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도시지역 여성운동의 현황 및 성격에 관한 연구 -살구여성회의 사례를 중심으로
김주숙 ( Joo Sook Kim ),장화경 ( Hwa Kyung Chang ) 민주사회정책연구원 2003 민주사회와 정책연구 Vol.4 No.-
Not until the early 1990s has community womens movement begun to flourish with the background of introduced local government and social movements towards civil society. As the services offered to residents by the local governments are recently diversified, the womens roles for community development are in the phase of transition, with their identities at stake leaving future roles undecided. This study covers the roles of women in participation as subjects in developing community. It analyzes the consequence of activities of Salgu womens association in Geumcheon-gu Seoul, a model case of community womens movement, and reviews the general features of local residents movements and womens movements in japan. The Salgu womens associations practice bore Iruit: the recognition of their regional traits, realization of residents subjectivity, development of womens social educational programs, formation of democratic organization centered around membership and the enhancement of community welfare. Because of womens voluntary activities, it can be evaluated as a leading community movement to enhance the living quality of residents. Meanwhile in Japan, although local womens movement as a residential movement realized social welfare through network, influencing local politics, it is tainted with conservatism under the sway of centripetal force. It is important to secure publicity through publicizing process stemming from residents interests. It requires a partnership between community womens movement and local government. From now on, community womens movement should set up both female identity and publicity in the regions. Furthermore, it needs to seek the way of enhancing a network to increase resources.
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발아콩을 이용한 초콩의 제조 중 Isoflavone 및 특성 변화
엄권용(Kwon?Yong Eom),김주숙(Joo?Sook Kim),최희숙(Hee?Sook Choi),차보숙(Bo?Sook Cha),김우정(Woo?Jung Kim) 한국식품영양과학회 2006 한국식품영양과학회지 Vol.35 No.3
콩을 24시간 발아시켜 건조한 것을 양조식초에 480시간 절임하면서 초콩을 제조하는 과정 중 콩과 절임액의 isoflavone과 oligo당 그리고 pH, 색, texture의 변화를 조사하였다. 그 결과 절임이 진행되는 동안 콩에 함유된 isoflavone은 비발아콩의 경우 128.2 ㎎%에서 480시간 절임하였을 때 210.0 ㎎%로 약 64%가 증가되었고 발아콩은 133.4 ㎎%에서 절임 480시간 후에는 239.7 ㎎%로 약 80% 증가하였으며 특히 aglycone type의 증가가 더욱 현저하였다. 절임액의 pH는 절임 24시간 후에 2.4에서 3.8로 빠르게 증가하였으며 수용성 고형분 또한 빠른 증가를 보였고, L값은 감소하였다. Oligo당은 급속히 감소하여 절임 72시간 후에 약 90%이상 감소하였으며 그 중 raffinose와 stachyose의 감소가 더욱 빨리 감소하였다. Changes in isoflavone and oligosaccharides, and some physicochemical properties of Chokong, a pickled and dried soybeans, were investigated during pickling in brewed vinegar at 20℃. The used soybeans were 24 hr germinated soybeans, which was maximumly increased in isoflavone content during germination. The isoflavone contents were significantly increased by approx. 80% in both glycosides and aglycone type of isoflavone after 20 day of pickling at 20℃. The isoflavone values of germinated Chokong were significantly higher than those of ungerminated ones. Pickling the soybeans in vinegar resulted in a rapid initial decrease in oligosaccharides, particularly in raffinose and stachyose. The pH and soluble solids contents in vinegar increased markedly and L values decreased during initial pickling of 24 hr.
