중국 동북지역 도시상업은행(城市商業銀行)의 "시장자유화"로의 이행

김송죽 ( Song Juk Kim ),유가 ( Jia Liu ) 현대중국학회 2014 現代中國硏究 Vol.16 No.1

이 논문은 두 가지 목적을 가진다. 하나는 중국 금융기업의 개혁개방정도와 규제완화, 민영화, 시장자유화를 알아보기 위한 시도이다. 다른 하나는 기존에 다루어지지 않은 도시상업은행에 대한 전반적인 소개와 일차자료를 제공함으로써 향후 이 주제에 관한 학문적 토대를 마련하는 것이다. 이러한 연구목적을 달성하기 위해 최근 비약적으로 발전하고 있는 동북3성의 도시상업은행을 사례로 분석하였다. <2013년 세계은행순위 1000>과 <2013년 중국상업은행순위 50>에서 동북3성의 도시상업은행이 각각 10개와 4개가 선정되었다. 이는 소속도시의 지역경제와 고객을 위해서만 경영이 가능했던 지방의 한 도시상업은행이 중국 국내는 물론 전 세계은행들과 경쟁할 수 있을 만큼 비약적인 성장을 한 것이다. 그러나 선행연구에서는 본 현상에 대한 담론형성이 전무하기 때문에 이 문제의식을 가지고 본 연구에 착수하였다. 동북3성의 17개 도시상업은행을 분석한 결과, 제도적·지역발전적·경영적 측면에서 다음과 같은 특징을 도출할 수 있었다. 제도적 측면에서 보면, 동북3성 도시상업은행은 점진적인 민영화와 자율적 권한이 확대되고 있다. 지역발전적 측면에서 보면, 도시상업은행은 도시화, 산업화, 교통 인프라 구축이 잘 형성된 곳일수록 발전하기가 용이하다는 일반적인법칙이 동북3성의 사례에서도 증명된다. 경영적 측면에서 보면, 동북3성도시상업은행은 자산 및 경영관리의 내실화와 금융서비스의 차별화 전략을 통해 자가발전과 경쟁력을 제고시키고 있다. 결론적으로 동북3성의 도시상업은행이 보여주는 중앙-지방정부 역할의 감소, 비국유 중소기업의 증가와 발전, 규제완화, 시장개방, 도시화, 민영화 추세는 중국 금융시스템이 지닌 자유시장경제체제의 특징을 시사한다. This project has two different purposes. One thing is to pioneer the research area on Chinese financial market. More specifically, the one has examined the degree of openness of the financial market such as, restriction of the market, privatization, and marketization. The other is to establish fundamental data base on the research of Chinese city commercial bank for future perspective researches. For this, the one has focused on The 3 Northeast Provinces of China (named Liaoniang, Jilin, Heilongjiang provinces), where city commercial banks has shown remarkable development. These urban based commercial banks has been ranked in 2013 World Bank Ranking 1000 and 2013 Chinese City Commercial Bank Ranking 50 (10 for the WB ranking and 4 for the Chinese City Commercial Bank Ranking). These local-specialized banks has been developed so that they even compete not only with national but also with world-famous banks. Because there has not been formulated any discourse on the research of the Chinese city commercial banks, the one has come to possess a question on this matter. This research has been composed of three different parts; the historical genealogy of bank development, the position of role of the banks, and the internal status of the banks. After conducting comparative analysis of 17 city commercial banks in the 3 Northeast Provinces of China, the one draws conclusions from institutional, environmental, and, management modelling perspectives. From institutional view, city commercial banks of the 3 Northeast Provinces of China are largely based on private investment, not based on public funds opposite from what the law of City Commercial Bank 1995. This shows that the degree of power projection of the central government has been weakened as the flow of private capital is no longer able to be controlled by the public sphere. This means that the privatization of Chinese city commercial banks is controlled by the private capital not by the public area. Furthermore, as 2004 China Banking Regulatory Commission authorized ‘Cross Regional Business(跨區域經營)’ policy, the autonomy and right of the banks has been expanded. Based on this, city commercial banks are capable of possessing the compatibility with world class banks. From environmental perspective, it is more plausible for the banks to develop in urbanized, and industrialized area with well-established transport system. The 3 Northeast Provinces of China are well- exemplarized this general law. The degree of development of banks is well- exhibited in urban area where international trade is active with high level of industrialization, such as a port city or a airport city. From management modelling view, there are five different variables to gauge the effciency and compatibility of the banks; Liquidity Ratio, BIS Capital Adequacy Ratio, ROA(Return On Assets), Doubtful Loan Ratio, Loan-Savings Ratio. As analyzing these five indexes, it is possible to examine the financial safety of the banks. Consequently, Dalian bank, Jilin Bank, Jinzhou Bank are vulnerable to financial crisis. Additionally as Chinese city commercial banks are able to serve the distinguished locally oriented needs, so that they could have brought quite high level of service satisfaction in the local area. As a result, city commercial banks in the 3 Northeast Provinces of China has shown the diminishing role of central and local government, the development of small business firms, deregulation, openness of market, urbanization, indicating the liberal aspect of Chinese financial sector. Moreover, the project has been achieved the statistical analysis of Chinese documentations illustrating the reality of Chinese financial system. The one hope for this research to function as a fundamental basement for future perspective research on Chinese financial system.

