 그의 미학은 박정희시대의 전위미술을 대표하며, 이후 전위미술의 계보를 잉태하고 있다는 점에서 미술사적 의미를 내포하고 있다 하겠다. The College of Fine Arts of Seoul National University was sensitive to great social and political upheavals of 1960s Korea, such as the 4-19 Revolution and the 5-16 Coup d``Etat. Hyeonsil Dongin (``reality society``), founded in 1969, was a student association which embodied such social and political awareness particularly emphatically. This paper is an attempt to understand the artistic trend in the College of Fine Arts of Seoul National University during this period by examining early works of Oh Yun, a member and a central figure of Hyeonsil Dongin who is also remembered for ``Hyeonsil-gwa Bareon (``reality and speech``),`` an artists`` association that is founded in the 1980s and which became the chief inspiration for the movement later known as Minjung Art. Hyeonsil Dongin had as its founding members, four young artists, Oh Yun, Im Se-taek, Oh Gyeong-hwan and Kang Myeong-hui, and two art critics, Kim Ji-ha, Kim Yun-su, also in their prime of youth. Although a student association whose plans for a group show were never materialized, Hyeonsil Dongin, nevertheless, occupies an important and unique place in Korean realism in art as the historic first associative body of this kind to publicly declare their common artistic orientation, including their theoretical affiliation, as realism. Hyeonsil Dongin, as a matter of fact, was founded 11 years before Hyeonsil -gwa Bareon or the Gwangju Association of Free Artists. The manifesto of Hyeonsil Dongin makes it clear that their goal was to articulate a new theory of Korean art, based on an in-depth understanding of tradition, and that they wanted realism to be the underpinning of such theory of Korean art. Realism, for them, was not simple attempts at depicting subjects in an empirical manner, but rather overcoming precisely what is ``real,`` while being embedded in the real. In other words, instead of passively reflecting the reality of the world, realism for Hyeonsil Dongin was about distorting and exaggerating it to attain a yet higher level of reality. This avant-garde spirit of Hyeonsil Dongin, born in the College of Fine Arts of Seoul National University, was nurtured and came of age within the same institution. Once into the 1980s, it gave birth to the association, Hyeonsil-gwa Bareon and the movement for Minjung art, and in the 1990s, various young artists` associations of the likes of Eruhwa. Understanding the movement of Hyeonsil Dongin, insofar as it is the most representative avant-garde art movement of the Park Chung-hee era and seminally influenced later generations of avant-garde artists, becoming the founders of the lineage of Korean avant-garde arts, can shed important light on the theme of ``5-16 Coup d``Etat and Seoul National University Fine Arts College.``
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박계리(Park Carey) 한국미술사학회 2003 美術史學硏究 Vol.- No.240
This thesis is an analysis of the traditional viewpoint on the Museum of the Yi Royal Family who have come to lose the status as a main body and to be degenerated as a stranger through the loss of sovereignty and of being subordinated as a colony. It has also examined whether the group which had become a stranger politically has also examined whether the group which had become a stranger politically has also become a stranger culturally. First of all, I'm going to reexamine the existing discussion regrading the establishment of the Museum of the Yi Royal Family. The existing investigators have defined that the first museum of our country had been proposed extemporaneously and set up for a king's private hobby life. However, "The Secret History of the Yi Kings' Palace" strongly suggests that the establishment of the Yi Royal Family's Museum was impromptu proposed only for kings' private hobby. Even if the establishment of the Yi Royal Family's Museum was proposed upon the accidental occasion of King Soon Jong's moving to Chang Deok Palace and it was section chief of General Affairs Seu E Masoo Goo Ma Hee Ggo, a Japanese that was exclusively in charge of the moving, it may not have been necessary to open the museum to the public by opening the palace to the general populace if it had not been for the foundation of the modern recognition and for the will to realize it on the part of King Soon Jong and the bureaucrats in the court with regard the system of museum which began to be introduced as a part of the policy of enlightenment of inducing civilization after the opening up of the country in 1876. Of course, if seen in terms of pride, we can interpret the opening up of the palace as a slight to the Yi Dynasty, which can be cited as a representative instance of the phenomenon in which kings become strangers. However, as mentioned in the "the Secret History of the Yi Royal Palace'" we will to pay attention to the fact that even the opening of the palace was not instantly and unconditionally carried out by Japanese pressure. Even if the remark that "There was a fierce opposition" even if the author of "the secret History of the Yi Royal Palace" was a Japanese proved that there existed a fierce argument criticizing the problem of opening the palace to the public, it has been overlooked during that time. In order to resolve the fierce opposition like the above, Japan attempted to move the center of discussion from the "opening of the palace" to the "establishment of museum. Therefore, we can judge that the establishment of the first museum of our country was not extemporaneously proposed and carried out. In the meantime, in terms of modern view point we can interpret that the opening of a museum is not medieval collection, but making