원행을묘정리의궤 중 조리면에서 본 죽상 . 미음상 및 현륭원에서의 상차림고

김상보,이성우,한복진 한국식생활문화학회 1989 韓國食生活文化學會誌 Vol.4 No.4

To analyze dialy meal of royal meal, studied Jook Soora Sang (Rice Gruel), Mieum Sang (Thin Gruel) and Bankwa Sang, Soora Sang in Hyun Neung Won were on record Wonheng Ulmyo Jungri Euigwae (1795). Historic book "Jungri Euigwae" described the king's visit to his father's royal tomb "Hyun Neung Won", during the domain of Cheung Jo, the 22nd king of Choson Dynasty. The results obtained from this study are as follows. Rice Gruel (Jook Soora Sang), taken before breakfast, was arranged the same as the Soora Sang. The table for thin gruel (Mieum) was arranged in three kinds of sets; one for thin gruel, the others for stewed meat (Goem) and sugared fruit (Jeong Kwa). The diet seems to have been quit scientific and restorative. Bankwa Sang and Soora Sang in Hyun Neung Won was arranged the same as the other Bankwa Sang and Soora Sang. Therefore setting the table of royal meal had a rule.

高麗中期의 民族敍事詩 : 東明王篇과 帝王韻紀의 硏究 A Study of old Korean Gests Dong-Myung-Pyun and Je-Wang-Woon-Ki