인공지능 시대 중국 동북아 철도 현황과 과제

김송죽 ( Kim Song-juk ) 평화문제연구소 2023 統一問題硏究 Vol.35 No.1

본 논문은 철도 건설 사례를 통하여 인공지능 시대 중-몽-러 경제회랑과 한반도 종단철도 연계방안에 대하여 분석하고 제안하고자 한다. 중몽러 경제회랑의 32개 사업중 1/3이상 즉, 13개 프로젝트가 철도교통인프라 건설에 관한 협력이다. 중-몽-러 경제회랑은 일대일로 6대 경제회랑 중 최초의 다자간 협의가 이루어진 회랑이라는 점에서 큰 의미를 지니고 있다. 시진핑은 그동안 한국, 북한, 일본을 연계한 일대일로의 제7 경제회랑은 제외시켰다. 그러나 2018년 남북화해 평화무드를 통해, 한반도 철도 연결을 중심으로 한 동북아 경제회랑을 일대일로에 포함시키려는 시도가 있었다. 중국은 왜 동북지역을 중심으로 주변국과 국제철도 건설을 하려고 하는 것인가? 이 글은 중-몽-러 경제회랑과 한반도 종단철도 연계를 위해 경의선 노선을 중심으로 한 연계노선도 2개, 동해선 노선을 중심으로 연계노선도 2개를 방안으로 제안했다. 해당 연계노선도의 주요거점지역으로는 단둥(중국)-신의주 지역(북한), 나선 지역(북한), 자루비노항(러시아), 부산(한국)이 유력하다. 본 사업이 성공하기 위해서는 크게 3가지 장애요인을 극복하여야 한다. 첫째로, 동북아 국가 간의 정치적 역학관계로 특히 북핵문제와 러시아와 우크라이나 전쟁이 이에 해당한다. 둘째로, 과학기술적 측면에서 국가별로 철로 궤간이 다르며, 한중일의 철도기술력 경쟁이 심화되고 있다. 셋째로, 사회문화적 측면에서 반중정서 문제가 있다. This paper analyzes and proposes a plan to connect the China-Mongolia-Russia Economic Corridor and the Trans-Korean Railway in the era of Artificial Intelligence through railway construction cases. Among the 32 projects of the China-Mongolia-Russia Economic Corridor, more than 1/3, or 13 projects, are cooperation on the construction of railway transportation infrastructure. The China- Mongolia-Russia Economic Corridor is of great significance in that it is the first of the six in One Belt and One Road Initiatives where multilateral consultations were made. Xi Jinping has so far excluded the Seventh Economic Corridor of Belt and Road, which connects South Korea, North Korea and Japan. However, through the peace mood of inter-Korean reconciliation in 2018, there was an attempt to include the Northeast Asian Economic Corridor centered on the railroad connection on the Korean Peninsula in the One Belt and One Road Initiative. Why is China trying to build international railways with neighboring countries, centering on the Northeast region? In order to connect the China-Mongolia-Russia Economic Corridor and the Trans-Korean Railway, two connection routes centered on the Gyeongui Line and two connection routes centered on the Donghae Line were proposed as a plan. Dandong (China)- Sinuiju(North Korea), Rason(North Korea), Zarubino Port (Russia), and Busan(Korea) are likely to be the main base areas of the connection route map. In order for this project to be successful, three major obstacles must be overcome. First, the political dynamics among Northeast Asian countries, especially the North Korean nuclear issue and the war between Russia and Ukraine, fall into this category. Second, in terms of science and technology, railway gauges are different for each country, and competition for railway technology between Korea, China and Japan is intensifying. Thirdly, there is a problem of anti-Chinese sentiment in the socio- cultural aspect.