it clear that it is directed toward modern public collection making a contribution to academic investigation and social education. Consequently, it is judged that Japan's authorities concerned in charge of policies at that time concealed the intention of policy aimed at making Korean tradition a stranger systematically and succeeded in eliciting the support of King Soon Jong and of Lee, Wan Yong and his party by surfacing the modern character of a museum. The museum of the Yi Royal Family were established and operated as a part of Japan's cultural policy. Accordingly, Japan, authorities concerned with colony projected Korea seen by itself and Korea regulated by itself. Consequently, royal family which used to be the main body in the age of tradition turned to be peripheral and became a stranger and Koreans, who became strangers to Korea began to regulate themselves as strangers through the glance which made Koreans strangers. This kind of glance was expressed through the exhibition, publication, and directory of the Yi Royal Family's Museum and the Yi Royal Family's Gallery. If we closely examine the exhibition and publication of the Yi Royal F
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박계리(Park Carey) 한국근현대미술사학회 2011 한국근현대미술사학 Vol.22 No.-
This oral history project offered the author the opportunity to discover Kim Hak-su, a painter one seldom comes across when one studies art history only through written sources. He was an artist who, at a time when the demand placed on artists was to explore new visual languages of the future, wanted to remember the past. He was separated from his family following the division of Korea, and this traumatic experience lastingly shaped the course of his life thereafter. The experience of separation and absence, and the open wound from this experience and memories of what was lost made him go after what was vanishing, rather than seeking changes or novelties. He attempted to create an archive of things whose memories will forever disappear unless he recorded them, and was very rigorous about establishing the accuracy of information he gathered. This desire to record what is about to vanish eventually became who he was as an artist and as a man. He, for example, started to paint Christian historical paintings documenting his time. Through paintings of this kind, he remembered people of Pyeongyang he could no longer meet and visualized happy moments he had shared with them, thus healing his trauma. He also had hopes that his works will be used as educational materials. In his historical paintings, depicting Joseon customs, Kim Hak-su blends information he gleaned from historical records with what he had witnessed himself as someone who lived in the early part of the 20th century, and what older people he interviewed told him from memory. He combined information from these various sources as though he mixed together different geological strata. In other words, his paintings are interesting as works of memory, more than they are as factual representations of the past. They are compelling insofar as they contain the past as housed and stored in his memory and reveal the relationship between this past and the present, narrating, in sum, a history of remembrance.
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박계리(Park Carey) 한국미술연구소 2003 美術史論壇 Vol.- No.16·17
The traditional style of Joseon paintings in the age of Kim Il Sung has not been formed by Kim Il Sung. but established through the stage of the theoretical struggle for antiflunkeyison and the theoretical struggle for anti-reaction ism and the theoretical struggle for anti-reactionism. In particular the theoretical struggle for antiflunkeyism is the argument between theory of the revision of tradition and that of succeeding to tradition. In this argument the theory of succeeding to tradition won and it was settled that among the traditional paintings. the drawing by Indian ink should be succeeded. And the policy for Joseon paintings proceeded with an emphasis on recommending Indian paintings. In the theoretical struggle for antireactionism that followed. there was an argument between painting in Indian ink. and the paintings drawn in Indian ink which was defined as the remains of feudalism and they become me objects for being removed and the paintings in coloring, so that the policy for Joseon Paints has been set up in the direction toward modernizing Joseon Paintings with an emphasis on colored paintings. The style of Joseon Paintings in the age of Kim Il Sung represented by portraits came to take firmly rooted in the entire fine an community through the practice of the policy of Joseon paintings. The model of Joseon paintings established in Kim Il Sung's treatise for main body fine an used to be the style of the paintings by coloring so that tile feeling of cubism can be stressed by utilizing western shading with an emphasis on representational paintings centering on persons. Passing through tile 1960' s, tile fine an community of North Korea came to settle down firmly and tile 1970' s was marked as 'tile golden period of main body.' Howerver tile policy for Joseon paintings in me age of Kim long Il came to meet a great turning point of change along with tile advent of Kim long n who began to be ascended to tile core of power under me name of Central Party' since tile 1970' s, which has been developing along with the work of reevaluating tile tradition of Indian ink. The painting drawn with Indian ink that has been criticized as a representative of tile conservative and reactionary fine an reflecting tile taste of feudal ruling class came to grasp tile opportunity for tile revival through tile terminology called paintings