李佑成 成均館大學校 1962 論文集 Vol.7 No.-

Korean literature reaped a precious harvest of two splendid and long epic poems during the one century period from the late 12th to the late 13th century. These are Dong-Myung-Wang-Pyun (東明王篇), the Geste of King Dong-Myung by Yi, Kyu-Bo (1168-1241), and Je-Wang-Woon-Ki (帝王韻紀), the Geste of the Kings by Yi, Sung Hyoo (1224-1300). The Geste of King Dong-Myung clarifies in the opening chapters the remote genealogy of King Dong-Myung, hero and the founder of Koguryo; and in the main chapters, it depicts the King's history from the birth to his great work of foundation; and finally in the closing chapters, his history up to the coronation of King Luri who succeeded to his heroic works and also the impressing comments expressed by the poet. The Geste is written in Chinese poetry, composed of the main part of a little over two hundred and eighty lines and of the descriptive part of four hundred and thirty some lines. Each being a five-word line, the total Chinese word-characters used in the Geste amount to a length of three thousand six hundred (3,600). Je-Wang-Woon-Ki, the Geste of the Kings,(hereafter referred to as simply the Kings), consists of two volumes. The first volume carols the history of the ancient Chinese dynasties, from Bango (盤古) to Kum (金) and in the second volume, the history of Korea. The second volume is of two parts. The first part deals with the rise and fall of the Korean dynasties, starting from Dan-Goon (檀君), the remotes founder of Korea, to the dynasties of Wiman (衛滿), Sagoon (四群), Samhan (三韓) (Three-Kingdoms), Silla (新羅), Koguryo (高句麗), Bekje (百濟), later Koguryo, later Bekje and Balhe (渤海). The first part consists of two hundred and ten (210) seven-word lines, total character-words amounting to one thousand four hundred and sixty. The second part deals with the history of the period from the foundation of Koryo (高麗) down to the reign of King Choongyul (忠烈王) under which the poet lived. The second part is of seven hundred character-words in total, in one hundred and twenty (120) lines, each containing five words. The Geste and The Kings have attracted the attention of the scholar historians, both domestic and foreign, as the historical documents since much earlier days, but it is quite recently that they have come to be considered valuable from the viewpoint of literature. In fatc, they began to be revaluated as "folk epic" when the present author of this thesis published "A Study of the Generation of Yi, Kyu-Bo and Yi, Sung-Hyoo", at Pusan in 1956, and in the following year, Professor Chang, Duk-Soon made his thesis public under the title of "King Dong-Myung, an Epic", which found its place later in his "General Survey of Korean Literature". Quite recently, Professor Yi, Byung-gi presented a new viewpoint, in his "Complete History of Korean Literautre", that the Geste and the Kings are the truthful origin of "Kasa" (歌辭), the ancient folk poetry. About this new theory, however, the author would refrain from mentioning because it has no direct relation with the following thesis of the present author. The present author's interest lies rather in that these two poems in Chinese style should find a position with importance in the system of Korean literature, which has been so far neglected by the Korean literary scholars. A word about the thesis of Professor Chang, Duk-Soon. The thesis is sufficient enough to give the readers a profound understanding of the "Geste of King Dong-Myung" through his structural analysis of the narrative of King Dong-Myung and its detailed comparison with the western getse, which are done in his fluent, rich style. To the regret of the present writer, however, Professor Chang's studies on the Geste ended only in the field of said "analysis" and said "comparison", largely destitute of the due historical background of it. As the result, he ventured to ascribe the motive of the creation to a "nostalgic fidelity" of a Koryo-man to the prceeding Dynasty, Koguryo, and also to determine that the epic poem of the Koryo era was entirely an "accidental eruption of the 13th century". All the literary heritage is the products of the history. We cannot easily be contented by hastily treating our literary heritage. Therefore, the present writer particularly intends to examine the historical background of the Geste to comprehend the position of the poet's subjecthood and furhtermore grasp the true significance of the work from the viewpoint of resuscitated moving history of that age. A rough survey of the dynastic history of Koryo shows us that the Dynasty, since its foundation in 919 A.D., aimed high at expanding its territory towards the North as its state principle. This enterprising spirit of early Koryo had constantly been checked by the powerful suppression on the part of "Kuran"(契丹), and "Yojin"(女眞), two northern races. And without any chance, the Dynasty had to meet the Mongolian Aggression (1231-1256). In this warfare, the regime of "Choi"(崔氏) family ruled Koryo standing siege in KangWha Island. Choi's regime had resisted