중국 국제송유관 건설의 정치경제: 중국-카자흐스탄 송유관(2006,2009) 건설을 중심으로

김송죽 ( Song Juk Kim ) 한국세계지역학회 2013 世界地域硏究論叢 Vol.31 No.1

이 글은 21세기 중국의 국제송유관 건설에 따른 국가이익과 정치경제적 배경을 분석한 것이다. 특히, 중국의 국제송유관 건설이 경제적 차원만이 아닌 정치적 리더쉽과 고도의 국제정치적 전략이 내포된 국가이익 추구행위라는 것을 논증하는데 그 목적이 있다. 즉, 중국이 카자흐스탄과 송유관을 건설하려는 이유가 단지 석유자원 확보, 지리적 이 점을 이용한 운송거리?운송비용?운송시간 절감 및 운송량 증대, 접경지역의 무역?경제 활성화, 중국기업들의 투자 확대, 송유관 관련국에 대한 차관제공?경제원조 대가로 석유자원 확보 등 경제적 이익 뿐만은 아니다. 그 이면에는 정치적 이익 즉, 소수민족의 분리와 독립운동 저지, 국가지도자의 외교업적과 중국공산당의 정치적 정당성 확보, 다자?양자기구 등과 같은 협의체 형성을 통한 국가이미지 제고, 군사협력 강화와 국경 분쟁 예방, 미국의 세력 확장에 대한 대응과 예방, 중국의 정치외교 주도권 확대 등 국가안보와 직결되는 정치외교적 실리를 고려하였다. 본고는 이를 통해 중국의 국제송유관 건설이 단순한 해외자원개발의 한 형태가 아니라 송유관 외교(Oil Pipeline Diplomacy)라는 이름하에 추진하고 있는 중국의 팽창정책의 한 유형으로 자리매김될 수 있음을 주장한다. This study aims to analyze the political and economic background of China`s transnational oil pipeline construction through the case study of the Sino-Kazakhstan Oil Pipeline constructed in 2006 and in 2009. The reason why China has aggressively tried to construct transnational oil pipelines is not only because of its economic interests but also due to political considerations directly connected to its national security. That is, there exist economic reasons for China to build the transnational oil pipelines with these three border counties: to secure oil supplies; to minimize the transport costs, distance, and time via geographical benefits; to revitalize the economy on the border; to promote investment of chinese companies; and to grant loans and economic aid to the countries related to the oil pipeline construction in return for the exploitation of natural resource(=loan for oil). In addition to the aforementioned economic aspect of cooperative construction, the political reasons also exist as follows: to maintain the Chinese Communist Party`s political legitimacy; to set back the independent movement of ethnic minorities; to enhance the national image by founding bi-and multi-organizations for the peaceful energy cooperation; to consolidate the military cooperation and settle the border disputes; to cope with and prevent the containment policy of the Unite States; and to increase its presence politically and diplomatically by setting a base of overseas expansion up. This article argues that China`s transnational oil pipeline construction is not strictly for the exploitation of natural resource, but rather follows a pattern of Chinese expansionist policy in the name of ``oil pipeline diplomacy``. Moreover, this article explains the significance of China`s resource diplomacy in international politics.

