TRADITION AND INNOVATION IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES

HYDE, GEORGIE D.M. 이화여자대학교 동서교육연구소 1982 East west education Vol.3 No.2

THE ROLE EDUCATION FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO EGYPT

HYDE, GEORGIE D.M. 이화여자대학교 동서교육연구소 1981 East west education Vol.2 No.1

That education has a dual function: to serve the individual and the community is generally recognized, although the balance of these functions is a matter of perennial debate among educationists, while politicians are the final arbiters when in their view educational, psychological and, indeed, their opponents' political philosophies favour individual development to the detriment of community needs. he harsh realities of the need to modernize industry in order to survive in an Increasingly competitive world necessitates a new look at national systems : their aims, standards of efficiency, and, above all, their role in industrial development. This trend has a special significance in the developing countries of the ‘Third World' which, traditionally, have relied, sometimes at a subsistence level, on their agricultural produce, but which now depend, on social economic and sometimes political survival on the creation of industries to supply expanding needs that cannot be met by expensive imports. This is an oversimplification of a very complex group of problems relating to the degree of acceptance or rejection by these countries of technical advice, manpower and financial help from more industrially advanced countries. The African continent affords many examples of formerly occupied territories who are endeavouring to produce an educational system which is relevant to contemporary living. At a time when liberated countries are trying to salvage what is left of their traditional cultures after colonial and missionary invasions, they are, paradoxically, forced by the need to modernize in order to survive the new technological revolution that is making the rich countries richer and the poor poorer, to welcome a new and powerful educational invasion in the form of technical assistance. Will this destroy the last vestiges of their traditional cultures? In this context must be seen, for example, Nyerere's attempt to use traditional moral values as a guide for Tanzanian society by making them the basic Principles of education. Mazrui (1979) sums Lip the problem: to close the techno-cultural lag in African societies but to create 'a healthy balance between education as a process of socialization and education as a process of releasing the individual, which can only be achieved through technical education." African countries faced with educational problems tend to seek help from Egypt, who, in spite of her Present difficulties, was nominated as leader and spokesman by even Libya, Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco at the meeting of UNCTAD in 1979 to represent the 'developing' countries. Egypt is currently engaged in an industrial revolution involving in-depth studies of the country's natural resources and possibilities of their exploitation, the creation of new, modern industries in all parts of her territory, including those formerly occupied by Israel and the creation of a political network of governorates sufficiently independent to ensure that projects are relevant to the needs of the areas involved and that suitable educated man-power is available to carry them out. In this highly ambitious scheme for Egypt's industrial and economic future, the role of education concerns not only the Ministry of Education but every ministry in the government. It also covers a wide range of academic disciplines and technical skills each of which have an historic place in the development of Egyptian education. Educational provision related directly or indirectly to industrial development can roughly be termed 'formal' or 'informal: with the Ministry of Education taking responsibility for the former and other ministries for the latter. In the past this has proved to be wasteful, too inflexible and socially divisive, so, although details must be left in the hands of different types of experts within and outside the Ministry of Education, plans are afoot to develop a comprehensive framework which would embrace all productive work and technological culture with maximum co-ordination between the institutions providing 'formal' and 'informal' training.

Changes in Plasma Levels of Inhibin and Follicle Stimulating Hormone in Buffaloes Superovulated with eCG

Singh, Baljit,Dixit, V.D.,Dixit, V.P.,Singh, P.,Georgie, G.C.,Lohan, I.S. Asian Australasian Association of Animal Productio 2000 Animal Bioscience Vol.13 No.9