against the Aggressors thirty, long years before the Dynasty met its total defeat. And the former, the failure of the expansion policy was caused by the corruption and inability of the then ruling aristocracy; and the latter, the defeat at the hands of Mongolians, was brought about by the decrepitude of Royal House, and also by the reactionary bureaucrats who overthrew the Choi regime through treason. In the history of Koryo, however, we should not fail to observe the strong flow of the people's movements. During the period, 1128-1135, people urged the government to transfer the capital to Pyungyang, a border city, to face and suppress the enemy nation, "Kum" (金) (Yojin), and also they advocated that Koryo's King should be retitled as "emperor" like in China, setting up Koryo's own new era, which, till then, had been forbidden by Great China, the powerful dominator. Another incident of the people's movement is seen in heroic resistance against the enemy throughout the Mongolian Aggression. People fought at every part of the country in conjunction with the army, refusing to surrender to the Mongolians till the last. The high spirit and energy of the people had led to the formation of "Sam-Byul-Cho" Army which continued, in isolation from the government, its resistance war for four years until 1273. The 12th and 13th centuries mark the period of great trials suffered by the Korean race. The great spirit of resistance oppressed by the realities inevitably found it way to inwardness, and again was fermented to find its spout in the essence of literature. Yi, Kyu-Bo and Yi, Sung-Hyoo were the writers representing this troubled age, both of whom reached the greatness under favorable care of the Choiregime. They were "Rising Intellectuals" who heralded" New Officials", that is, the class of "Literary Intellectuals" during the second half period of Koryo. They were entirely different in character, from those old aristocrats who had held power during the first half period of the Dynasty. Therefore, these two literary men belonged to the transitional, progressive group of people who later prepared the seed-bed for the new culture. The new culture meant the culture for the people, while the old culture meant the culture forthe aristocrats. No wonder that folk epic such as the Geste and the Kings should be written by these "Rising Intellectuals", and not "accidental" at all. There is no objection in concluding that the Geste and the Kings both are the folk epic. However, we should discern the considerable difference which exists between these two poetical works, either in their subjects or either in their structure. The Geste carols one and single prototype, King Dong-Myung who was the hero of dynastic foundation; while the Kings deals with various, important historical happenings during the entire period from the earliest mythical foundation of the country by "Dangoon" down to the author's age. Here, just for the convenience's sake, the present writer take the liberty of calling the Geste a heroic poem; and the Kings, a history poem, regardless of the fact that a heroic poem and a history poem are essentially the same. Firstly, the writer desires to deal with the Geste laying stress on the following two points: (1) the method of the plot development, and (2) the characteristic of the prototype. In the heroic poem, the development of the plot differs according to the singularity or plurality of the hero prototype. When single, the plot develops towards the direction of the will of the hero; meanwhile, when plural, the plot becomes a succession of human contrasts, and collisions. In the Geste which is a biographic description of a King, the only prototype is King Dong-Myung himself. And the principal actions of the King are narrated in chronological order. However, Yi, Kyu-Bo, the author of the Geste tactfully dealt with the single hero additionally presenting his counterparts to produce a variety in the plot-flow. As the result, contrasts, collision occurs in succession constantly taking a new turn towards a third phase. The plot, therefore, constantly flows breaking the stalmate deadlock. Thus the Geste, which otherwise would have ended by an individuals biography, is heightened up to a realm of heroic poem. In the Geste, the poet succeeded in portraying the character of the hero. The willpower and ambition of the King as a hero are successfully expressed in his escape from Buyo,(扶餘) the capital, and in his founding of a new counrty and a new capital in the South and also in his fight against a neighboring state, "Biru-Kuk"(沸流國). The portrayal of the King's character as hero is vivid and acute in his strategy, violence, cruelty and egotism. The violent hero who exhausts every mean to accomplish his purpose falls easily, like a child, in the arms of his tender mother. Readers of the Geste are struck to find themselves disposed to agree with the hero's strategy, egotism and violence. In this, we are obliged to acknowledge the author's success in sculpturing the fresh, healthy, original humanity of