사회적 기업정책으로서의 노동자교육

이진일(Jinil Lee) 한국독일사학회 2003 독일연구 Vol.- No.6

Mit der Erholung von der Inflation und der neuen Klärung der Reparationslasten begann sich deutsche Wirtschaft langsam zu stabilisieren. Nachdem die Unternehmer nicht mehr die Zentralarbeitsgemeinschaft brauchten, wandten sie ihre Aufmerksamkeit auf die betriebliche Sozialpolitik, die zur Stabilisierung der innerbetriebliche Herrschaft beitragen sollte, Die Unternehmer ging davon aus, daβ die Produktion durch die optimale Ausnutzung der Rationalisierung allein nicht gesteigert werden konnte. Soziale Betriebspolitik, im Gegensatz zur staatlichen Sozialpolitik, bedeutete für die Arbeitgeber nicht nur die Absicherung der während der Revolution und Demobilmachung geschwächten betrieblichen Macht und Autonomie und die Wiederherstellung der Arbeitsdisziplin. Daruber hinaus sollte sie den gewerkschaftlichen Einfluβ am Arbeitsplatz ausschalten. Die Beseitigung des Achtstundentages und die Forderung nach Rückkehr zur betrieblchen Tarifvereinbarung spiegelte die Veränderung des Verhältnisses der Arbeitgeber zu den Gewerkschaften nach der wirtschaftlichen Konsolidierung wider.

통사 쓰기와 민족사 서술의 대안들 ― 독일의 ‘특별한 길’(Sonderweg)에서 ‘서구에의 안착’까지 ―

이진일 ( Jinil Lee ) 수선사학회 2021 史林 Vol.- No.77

The Sonderweg thesis is not only a historical explanatory model, but also a political-moral belief linked to the self-understanding of the nation, that was built after the fall of the Nazi-dictatorship. So the Sonderweg Thesis is not just a matter of simply historical interpretation. In this paper analyzes the recent German historical works of four historians: Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Heinrich August Winkler, Jürgen Kocka, and Ulrich Herbert. Therefore, I intend to reevaluate how the Sonderweg theory is changing. that is, the way of relocating the Wilhelm Empire, and how the continuity and disconnection of German history leads to the subsequent period 1933, 1945, and 1989/90. The interpretation of Nazism, which is inevitably connected with the Sonderweg interpretation. Through this work, it is also attempted to identify differences in views among the representative German historians who claim Sonderweg. The end of the division, symbolized by 1989/90, had an impact on the historical assessments of the period before 1933 and meant that the issue of continuity in German history began to be interpreted differently. These four historians have attempted to reveal German history in the 19th and 20th centuries by connecting various historical events and characteristic moments under a structural connection without being bound by a specific ideology. In addition, they tried to explain the contradictory forces that commonly collide with each other in German history, and ultimately attempts to integrate the forces that make up society into national history. It can be said that this classical narrative method centered on political history has show its maximum. All of them attempted to understand the development of German history as a history of the eruption of its own power in Germany rather than in the European context, and write the development of West Germany after the defeat 1945 as ‘successful democracy’, ‘success of modernization’, or simply ‘Westbindung’. It was the culmination of German national history in 1990, when it finally broke up with Sonderweg.

