“朝鮮半島新和平構想”與朝韓關係

Tan, Hong-Mei 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 부설 동북아연구소 2010 동북아연구 Vol.25 No.1

韓李明博總統繼提出“無核、開放、3000”對朝政策後,又於2009年8月15日在光復節64周年紀念致辭中,提出將推進實施“朝鮮半島新和平構想”。這一新構想並非只是緩和當時朝韓緊張關係的一時權宜之策,而是對朝政策之基礎。李明博試圖擺脫金大中的政治框架,建立一個全新的朝鮮半島對話機制,這種政治對話方式試圖營造一種完全由韓國主導的態勢。文章擬對新和平構想提出背景、內容特點、深層用意以及推進前景作一分析。

광주지역 평화‧통일교육 현황과 개선 방안 연구 - 평화‧통일교육 전문가 심층면담 결과 분석

강구섭 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 부설 동북아연구소 2022 동북아연구 Vol.37 No.1

This Study aims to analyze Peace Unification Education Program in Gwangju Province and to obtain some policy suggestions and implications for effective implementation of the program on Peace Unification Education which is based on the regional characteristics of Gwangju Province. In this purpose, it primarily scrutinizes the current state of Peace Unification Education in school sectors, public sectors and social sectors through literary analysis. In addition, it is conducted in semi-structured interviews to investigate the experiences and perspectives of experts dealing with Peace Unification Education in Gwangju province. The result of the study indicates that Peace Unification Education in School Sectors has some fallacies noticed in its contents and misconceptions of the experts. Public sectors show lack of interest for Peace Unification Education due to changes in situational impacts. In the social field, there are limitations for the effective implementation of the program of Peace Unification Education owing to the lack of systematic perpetration based on civil Interest. Respectively, this study points out that the development of Peace Unification Education Program based on its regional characteristics, production of local atmosphere, improvement of experts and building a regional foundation should be handled well for effective and firm implementation of Peace Unification Education.

중국인들의 민주(民主)에 대한 인식: 제도적·도구적 관점에서의 이해와 도구적 지지

강수정 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 부설 동북아연구소 2019 동북아연구 Vol.34 No.2

Contrary to the expectations of proponents of liberal democracy in the international society, China has not followed the path of liberalization and democratization, and still remains an authoritarian state that adheres to the authoritarian system under the Communist Party’s leadership. In addition, in its political reform, China opposes Western-style democratization and has pursued what it calls “Chinese-style democracy”. In this reality, China seems to be gradually moving away from the path of liberalization and democratization, but the results of the Chinese poll show that, ironically, many Chinese perceive China as a democratic country, and that they are not only relatively highly valued, but also quite satisfied with the way Chinese-style democracy is implemented in the country. This paper starts from the assumption that this irony can result from a different conception of democracy. Under this sense of question, this paper looks at the relationship between the Chinese people's understanding of democracy and their assessment of Chinese-style democracy. In particular, this paper attempts to examine the characteristics of Chinese conception of democracy and how such a conception affects their evaluation of China's democratic level and their satisfaction with the way Chinese-style democracy is implemented.

1920년대 동북아시아의 사회주의 연동과 조선 신문화운동: 천도교 잡지 개벽을 중심으로

정혜정 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 부설 동북아연구소 2019 동북아연구 Vol.34 No.2

In the 1920s, the situation in Northeast Asia tended to combine class liberation and national liberation by linking socialism under the confrontation of capital imperialism vs. the proletarian class, oppressed people, and oppressed nations. Choseon's acceptance of socialism began in the late 1910s, but the officially confirmed document originated in the 1920s Cheondogyo magazine Gaebyeok. Lee Dong-gok(李東谷), who acted as a correspondent for Gaebyeok, introduced China's new-culture movement and social revolution to Korea. Kim Ki-jeon(金起田) and Lee Don-hwa(李敦化) adapted the Chinese social revolution and Russian socialism to suit the Choseon status and situation. With farmers accounting for 90% of the population and a small number of workers, the class movement in Chosun called for awakening of farmers. In addition, it developed a peasant movement that made the Choseon ‘Youth Union’ a mainstream of movement. Also, Marx's "history of class struggle" was called "history of human liberation." And "Workers of all nations unite!" changed to "Proletarian of all nations unite!" It was argued that the source of class consciousness stems from the Donghak(東學) revolution. Class consciousness was not based on revolutionary means from the outset, but on the basis of universal consciousness first entering into Innaecheon thought and forming into a spirit of creation and mutual solidarity. The subject of movement of the Choseon liberation was unity of the Choseon Youth Union, the proletarian Youth, and the roots of the "Infinity of human nature" and the culturalist politics of the whole people. Thus, the last revolution would come out of Choseon. And the principle of the revolution lies in the "great ideal of the Gaebyeok" that everyone will resonate.

해방 후 북한 반소반공운동의 실상

기광서 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 부설 동북아연구소 2019 동북아연구 Vol.34 No.2

The purpose of this paper is to identify the occurrences and major events of anti-soviet & anti-communism movement after the liberation of Korea, and to examine their general characteristics. The opposition to Soviet troops and the Communist Party continued shortly after liberation, and their ideological underpinnings were established by the policies and education of the former Japanese authorities. The most active among them were terrorist organizations from the South, centered on Baeg-uisa('White Clothes Society'), and the forces involved. The organized resistance of the students was actively made in the Sinuiju student Incident, Anti-trusteeship movement, Anti-land reform movement. During Provincial, city and county people's committees elections the Christian protest was actually the last organized mass resistance. Since 1947, the organizational resistance of the anti-Soviet forces was virtually ended by communist institutional and physical measures. Because of this, the anti-Soviet forces had become increasingly dependent on terrorism and sporadic resistance. After the liberation of Korea, the activities of anti-communist forces in North Korea were not systematically expanded and were isolated from the public. In the space of the liberation, their arguments did not have sufficient justification, and they lacked their political and organizational strengths to overcome the political environment led by the Communist Party.