the ancient type. The Geste is a success as a hero poem, but is still insufficient as a folk epic, that is, an epic of the Korean Race. The present writer is of opinion that King Dong-Myung certainly is a hero of a tribe, but not the common patriarch of the entire Korean Race. He is a heroic chief of the tribe of Koguryo which is the predecessor of Koryo "people" since it is evident, in history, that Koryo is the successor of Koguryo. And the author of the Geste so treated the King. In this strict sence, the Geste is, the present writer concludes, more of "heroic poem" than of "history poem". The great task of discovering the common patriarch of the entire race of this land was possible at the hand of Yi, Sung-Hyoo, a little later than Yi, Kyu-Bo's time. Yi, Sung-Hyoo described, with his wider range of view, the total historical activities of the entire Korean Race. In this sence, Je-Wang-Woon-Ki, the Kings is the comprehensive compilation of "folk epic", or perhaps, more properly, of "racial epic", and is characteristic of history poem. The Kings sets in its uttermost beginning Dangoon, as the sole patriarch of the entire Korean race, and clarifies that all the tribal states, which had ever existed in this land covering from northern end to south, are the equal descendants of Dangoon, the Great Patriarch. These tribal states mentioned in the Kings are Shira" (尸羅), "Koye" (高禮), "Ye" (濊), "Mek" (貊), "Buyo" (扶餘) and "Okju" (沃沮). Here, the position of Dangoon far surpasses, in height, that of King Dong-.Myunp. In Sam-Kuk-Sa-Ki (三國史記) (The History of Three-Kingdoms), not a word is mentioned about the racial patriarch. In Sam-Kuk-Yu.-Sa (三國遺事), another old history book, Dangoon is breifly mentioned but his dominion and successors are not intelligibly stated. It is very interesting to find that in the Kings, which was written only ten years later than Sam-Kuk-Yu-Sa, the myth of Dangoon is so surprisingly concrete. The formation of racial consciousness having its base on common Patriarch influenced greatly on the view of history to awaken the various tribes in constant conflict to the sense of homologue. History was no longer regarded by the dynastic unit. A new insight, after the Kings, was given to the view of history that a consistent flow of racial life, regardless of the rises and the falls of dynasties, formed the unending history of the Race. This new consciousness motivated the author of the Kings to begin at the remotest origin of the Race and trace all the way down through to his age, and have a long view towards the future of the race. Thus, the author viewed the complexity of the racial history, the extensiveness of its crosswise comprehension, the remoteness of its lengthwise survey, but he integrated them all in his Kings and reduced them all to Dangoon, the Racial Patriarch. . The Kings, this history poem, is indeed the greatest and the most valuable among all the works including Sam-Kuk-Sa-Ki and Sam-Kuk-Yu-Sa, that have ever been written by the hands of Korean prose writers. The 12th and 13th centuries represented by Yi, Kyu-Bo and Yi, Sung-Hyoo were the golden age of epic poetry in Korea. We regret, however, that this literary trend was not succeeded by their posterity. Epic poem died out with the death of those two poets, which results from the historical reality of Koryo Dynasty. Epic poetry is above all characteristic of collective consciousness rather than individual, for essentially it is a product of collective consciousness. The cosufferings and the co-resistance of the Korean race in the 12th and 13th centuries led the Race to the racial consciousness of common destiny-to the formation of a collective consciousness. Both heroic and history poems were based on this collective consciousness. Unless comes any split in this homologue, collective consciousness can be maintained. However, the historical reality of Koryo was different. The Mongolian invaders were the common enemy of the people of Koryo. Therefore the entire people rose and fought. But the ruling class of Koryo government forsook the people's volition to resist and shamelessly surrendered to the foreign aggressors. The government, even allied with the Mongolian army to destroy its own resisting army and people. By these means, the ruling class once more enjoyed the wealth and power under the grace of the Mongolian Empire; on the other hand, the detressed people suffered under the duplicated tax privations by both Koryo government and Mongolian colonial government. Here, the interests of the government and people were seriously conflicting. A total collapse came in the collective consciousness of the people as a race with common destiny. This tragic collapse, it meant the loss of the base on which was to grow the epic poetry. Thereafter, no epics were ever produced in the literature of Koryo, but its literature took two different flows: the one was Kyong-Ki-Che-Ka (景幾體歌), the literature of the ruling class; and the other, Chang-Ka (長歌) (meaning long ballad), which was the literature of the people. - The End -