전간기 유럽의 동아시아 인식과 서술 -지정학적 구상을 중심으로-

이진일 ( Jinil Lee ) 성균관대학교 인문학연구원(성균관대학교 인문과학연구소) 2016 人文科學 Vol.0 No.61

일반적 선입견과는 달리 지정학은 나치 독일이나 일본 군국주의가 만든 것도 그들에 국한된 현상도 아니다. 지정학은 그 이념에서 랏젤과 밀접한 관련을 맺으며 출발한다. 그는 지구를 대륙과 해양으로 구분하면서, 이들이 갖는 지리적 요소들의 중요성을 강조하였고, 지질학적 측면이 갖는 의미를 민족의 운명을 결정하는 명확한 자연법칙으로 받아들여 강조한 것이었다. 맥킨더 (Halford Mackinder, 1861-1947)와 마한 (Alfred Thayer Mahan, 1840-1914)으로 대표되는 대륙세력과 해양세력간의 힘의 충돌이론은 비록 식민제국주의라는 낡은 표제 하에 이미 철지난 담론들로 치부되기도 했으나, 냉전이 종식되고 대륙과 대륙이 그 어느 때보다도 밀착하게 된 오늘날 역설적이게도 새로운 르네상스를 맞고 있다. 지정학을 공간이 정치에 미치는 영향력을 강조하는 학문이라 할 때, 역사적으로 그것은 두 가지 차원을 지녔다. 하나는 현실정치적 관계를 설명할 학문적 분석도구로서의 사용이었고, 다른 한편 이를 넘어 정치적 행위를 이끌어가는 공격적 도구로 이해되었다. 그럼에도 이 새로운 학문이 공간을 구성하는 다른 요소들, 즉 한 국가 내의 경제, 인구, 문화 등을 충분히 고려하지 않음으로써 분석도구로서의 미흡함을 보여준 것이라 할 수있다. Unlike the general prejudice, geopolitics is a phenomenon confined neither to Nazi Germany nor to Japanese militarism. In its beginning geopolitics was closely related with Friedrich Ratzel, a German geographer in the 19th century. He devides the earth with continental power and ocean power, and stressed the importance of geographical factors, that they have. Halford Mackinder, (1861-1947) and Alfred Mahan (1840-1914) took over the geographical theory of Ratzels. Paradoxically, after the Cold War ended, geopolitics faced a new renaissance than ever before. Ultimately, the Western geopolitics of the early 20th century focused on how to control the Soviet Russia across Europe and Asia. Haushofer published a book Kontinentalblock. Mitteleuropa-Eurasien-Japan (Mㅕnchen, 1941) with the idea to tie the Eurasian continent between Germany and Japan in the year that Second World War begins. Geopolitics was used as an academic tool to explain the reality of political relations on the one hand and as an aggressive tools to lead this political action on the other hand. Nevertheless, geopolitics as a new discipline does not take into account the factors like economy, population, and culture in a country, which shows its scantiness as an analytical tools.

통일 후 분단독일의 역사 다시 쓰기와 역사의식의 공유

이진일(Jinil Lee) 역사비평사 2016 역사비평 Vol.- No.114

It has more than 25 years passed since the German unification. Even with the fall of the DDR-system, it is not easy to form a consensus on the historical evaluation of the german unification. To describe the history of the two countries, resulting in one unified country means ‘historize’ the event of national unification. And it takes time. One of those who suggested first the alternative method of the German post-war history was the german Historian Christoph Klessmann. He summarized his thesis as ‘asymmetric entangled parallel history’. He has the notion that, Germany was ‘divide but not disconnected.’ Through this suggestion, he provides a model of the Historiography, that offers a heuristic model for diverse historian. There is no example of standardized official historiography that everyone to agree. Rather, it is necessary to communicate the pluralistic vision of historical interpretation for the public.

‘4차 산업혁명’ - 일종의 독일적 자본주의 모델?