The present study was undertaken to investigate the effect of stimulation of follicular development with eCG on the peripheral levels of inhibin and FSH in Murrah buffaloes. Estrus was synchronized in five normally cycling females by insertion of Crestar (Intervet, Boxmeer, Holland) implants for nine days. Estradiol valerate was administered i.m. on the day of implant insertion. On the 10th day of the induced estrous cycle a single dose of 3000 IU eCG (Folligon, Intervet, Boxmeer, Holland) was given, followed by treatment with 25 mg of $PGF_2$ alpha (Lutalyse, Upjohn, Belgium) 48 h later. Blood samples were obtained during the induced estrus, on cycle day 10 (luteal phase), at the superovulatory estrus (43 h after PGF) and during the periovulatory period (64 h after PGF). Ultrasonography was done daily to monitor follicular development. Plasma concentrations of inhibin and FSH were determined by specific radioimmunoassays. Differences between $mean{\pm}SEM$ values of different phases of the cycle were compared by ANOVA. The mean number of small (2-5 mm), medium (6-9 mm) and large (>10 mm) follicles observed two days after eCG treatment and on the day of superovulatory estrus was $2.8{\pm}0.31$, $5.2{\pm}0.30$ and $1.4{\pm}0.09$ and $1.9{\pm}0.21$, $2.8{\pm}0.40$ and $5.0{\pm}0.83$, respectively. The mean number of ovulations was $3.6{\pm}0.37$ and the mean number of unovulated follicles was $6.1{\pm}0.47$. Most of the follicles >10 mm in diameter had ovulated (72%). The mean ${\pm}SEM $ of plasma inhibin concentration $(2584.15{\pm}17.92pg/ml)$ during the superovulatory estrus was significantly higher $(p{\leq}0.05)$ than during the induced estrus $(749.87{\pm}17.29pg/ml)$, the luteal phase $(1099.54{\pm}24.98pg/ml)$ and periovulatory period $(1682.71{\pm}29.88pg/ml)$, respectively. $Mean{\pm}SEM$ plasma FSH concentration during the induced estrus $(10.35{\pm}0.41ng/ml)$ was not different from that during the superovulatory estrus $(8.52{\pm}0.39ng/ml)$, but was significantly higher $(p{\leq}0.05)$ than during the luteal phase $(2.81{\pm}0.42ng/ml)$ and periovulatory period $(5.7{\pm}0.28ng/ml)$. These data indicate that treatment with eCG in buffaloes for inducing superovulation results in a significant elevation in plasma inhibin levels and a decrease in plasma FSH levels during the superovulatory estrus. Thus, we suggest that the elevated plasma inhibin coming from fully developed follicles continued for a long time which results in inhibition of FSH leading to poor ovulation in the remaining follicles, which may be the cause of suboptimal superovulatory response.

Bilateral and Multilateral Aspects of a Probable Peace Regime on The Korean Peninsula (The View from Experts in Russia)

Georgy Bulychev,Valeriia Gorbacheva 통일연구원 2020 International journal of korean unification studie Vol.29 No.2

The process of creating a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula is based both on bilateral tracks (the most important ones are the US-DPRK and the North-South tracks) and multilateral ones. This process is deeply embedded in a framework that involves a larger number of players, including Russia, China and Japan, as well as the United Nations. The primary bilateral track is the US-DPRK dialogue, the history of which is dramatic; the unprecedented upturn in 2018 gave rise to many hopes that the peace regime may be achieved in exchange for denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. North-South dialogue also played a crucial role.What are the reasons that bilateral attempts for a settlement have gone nowhere so far? As a result, North Korea might have passed a “point of no return” in its drive to reach a nuclear status. At the same time an uneasy confrontational stability has settled on the Peninsula, and paradoxically it, in fact, suits everyone as a lesser of evils. This balance might be institutionalized. A multilateral approach should be tested in order to reconcile the antagonists and create a system of multilateral guarantees for the implementation of agreements. Ideas on roadmap options and synchronizing of the steps to move to the new peace regime are suggested in the article.

North Korean Energy Problems and Solutions: A Russian Perspective

Georgy Toloraya,Marina Trigubenko 인하대학교 국제관계연구소 2008 Pacific Focus Vol.23 No.1

The Energy situation in DPRK remains very difficult and could prevent economic progress of the country even if large foreign assistance and investment would be at hand. Analysis of the country’s energy supply and demand patterns shows that the energy-hungry outdated industries and wastefulness in the use of energy due to lack of incentives lead to a much higher energy per unit of GDP use than in comparable economies. On the other side the domestic supply is limited, while the lack of financing sources limits the external supply. DPRK cannot attain energy security on its own: this is the priority task for international assistance, especially in the context of the 6-party peace process. Suggested measures include modernization of energy sector management, introducing internationally-funded system of training of personnel, energy sector facilities modernization, new objects construction and innovation (including nuclear energy generation development, interconnection of Russian Far East power grid with North and South Korea, projected gas pipelines). South Korean role is very important and its assistance should be coordinated with broader international aid in the framework of 6 party talks. Multilateral energy assistance arrangements, including a possible consortium should be considered. Such a body could draw a comprehensive plan of DPRK’s energy production and consumption patterns and the needed investment correlated with the overall prognosis of DPRK’s economic development.