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金周淑 이화여자대학교 한국문화연구원 1979 韓國文化硏究院 論叢 Vol.34 No.-
The purpose of this article is to present some of the main facts and features of the family in Scandinavia, including Denmark, Norway and Sweden. The contents of the article are divided into six chapters : Introduction-Scandinavian Society, Population and Marital Status, Family and Social Welfare System, Reproduction, Sexual Behavior and Divorce. We shall emphasize the main points here and raise some further questions with regard to the Forean future family. 1. The Scandinavian population is characterized by a high proportion of old people, a high sex ratio among people aged 65 years ad over and a high proportion of unmarried female population aged 65 years and over. Mean ages at first marriage seem to have stabilized between 25-27 years for men, between 22-24 years for women. Nuptiality has been decreasing, especially in the younger generations, since the late sixties. This doesnt men however that the proportion of Scandinavian people living in a single status has been increasing, but rather that the number of cohabiting couples without marriage has been increasing. We have the figure of estimation for 165,000 couple cohabiting without marriage in Denmark as of January 1978. The data about Norway and Sweden also imply similar tendencies on cohabiting without marriage. Another feature about the marital statistics is the fact that the proportion of first marriage, as part of the total number of marriages, is decreasing and that the proportion of remarriage or third marriage of either one of the partners or both of them is increasing. 2. The Scandinavian family is characterized by the nuclear family which consists of parents and a few children. We can hardly find the extended family in the Scandinavian societies, even as a temporary arrangement. We can find two kinds of households in the statistics, one is the private household and the other is an institutional household, which manages the handicapped, the mentally ill and a considerable number of elderly people effectively. The Scandinavian family is the small-sized one with mainly one or two children. Over sixty percent of the total private households have no children living in same households. The relationship between husband and wife looks very equalitarian and democratic. The house works are shared by husband and wife. The majority of married women want to get a job outside their home. The economic activity rate of married women has been increasing recently. In 1970, the proportions of married women in total labor forces are 21.6% in Denmark, 14.4 in Norway and 20.4% in Sweden. Among the women aged 15-74 years, 59.2% of married women and 56.7% of unmarried women had jobs in Denmark in 1976, with a particularly high employment rate of 72-76% among women 20-44 years of age. 3. The Central government and the local authorities of the three countries have spent a lot of money and manpower for social security. In 1973, the total expenditure for social security in each country was 33253 million krone in Denmark, 18127 million krone in Norway and 45888 million krone in Sweden. These amounts are 21.0%, 18.6% and 20.9% of the total gross national incomes of each of the countries. This social security scheme covers various allowances for children, maternity benefits just after giving birth, the expenses for supervision of day nursery and similar institutions for children. This social welfare scheme also provide pensions for the elderly and all kinds of support for aged people. In other words, some of the traditional family functions like child rearing, protection for the weak or aged, have been transferred from family to society. 4. The reproduction level of the three countries is very low. The natural increase rates between 1970-1975 are 0.5% in Denmark 0.7% in Norway and 0.4% in Sweden. These low rates are due to not only the high acceptance rates of contraceptives, but also to the high rate of induced abortion. The numbers of induced abortion per 1000 live-births in 1975 are 386 in Denmark, 268 in Norway and 313 in Sweden. The so-called free abortion law seems to have contributed to the increase of abortion, especially in Denmark. Since the free abortion law came into force, every woman can get abortion at no cost, within 12 weeks of pregnancy, irrespective of her age or marital status. 5. The Scandinavian society was and is very permissive regarding relationships between man and woman including sexual behavior. We have found that there was considerable rate of premarital coitus and premarital conception in the Nordic countries in 19th century. Nowadays it is almost meaningless to distinguish between legitimate or illegitimate children. In fact the children born out of wedlock are treated just the same as the children born in wedlock under the law. As mentioned above, the number of couples-cohabiting without marriage has been increasing remarkably and it will probably continue to increase for a while. 6. The divorce rate has been increasing somewhat since the late sixties in Scandinavia. Among the three counties Swedens divorce rate has recently been slightly higher than those of the two other countries. About half of the divorces in the countries occurred in the first ten years of marriage. The remarriage rate after divorce has been decreasing remarkably in recent years. If we compare the Scandinavian family of today with the one in the sixties, we can find some differences in some respects. In the mid-sixties, Scandinavian society showed a higher nuptiality : since 1968, however, the divorce rate-which was quite stable from 1950 to 1968- has gone up. Since the end of the sixties some aspects about the Scandinavian family has been distinctly increasing : cohabiting couples without marriage, children born out of wedlock, number of induced abortion, and rate of divorce etc. Do the Scandinavian family continue developing to this direction? 7. The functions of the family in Scandinavian are quite different from the ones of Korean family in many aspects. In Scandinavian child rearing is supported by the society through the childrens allowances and institutional support like day-nursery and so on. Sex roles between husband and wife are becoming increasingly similar. Children usually get independence from their parents at earlier ages and are expected to live in their own flats independently. There is plenty of knowledge and information available about sexual life, but the Scandinavian ethic is very different from the Korean ethic and it rather seems that they do not have any ethics or rules to control their sexual lives restrictly in Scandinavia. The features of the family in Scandinavia should be considered with the political, economical, religious and cultural aspects of these societies, They have a long tradition of political democracy with the monarch systems, under the ruling social democrat party for over one generation, complete welfare systems under capitalistic economic systems, a history of Christianity for several hundred years, but never rooted in the mind of the people, and recent secularization of the Christianity. There is a long tradition of sexual permissiveness developed. These factors explain for some aspect of the social characteristics that formed the Scandinavian family today. It is now clear that the model of the Scandinavian family may be one of the future family patterns under the highly industrialized societies. Shall we expect that the Korean family will develop in same direction as the Scandinavian model in the future? There is only one common variable between the Scandinavian Society and Korean society : The former is industrialized society, the latter is industrializing rapidly. In spite of this common variable, the formation of the family in Korean society will be affected partly by the traditional values about family life and mostly by the future socio-economical systems of Korea.
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