이진일 ( Lee Jinil ) 성균관대학교 인문학연구원 2018 人文科學 Vol.0 No.68

2000년대 초반까지만 하더라도 ‘유로화의 병자’(The sick man of the Euro)로 운위될 만큼 높은 실업률과 심각한 재정적자에 시달렸던 독일이 15년이 지난 오늘, 유럽의 성장동력으로 다르게 평가받게 된 배경에는 무엇이 있을까? 오늘날 ‘4차 산업혁명’의 시초로 논의되고 있는 Industrie 4.0과 이에 대한 노동의 대응인 Arbeiten 4.0은 어떤 과정을 거치면서 사회적으로 공론화되었고, 우리가 그 과정을 통해 의미를 찾는다면 그것은 무엇이 될 수 있을까? Industrie 4.0이 세계화의 진전과정에서 미국의 기업들이 선점한 세계시장 전략에 대한 독일적 대응이라면, Arbeiten 4.0은 Industrie 4.0을 통해 제기된 문제들에 대한 노동의 대응이다. 이 과정은 2015년 독일 노동복지부 장관 안드레아스 날레스에 의해 주도되었다. 2015년 4월 < Arbeiten 4.0 - 녹서 >가 처음 제시되었고, 이후 약 20개월에 걸친 콘퍼런스, 전문가와 시민들이 주도하는 대화모임, 종료 콘퍼런스 등 다양한 대화와 소통, 연구의 과정을 거쳐 2017년 3월 < Arbeiten 4.0 - 백서 >가 출간되었다. 그 결과물은 노동계뿐만 아니라, 독일 사회 전체에서 큰 호응을 얻었고, 디지털 정보사회로 가는 하나의 이정표 겸 Industrie 4.0에 대한 중요한 보완 역할로 인정받게 되었다. 그럼에도 불구하고 이러한 일련의 독일의 경제적 발전과 미래에 대한 계획, 다가올 사회에 대한 대응책들을 일종의 ‘독일적 자본주의 모델’로 볼 수 있을까? 그렇게 단언하기는 어려울 듯싶다. 그보다는 민주적이고 인간중심적 사고, 즉 인간의 존엄성과 노동에 대한 보편적 휴머니즘이 이들 독일의 발전과 미래상에 담겨져 있음을 우리는 발견한다. 이러한 성찰을 바탕으로 그들이 고안해 낸 Industrie 4.0과 Arbeiten 4.0 안에서의 산업과 노동의 구조는 분권적이고, 자율적이며, 다양성과 합의를 존중하는 수평적 네트워크 구조를 지향하고 있다. 이러한 구조가 4차 산업혁명이나 미래의 디지털 정보사회의 구조와 상호 조응하는 것은 우연이 아니다. Is there any reason why Germany, which had hitherto been suffering from high unemployment and serious fiscal deficits and consequently was called ‘a sick man of Europe’ until the early 2000s, has been favorably evaluated as the growth engine of Europe within 15 years? In what process have “Industrie 4.0” ― discussed as the trailblazer of the "Fourth Industrial Revolution" today ― and “Arbeiten 4.0,” labor’s response to it, become the issues of public debate in society and what would be the meaning of the phenomena we can deduce from the process? If Industrie 4.0 is Germany’s response to a global market strategy dominated by the U.S. companies in the process of globalization, Arbeiten 4.0 is German labor’s response to the problems related to Industrie 4.0. The process of Arbeiten 4.0 was led by Andreas Nahles, German Minister of Labor and Welfare in 2015. In April 2015, < Arbeiten 4.0 - Green Paper > was presented for the first time. After about 20 months of conferences, professional and citizen-led dialogues, meetings and ending conferences, < Arbeiten 4.0 - White Paper > was published in March 2017. The result was favorably received by not only the labor sector but also German society in general, and served as an important milestone in the road to digital information society and as an important complement to Industrie 4.0. Nevertheless, it should be questioned whether all these developments in Germany, their plans for the future, and their responses to the coming society be seen as ‘a kind of German-style capitalist model’? The immediate answer is negative. Rather, we can find in this process democratic and human-centered thinking, universal humanism of cherishing human dignity and labor, which is embedded in these German plans. The industrial and labor structures within the Industrie 4.0 and Arbeiten 4.0 are decentralized and autonomous and pursues a horizontal network structure that respects diversity and a consensus. It is no coincidence that this structure coincided with the structure of the Fourth Industrial Revolution or the digital information society of the future.

패전과 바이마르 공화국에서의 인구정책적 구상

이진일(Jinil Lee) 서울대학교 서양사연구회 2010 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.43

It took nearly half a century for most German public and private institutions to begin dealing seriously with the legacy of National Socialism. The history of Demography and demographic Politics in interwar Germany are significant for their continuity and discontinuity with National Socialism. This article analyzes a demographic politics in Weimar Democracy that aimed national expansion. Germany experienced population growth, urbanization and industrialization, all these developments with acceleration in the late nineteenth century. But German society and its once prosperous industrial economy would have emerged completely changed from the experience of war and defeat. Many people were unemployed and social tension rose. Under these background attempted the conservative right-wing to combine the population policy with medical and eugenic ideals. Most demographic planer convinced that because more children of higher quality was the solution to national problems Germany need to increase births, in order to replenish the weakened population resources. But racial hygiene was not a uniquely right-conservative policy. It began already at the end of 19th century and intensified after the defeat in the First World War. The collectivist rhetoric of national health and the body politics was meant to inculcate selfless devotion to the family and nation. Such ideological campaigns avoided costly positive solutions in terms of welfare measures such as orphanages, parenthood insurance and land reform. The Third Reich distinguished itself from democratic states in particular because it loosened, suspended, or eliminated ethical rules and controls on an unprecedented scale and thereby either allowed or encouraged demographer ethnologist, historian, geographer and other social scientist to take advantage of unprecedented, often unethical and sometimes murderous research opportunities. For this purpose threw up demography for himself as an independent discipline in the academic world.