without drawing an outline whose importance since the 1970' s under Kim long n's guidance. I think tile above restoration of rights was possible because me first generation who had gone to North Korea existed in tile fine an community like Jeong long Yeo. The generations of North Korea who had grown up in tile educational system of North Korean fine art received tile education that regards as a vestige to be removed tile painting by men of letters at leisure time. so that their understanding of various kinds of paintings or those drawn with Indian ink or thin coloring was not profound enough. Then. Jeong long Yeon a man of tile first generation who had gone to North Korea. leamed tile many rules of paintings and calligraphy. and drawn tile paintings with Indian ink and thin coloring carried out tile work of tile above textbook right before dying, so that I think recognizing again of Kim Jong Il's rule of painting without drawing an outline, could be realistically possible. The reviewing of me concept of tile rule of painting without drawing an outline which is being used in North Korean fine 'lIt is painting a picture without drawing an outline and painting a form and color with a single painting brush unlike tile rule of recording everything in detail at tile same time, and so it is understood as a technique by which to express the characteristic of molding the including the feeling of color. that of quality. and that of movement about the object for description implicitly and intensively by one stroke of a brush. If we analyze the treatise 071 the form of
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박계리(Park Carey) 한국미술연구소 2002 美術史論壇 Vol.- No.15
It seems that the central topic of the discussion about the Korean monochrome during that time is an issue about me process of the generation and identity of the Korean monochrome. The influence of minimalism, mat of Japanese mono￢school, and that of Korean conceptual alt have been under discussion up to now, and these discussions result in the problem of whether me Korean monochrome in me 1970' s took place because of inherent necessity or on account of external influence. In particular the debate on me identity of the Korean monochrome has mainly been proceeded through the discourse about 'white color'. I can say that these controversies, represented as 'white color' is nationalistic. or not nationalistic or it is white color or colorless, regarding the topic saying mat me trait of me Korean monochrome is white color. reveal the peculiarity which the generation and the procedure of unfolding of me Korean monochrome have. Although many painters are being talked about as the representative monochrome painters, these painters of the day have never organized tbe group sharing a specific view of alt. Consequently they have not announced a statement elucidating their identity. Of course. no exhibition was held under me tide Korean monochrome' domestically in their clays. A more curious fact is mat me starting point when the Korean monochrome was officially discussed was 'me Exhibition of Korean Five Painters. Five Kinds of White Colors' held in a Tokyo Gallery on (May 6-24. 1975) Commentator Nakahara Yuske selected five Korean painters and planned me above Exhibition, He has decided that the thing in common among the five Korean artists is white color', This white color logic was accepted by critic Lee Il without any criticism and spread to Korean painting community, This perspective, which was finally decided through the textbook interpretation with regard to the Korean monochrome at the A Sectional Exhibition of Korean Monochrome Fine Art' held in Tokyo Central AIt Gallery in 1997, has continued even to the National Modern Art Gallery, expanded and reproduced, Then, isn't the Korean monochrome an unheard-of comedy in which the Korean monochrome was bound by the eyes of a Japanese reviewer, an imaginary collective individuality tumed into absolute thing and a doctrine as a historical entity which has been believed as of the present time in the 21st century? However, what we should not forget is that individual artists had already tended to show monochrome before the Tokyo Gallery Exhibition was held, Then, if we go back to those clays and hold a 'Korean monochrome exhibition' through our sovereign eyes, not through those of foreigners, let's think about what artists we will select, what collective individuality we will establish, and whether it will be the same as the view of a Japanese, This is to leave the past criticisms behind, to concentrate on painters and their works individually, and to be absorbed in work philosophy and in reading method, In particular this is an attempt to grasp whether the traditional factors projected in individual work exists, and to comprehend what thing in common among the factors is, if they exist, and on the basic of it, we attempt to go one step further in shedding light on the identity of the Korean monochrome different from Japanese mono school and minimalism. The above is an objection against regulating the scope of the Korean monochrome only through the external similarity among the works of art, Such works of art as Hemp 76-47(diagram 1) or Hemp 78-5 by Park Jang Nyun which are often included among the Korean monochrome aJ1d whose illusionary factor is strong enough, should be evaluated in connection with the works of art having ultrarealistic trend surfacing after monochrome in order to clarify the significance of the history of art among these works of art, In care of the work of art such as The Method of Drawing(diagram 2) by lee Kun Young having a stroog documentary factor. it
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