중국-러시아 송유관 건설의 정치적 동학

김송죽 ( Song Juk Kim ) 전북대학교 사회과학연구소 2014 지역과 세계 Vol.38 No.1

본 연구는 석유수입국인 중국 입장에서, 중국-러시아 송유관 건설이 개인, 국가, 지역, 국제의 다각적 차원에서 에너지 안보 이외에 대내외적으로 어떠한 정치적 이익을 추구할 수 있는지를 밝혔다. 또한 이를 통해 중국의 국제송유관 건설이 갖는 성격과 그 의미, 나아가 국제정치적 함의를 규명하였다. 분석결과, 중국이 최근 강력한 의지를 갖고 추진하는 국제송유관 건설은 단순히 석유자원 확보, 지리적 이점을 이용한 운송비용 절감, 접경지역의 무역·경제 활성화, 중국기업의 투자 증대 등 경제적 이익뿐만은 아니었다. 그 이면에는 정치적 이익 즉, 개인 차원에서 정치엘리트의 외교업적과 정치적 정당성 확보, 국가 차원에서의 군사협력 강화와 국경분쟁 예방, 국내 소수민족 문제를 해결하기 위한 방안, 지역 차원에서 중국의 정치외교 주도권 확대, 일본과 미국의 세력 확장에 대한 대응과 예방, 국제 차원에서 다자·양자기구 등과 같은 협의체 형성을 통한 국가이미지 제고 등 국가안보와 직결되는 중국정부의 대내외적 정치외교적 실리를 추구할 수 있었다. 본 연구는 이를 통해 국경을 넘나드는 국제송유관 건설은 경제적인 행위이자 동시에 정치·외교적인 행위의 집결체로 국가이익에 직접적으로 연관되는 실체임을 설명한다. 또한 일반적으로 비전통 안보와 하위정치로 분류되었던 에너지 문제가 어떻게 전통안보와 상위정치로 전환되고 있는지를 시사하고자 한다. This study analyzes how the Sino-Russia oil pipeline construction in 2011 has been created under the multidimensional strategic structures with regard to the interests of elites, states, geopolitics, and its position in the international system. This structure manifests several objectives such as the domestic and foreign pursuits of interests as well as energy security protection. Thus, I argue that the extensive transnational oil pipeline construction of China has its own characteristics and goals which render profound implications in international relations. In general, I argue the fact that China has been playing active role in the construction of oil pipelines across countries is due not only to obtaining its economic interests but also to pursuing its political considerations directly related to its national security. That is, there exist apparent economic reasons for China to build the Sino-Russia oil pipeline: to secure oil supplies; to minimize transport costs via geographical benefits; to revitalize the economy on the border; and to promote investment from Chinese companies, and so forth. However, multidimensional political considerations should also be taken into account in addition to the pursuit of economic interests. In this perspective, I identify four dimensions of political considerations as summarized in the following: ① individual, Chinese elites; aim to maintain diplomatic achievements and the Chinese Communist Party`s political legitimacy; ② the state, or Chinese regime, aims to settle borderline disputes and prevent the outbreak of independent movement from ethnic minorities; ③ regionally, China aims to attain the leadership position in Asia and cope with ‘pivot to Asia’ goal of the United States; and ④ internationally, China devises a means to enhance the national image by establishing bi- and multiorganizations for the peaceful energy cooperation. In sum, it is essential to understand the multidimensional nature of Chinese oil pipeline construction as a concentration of an economic activity as well as a political and diplomatic activity that immediately connects to its national interest. Hence, this study suggests that the issue of energy security should now be classified as traditional security, or high politics, which typically regarded as an issue of non-traditional security, or low politics.

중국-미얀마 송유관 건설의 정치적 배경 및 효과

김송죽(KIM Song-Juk) 한국국제정치학회 2013 國際政治論叢 Vol.53 No.4

한류 이미지가 한국교육상품의 구매의도에 미치는 영향

김성필(Seong-Pil Kim),김송죽(Song-Juk Kim),이민순(Min-Soon Lee) 한국콘텐츠학회 2013 한국콘텐츠학회논문지 Vol.13 No.2