Antenna Building Block for the Massive MIMO System

Jinil Lee(이진일),Sungtek Kahng(강승택) 대한전기학회 2013 대한전기학회 학술대회 논문집 Vol.2013 No.7

[서평] 독일 통일 30년의 ‘이행’(移行)과 ‘전환’ : Judith C. Enders, Raj Kollmorgen, Ilko-Sascha Kowalczuk (eds.), Deutschland ist eins: vieles. Bilanz und Perspektiven von Transformation und Vereinigung, Campus Frankfurt/M 2021 (『독일은 하나며 여럿. 이행과 통일의 결산과 전망』) Kerstin Brückweh, Clemens Villinger, Kathrin Zöller, Die lange Geschichte der ‘Wende’. Geschichtswissenschaft im Dialog, Ch. Links Verlag Berlin 2020 (『‘전환’의 긴 역사. 대화 속 역사학』)

이진일 ( Lee¸ Jinil ) 서울대학교 통일평화연구원 2021 통일과 평화 Vol.13 No.2

근대 국민국가의 탄생과 ‘국사’(national history) : -동아시아로의 학문적 전이를 중심으로-

이진일(Jinil LEE) 한국사학사학회 2013 韓國史學史學報 Vol.0 No.27

근대 역사학은 19세기 국민국가(nation-state)라는 특별한 형식의 국가형태와 긴밀한 관련을 맺으며 발전하였다. ‘과학적 방법론’이 제시되었고, 역사학의 전문화와 제도화, 분과학문으로의 독립 등이 진행되었으며, 이 과정에서 역사가들은 자민족의 고유성을 강조하고, 민족적, 지역적 테마들을 자국의 형성과 발전이라는 차원에서 다룸으로써 국민국가의 역사적 기반을 제시하기 위해 진력하였다. 보편사에 입각한 세계사 서술은 계몽의 시기를 구성하는 중요한 요소 중 하나였다. 19세기 초반 낭만적, 자유주의적 역사가들에 의해 보편사적 역사서술이 진행되었지만, 이후 민족주의적 조류를 흡수하면서 점차 보편사적 역사서술은 민족주의적 서술로 변하게 되는데, 결국 일본이 받아들인 ‘과학으로서의 역사학’이란 랑케의 뒤를 이은 신랑케주의자들의 ‘세계정책’과 제국주의 이론을 바탕으로 한 새로울 것 없는 역사학이었다. 특히 1887년 도쿄대학 문과대학에 초빙된 역사학자 리스가 바로 그 신랑케주의자의 일원이었음은 기억할 만한 일이다. 일본서 받아들인 서구적 역사방법론은 다시 1900년대 초 양계초를 통해 중국으로 전이되며, 조선으로는 중국을 거치지 않고 직접 일본 역사서와 번역서 등을 통해 수입된다. 자국 중심적, 민족 중심적 역사서술이라는 점에서 동아시아 3국은 유사하였고, 민족사 속에 들어 있는 계몽적 역사관의 요소들, 즉 진화론적 사관, 발전론적 사관, 영웅사관, 정치/사상사 중심체계 등도 모두 공통적이었다. Modern history of the 19th century forged with a special type of nation-state. ‘Scientific method’ has been presented, institutionalization and professionalization of history as a discipline was carried out. In this process, the historians who emphasized the uniqueness of ethnic, national, regional themes in terms of the formation and development of its nation, strived to present the historical foundation of the nation-state. The world history, which based on universal history, was one of the important elements that make up the time of the Enlightenment. While universal historiography was written by romantic, liberal historians in the early 19th century, but universal historical narrative turned into the nationalist narrative, as the tide of Nationalism increasingly higher. Eventually so called “scientific history”, which Japan has imported from western, was the neorankean history, that justified the german ‘Weltpolitik’ and imperialism. Especially Ludwig Riess, who was invited as a professor of history by the College of Liberal Arts at the University of Tokyo in 1887, was a member of the very Neorakean historians. Accordingly, the Western historigraphical methodology, which Japan imported, transfered again by Liang Qichao in the early 1900s to China. Chosun imported this so called ‘scientific history’ from Japan by Japanese history books or their translation. This 3 nations in East Asia were similar in the form of historiography, which tended to nationalistic, domestic-oriented, exclusive and enlightening writing of their own national histories.

High Directive Circular Polarized Metasurface Antenna combined with a Negative Resonance Radiating Structure for Radar Development

Kyeongnam Jang(장경남),Sungtek Kahng(강승택),Jinil Lee(이진일),Jinsu Jeon(전진수),Jeongho Ju(주정호),Hosub Lee(이호섭) 대한전기학회 2013 대한전기학회 학술대회 논문집 Vol.2013 No.10