노동신문을 통해 본 북한의 대미 인식: 비핵화 협상을 중심으로

박형준 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 부설 동북아연구소 2019 동북아연구 Vol.34 No.2

North Korea's perception of the United States is represented by negative images such as distrust, hostility, and slander. For more than 70 years, North Korea and the United States have faced hostile relations and mutual distrust through military conflicts in the DMZ, mass production of hostility consciousness through various symbolic manipulations and demonization, and the failed nuclear negotiations since the Korean war. The recent North Korea-U.S summit also showed that they do not trust each other's words and actions due to the ‘learning effects' derived from their past experiences. Most of the previous researches tend to have limitations in grouping the North Korea’s perceptions of U.S such as hostility, distrust, slander, and hate into a unified analytical frame. The purpose of this study is to examine empirically and concretely North Korea's perceptions of U.S, which is an obstacle in the denuclearization negotiation process between North Korea and U.S.

The Cognitive Dissonance on Refugees in South Korea: The Case of the Influx of Yemeni Refugees on Jeju Island

명석영,최원근 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 부설 동북아연구소 2022 동북아연구 Vol.37 No.1

The influx of Yemeni refugees on Jeju Island sparked controversy in South Korea in 2018. Considering the remarkable contribution to UNHCR from the private sector, it was a completely disappointing response discouraging refugee protection. This research emerges from the point that Koreans showed contrasting attitudes to the influx of refugees in 2018. How can we explain this disparity, and what explains the strong and massive public resistance against the acceptance of refugees? This research argues that the Yemeni refugee crisis was rapidly politicized and spread out to society with crafted fears from social security threats and hysteric multiculturalism backlash caused by the cognitive dissonance between what is real and what is imagined for refugees.

중국 개혁개방 초기 국가주도의 ICT 발전전략과 정책 분석

차정미 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 부설 동북아연구소 2019 동북아연구 Vol.34 No.2

Under the Kim Jong-un regime, North Korea is focusing on information and communication development, presenting its goal of becoming a knowledge economy based on information technology. Expectations are high for North Korea's reform and openness after the rise of a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula in 2018 and for possible inter-Korean cooperation in the ICT sector. But, it is true that there are vague expectations that the ICT sector will be a key part of inter-Korean cooperation amid the lack of detailed analysis and prospects on how ICT development strategies and external cooperation will be pursued after the North's reform and opening. This paper examines China's ICT development awareness and strategy, support policy and technical cooperation network since the China’s Reform and Open Policy in 1978, which is helpful for predicting and analyzing aspects of ICT development strategy and external cooperation network after North Korea's reform and opening. It analyzes how the nation played a role in the development of the ICT industry in terms of the policy leader's perception and will, the government's institutional financial support and network support to promote foreign technology exchanges, and presents suggestions and implications of ICT development strategies, policies and network strategies after China's past reform and opening of North Korea.

Decentralization and Foreign Direct Investment : Impact of Fiscal and Political Decentralization on FDI Inflow

조서녕,김동훈 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 부설 동북아연구소 2019 동북아연구 Vol.34 No.1

We examine the interactive effects of political decentralization and fiscal decentralization on foreign direct investment. We argue that the positive effect of fiscal decentralization on FDI inflow becomes stronger with the political decentralization. Empirically, we test the argument using Hooghe et al. (2015)’s original dataset on Regional Authority Index and analyze 81 countries for the period 1970 to 2010. The empirical results suggest that in general, fiscally and politically decentralized host countries receive more FDI inflow.

간담화, 한일도서협정과 일본정부의 식민지 지배 인식의 연속성

엄태봉 조선대학교 사회과학연구원 부설 동북아연구소 2019 동북아연구 Vol.34 No.1

This article attempts to clarify the continuity of the Japanese government's perception of colonial rule through analyzing historical perception of the ‘Kan statement’ and ‘Korea-Japan Agreement for Books’. In order to analysis the perception this article examines ‘Kan statement’ and ‘Korea-Japan Agreement for Books’ through ‘Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea’ and ‘Agreement on the Art Objects and Cultural Co-operation between Japan and the Republic of Korea’ in the Korea-Japan Normalization talks. Tokyo had held the perception that the ‘Japan–Korea treaty of 1910’ has been legally valid and following colonial ruling was legally legitimate. Therefore, Tokyo has similar perception on the issue on transfer of Korean cultural heritage to Japan during the colonial period, which was conducted by a legitimate authority of colonial ruling bodies based on the annexation treaty of 1910. This article argues that similar historical perception can be found in the ‘Kan statement’ through examinations. ‘Kan statement’ and ‘Korea-Japan Agreement for Books’ had the same historical perception as ‘Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea’ and ‘Agreement on the Art Objects and Cultural Co-operation between Japan and the Republic of Korea’. It is claimed that although Kan, the first prime minister to express apology to the colonial rule in Korea through official statement, was signed the Agreement for books, the first large-scale cultural properties delivery after the Korea-Japan talks, the historical perception that ‘Japan–Korea treaty of 1910’ and the export of cultural properties were legally valid has been still embedded in his statement and actions. This article clarifies the continuity of the Japanese government's perception of colonial rule through this analysis.