본 연구는 중국에서 한류의 이미지가 국가이미지와 한국교육상품 구매의도에 미치는 영향을 실증적으로 검증하고 한류이미지가 한국교육상품 구매의도에 영향을 가질 때 몰입도의 조절효과를 실증하기 위한 것이다. 이를 위해, 중국 산동성 소재의 대학교에서 한류에 대해 인지하고 있는 중국 국적의 대학생을 대상으로 설문을 실시하여 총 315개의 설문지를 본 연구에 사용하였다. 분석결과, 한류의 인지적 이미지가 한류의 정서적 이미지, 국가이미지 및 교육상품 구매의도에 긍정적인 영향을 미치는 것으로 확인되었다. 또한, 한류의 정서적 이미지는 국가이미지 및 교육상품 구매의도에 긍정적인 영향을 미치는 것으로 확인되었다. 특히, 인지적이미지는 정서적이미지 보다 국가이미지에 미치는 영향이 높았다. 이러한 결과는 한류를 적극적으로 활용하여 국가이미지향상과 더불어 한국교육산업의 대중국으로의 활로를 모색해야 한다는 마케팅적 시사점을 제시하고 있다. 중국 내에서의 한류의 이미지를 활성화하기 위해서는 정부적 차원에서의 전·방위적인 한국드라마 등과 같은 문화콘텐츠 육성정책이 긍정적으로 검토되어야 할 것으로 사료된다. This research is to verify the effects of Korean wave image on the national image and purchase intention of Korean educational product empirically. Also, it is to find out the moderating effect of engagement when Korean wave image is affecting purchase intention of Korean educational product. In order to verify this, the questionnaires were distributed to the Chinese university students of Shandong, in China, who recognized the Korean wave, and among those questionnaires, 315 were analyzed for this research. As a result of analysis, cognitive images is found out to make a positive effects on the affective image, national image and purchase intention of Korean educational products. And affective images is found out to make a positive effects on the national image and purchase intention of Korean educational products. This result suggests that throughout the factor of Korean wave, we should improve national image and try to find ways to export Korean educational industry to China. In order to activate Korean wave image in China, the government has to review the cultural contents development policies positively like promoting Korean soap operas.

연구논문(硏究論文) : 국가브랜드 이미지와 학교브랜드 이미지가 한국유학의도에 미치는 영향 -중국대학생의 한류와 관여도의 조절효과를 중심으로-

김성필 ( Seong Pil Kim ),김송죽 ( Song Juk Kim ),이민순 ( Min Soon Lee ) 한국관광산업학회 2013 Tourism Research Vol.38 No.1

This study aims to seek an effective way to attract Chinese students that contribute to the development of Korean educational industry in various aspects including economics. In order to verify this, the questionnaires were distributed to the Chinese college university students of Shandong, in China, who recognized the Korean wave, and among those questionnaires, 295 were analyzed for this research. To this end, moderating effect of the involvement and Korean Wave is verified to provide useful suggestions for attracting potential Chinese students and thus to contribute to the development of Korean educational industry and improve the national brand image and school brand image as well. In particular, this study examines the role of the involvement of studying abroad and attitude toward Korean Wave in recognizing Korea as a proper place to study among college students in Shandong, China, geographically adjacent to Korea. The findings are as follows: First, it turned out that both the national brand image and school brand image have significant, positive influence on the intention of studying in Korea, and that the national brand image have the higher multiple regression coefficient than the school brand image. Second, the moderating effect of Korean Wave was empirically proved as the national brand image affects the intention of studying in Korea. Third, the moderating effect of involvement was empirically proved as the school brand image affects the intention of studying in Korea. Thus, the involvement and Korean Wave should be taken into consideration with regard to marketing strategies to attract potential Chinese students.

【사회과학(社會科學)】 : 중국 동북지역의 역사경험과 일본기업의 투자전략

김지환 ( Jih Wan Kim ),김송죽 ( Song Juk Kim ),석주희 ( Ju Hee Suk ) 한국외국어대학교 중국연구소 2014 中國硏究 Vol.62 No.-

This paper examines the dynamic of Japanese Business strategy and historical experiences in Northeast 3 provinces. Using the document analysis of the institute report, the Japanese business strategy that was constructed through the relationship of local government and business level. And also this paper will focus on the role of Japanese Industry association who shape and build the relationship with Northeast 3 Provinces in China. The Strategy of Japanese business is as below. First, Japanese business started the investment to Northeast 3 province based on Dalian because of infrastructure that built up in colonial era. Second, the investment of Japanese business expanded from Dalian to Liaoning, Jilin, Heilongjiang after 2000’s. This study further explores that Japanese business recognized the difference strategy for the Northeast 3 province and compared their strategy and advancing status. First, the Liaoning is much friendlier than other region to the Japanese firm. Especially, Dalian is provided an institutional bases to promote of the investment of the Japanese firm and business. Second, Economical association between Japan and China is thought to be the most important for the formation of economical cooperations. Japanese business considered the relationship with the local government because of the historical experiences, especially in Dalian. Third, Although of abundant resources and cheap labor, Japanese firm``s rate in Heilongjiang are the lowest among the Northeast 3 province. Consequently, the strategy of Japanese business have developed different strategy according to investment environment in Northeast 3 Provinces in China.