"A Turn to the Right?" A Russian Comment on the North Korean Policy of ROK Conservative Government

Georgy Toloraya 통일연구원 2008 International journal of korean unification studie Vol.17 No.1

Since the election of a conservative government in Seoul in 2008, the situation on the Korean peninsula has deteriorated considerably. President Lee Myung bak’s hard-line policy toward the North provoked a Northern backlash and inter Korean relations have nosedived. As a result, the ROK has sidelined itself from the diplomatic process of searching for a solution to the North Korean security problem which does not bring such a solution any closer, which in turn causes concern. The ROK international position and its leverage in North Korea seem to have deteriorated. Russia supports North South Korean reconciliation and cooperation as a prerequisite for promoting peace and security in the neighboring area, which is the chief goal of Russian strategy on the Korean peninsula. A deterioration in the situation is not in line with Russian policies on Korea and Russian concepts of the desired state of affairs in this region. The US conservative administration similarly started with a hard line policy toward Pyongyang but had to turn to dialogue and search for a compromise. In line with policy coordination with the US, the Lee Myung bak’s government should study this lesson and hopefully turn to more pragmatic policy sooner than the former did. That would create the necessary prerequisites for a broader degree of cooperation between Moscow and Seoul in Korean affairs and would benefit Russia, South and North Korea alike. Since the election of a conservative government in Seoul in 2008, the situation on the Korean peninsula has deteriorated considerably. President Lee Myung bak’s hard-line policy toward the North provoked a Northern backlash and inter Korean relations have nosedived. As a result, the ROK has sidelined itself from the diplomatic process of searching for a solution to the North Korean security problem which does not bring such a solution any closer, which in turn causes concern. The ROK international position and its leverage in North Korea seem to have deteriorated. Russia supports North South Korean reconciliation and cooperation as a prerequisite for promoting peace and security in the neighboring area, which is the chief goal of Russian strategy on the Korean peninsula. A deterioration in the situation is not in line with Russian policies on Korea and Russian concepts of the desired state of affairs in this region. The US conservative administration similarly started with a hard line policy toward Pyongyang but had to turn to dialogue and search for a compromise. In line with policy coordination with the US, the Lee Myung bak’s government should study this lesson and hopefully turn to more pragmatic policy sooner than the former did. That would create the necessary prerequisites for a broader degree of cooperation between Moscow and Seoul in Korean affairs and would benefit Russia, South and North Korea alike.

How to Put Korean Peace-Building Right: A View from Russia

Georgy Bulychev 동아시아재단 2019 Global Asia Vol.14 No.2

THE END OF THE COLD WAR RUSSIAN - AMERICAN RELATIONS AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS FOR NORTHEAST ASIA

Georgi A . Arbatov 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 1993 THE CHANGING ORDER IN NORTHEAST ASIA AND THE KOREA Vol.- No.-

Russian policy in Korea in a time of change

Georgy Toloraya 한국국방연구원 2009 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.21 No.1

The Security Crisis in Korea and its International Context: Sources and Lessons from a Russian Perspective

( Georgy Toloraya ) 한국국방연구원 2011 The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis Vol.23 No.3

Despite constant fluctuations between tensions and detente on the Korean peninsula, the crisis in 2010, including the Cheonan sinking and the Yeonpyong Island shelling has proved to become the most dangerous in decades―without obvious new reasons or new contradictions to justify it. After President Lee Myung Bak`s coming to power in South Korea, Pyongyang developed suspicions over his new hard-line stance and demands for denuclearization. North Korea thought that Seoul`s call for reforms were merely a cover to undermine their regime and it took seriously the desire by Southern conservatives for "early reunification" and thus resorted to military provocations. Meanwhile, the U.S. Obama administration chose to abstain from any meaningful policy toward North Korea, while China played a more active role in supporting Pyongyang and Russian policy, which is based on the priority of peace and stability on the Korean peninsula. All issues should be decided by political and diplomatic means without the use of force, threats, pressure, or isolation. Improvements in North-South relations, DPRK dialogue with the West, and a multilateral format are essential prerequisites for realizing a new security system in Korea that takes into account the interests of all parties. Only this can avert a new crisis. The author suggests a return to engagement and the promotion of slow evolutionary changes in North Korea by giving the current ruling elite tangible guarantees of security on the condition that the North would change its domestic and international behavior.