加工用 菜蔬에 關한 硏究 (Ⅰ) : 加工用 오이의 品種에 關하여 On varieties for processing cucumber

李愚昇,朴小守 慶北大學校 1972 論文集 Vol.16 No.-

In order to select the better varieties for pickling use, the authors studied on the characteristics and yields of cultivated cucumber varieties in Korea. The results obtained were as follows; 1. Yields per plant was the highest in Sa-Yeup, Sung Ho Won-Chung Jang, Sung Ho Won-New No. 1, KeRyang-Seoul Madi and Chung Yong-Sam chuck in order. 2. The nember of fruit set per plant was the most in Sung HO Won-Chung Jang, Sung Ho Won-New No. 1, KeRyang-Seoul Madi, Sa-Yeup and Chung Yong-Sam chuck in order. 3. Yields percentage of salt pickling was 62% to 72%. 4. The varieties of Sung Ho Won-Chung Jang, Sung HO Won-New No. 1 and KeRyang-Seoul Madi were similar in the plant growth type and the characteristics of fruit. On the other hand, Sa-Yeup and Chung Yong-Sam Chuck were similar. 5. It was postulated that Sa-Yeup variety was the best in processig because sarcocarp was delicacy, placenta was small, and yield was the most among the varieties used for this study.

정성일의 <오아시스> 비판에 투영된 관점의 가능성과 한계 - 정성일 영화비평에 대한 일고찰 -

박우성 ( Park Woo-sung ),정수완 ( Jung Su-wan ) 국제어문학회 2015 국제어문 Vol.0 No.67

본 연구는 영화비평가 정성일이 <오아시스>(이창동, 2002)에 대해서 쓴 비평문「판타지, 기만적인 환영술」을 비판적으로 분석한다. 그간 한국영화계에서 영화비평은 독립적인 분과로 논의되지 못했다. 산적하는 영화들 안에서 영화적 가치를 발굴해 정리하고 새로운 영화 언어를 대중 언어로 번역하는 것이 영화비평의 역할이라 했을 때 이는 문제가 있다. 영화비평에 대한 그간의 접근은 한국영화사의 맥락에서 특정 영화비평집단을 세대론적으로 조망하거나 특정 개인의 비평 세계를 전기적 관점에서 서술한 것에 머문 한계가 있다. 정성일은 1990년대 한국영화비평의 전성기를 주도했던 한국의 대표적인 영화비평가이다. 호불호가 갈리지만 그의 글은 대중들 사이에서 영화비평이라는 개념이 성립되는 과정에 주요한 이미지를 제공했다. 특히 본 연구가 다루는 정성일의<오아시스> 비판은 논쟁 참여를 전제해 작성된 덕분에 비평담론 자체가 중심에 서있고 무엇보다 정성일의 영화에 대한 태도가 여타의 글에 비해 명확하게 드러나는 특징이 있다. 더구나 그 논쟁은 영화의 윤리, 완성도, 자의식 등을 두고 벌어진 영화비평계 내부의 마지막 논쟁이라는 영화비평사적 의의도 있다. 나아가 영화 한편에 대한 긴 글이기 때문에 한국의 대표적 비평가가 영화를 비평하는 구체적 실천 양상이 현장감 있게 녹아 있기도 하다. 영화를 종교처럼 대한다는 비판이 존재하지만 정성일 영화비평의 경쟁력은 숏의 배치, 장르 문법, 카메라 시선과 같은 영화의 자의식을 정밀하게 분석하는 것에서 나온다. 영화란 무엇인가와 같은 근본적인 질문에 기반을 둔 이런 태도는 영화를 여타의 학문에 종속시킨 종래의 비평 태도와 차별되며 영화를 진지하게 바라보는 태도를 대중화시킨 의의가 있다. 하지만 그것만큼의 오류도 발견된다. <오아시스>를 비판할 때 투영되는 정성일의 관점의 가능성과 한계를 구체적으로 밝힘으로써 한국영화비평의 전성기를 주도했던 한 영화비평가의 개성적 세계관을 비판적으로 조망하는 것이 본 연구의 목적이다. 독립적인 분과로 인식되기는커녕 죽음까지 운운되는 영화비평의 위기 시대에 한국의 대표적 영화비평가의 세계관이 상징적으로 녹아 있는 글을 정밀하게 분석하는 것은 그것 자체로 의미 있다. This study analyzes the critique “Fantasy, deceptive hallucination” which sung-il jung wrote about < Oasis >(Changdong Lee 2002). Film critique has not been recognized and discussed as an independent field in the Korean film industry so far. It can be problematic if the role of film criticism is to get the cinematic values arranged among the pile of films and to translate new cinematographic language into the public language. The approach to the film critique to this point has limitation that in the context of Korean film industry, it viewed certain group of film critics in the perspective of theory of generation and it described certain person`s world of criticism in a biographical way. sung-il Jung is one of the representative film critics in Korea who lead the golden age of Korean film criticism in the 1990s. His writings provided important image in the process of establishing the concept of film critique among the public, even though they are controversial. The Jung`s criticisms this study exclusively deals with are based on the premise of argumentative participation, so the discourse is central and fundamental, and it brings out the cinematic view of Jung precisely compared to the other writings and articles, which is the advantages of this study. Moreover, the argument has significance in the field of film criticism for being the last dispute inside the field of film critique over the morals, degree of completion, and the consciousness of identity. Above and beyond, because this paper is a long writing about a movie, it contains detailed and vivid practical aspect which the representative critic of Korea criticizes the movie. Although there are criticisms of discussing movies like a form of religion, sung-il Jung`s film critique is competitive for detailed and precise analyze of films` sense of identity such as plot of shots, code of genre, and the eyes of cameras. This attitude based on the fundamental questions such as what is film is considered significant for popularizing and promoting earnest attitude toward movies, and is differentiated with the traditional attitudes of criticism which are to subordinate films in the other fields of study. However, due to being so, some errors are discovered. The purpose of this study is to critically outlook a distinctive world view of a film critic who enjoyed the film critique`s prime by concretely describing its possibilities and limitations through revealing Jung`s point of view which is his prerequisite for watching movies. The work of precise analyzing of one of the Korean representative film critics` writings which contains symbolic world view is significant and meaningful by itself in the time of the film criticisms` crisis when the idea of the demise of film criticism is being mentioned, let alone its separation as the independent field.

비소세포 폐암종에서 Cyclin D1, p21 및 p53단백의 발현과 예후와의 관계

양석우,조상호,양우익,정우희,안철민,이두연 대한병리학회 1999 Journal of Pathology and Translational Medicine Vol.33 No.12

중학교 일반학급 학생과 특수학급 학생의 체력검사 비교분석

우상연,전혜자 순천향대학교 기초과학연구소 2004 순천향자연과학연구 논문집 Vol.10 No.2

The purpose of the study was to compare regular and special class students' development of physical fitness factors throughout three years of middle school. Also the differences in physical fitness factors between girls and boys in the third year regular and special classes in middle schools were investigated. To obtain the data of physical fitness for this study, 100 students(regular class boys(n=25), regular class girls(n=25), special class boys(n=25) and special class girls(n=25) who enrolled in middle schools in Seoul were surveyed. This study provided the information for a diagnosis of regular and special class students' physical fitness levels. Results of this study provided the data for establishing the polices of the physical education and the basic data for setting a physical education curriculum.

忠南 珍山 地域 螢石 鑛床의 流體包有物에 관한 硏究

禹榮均,崔錫源,卞相國 공주대학교 사범대학 과학교육연구소 1992 과학교육연구 Vol.23 No.1

Most of the fluorite ore deposits in Kumsan district occur in the Chinsan area. Specifically, these are the Okgye, Hyongyang, Ilyang, Manak fluorite ore deposits. Field survey and fluid inclusion study were undertaken to illustrate the characters and origin of the fluorite ore deposits in Chinsan area. The results of this study are as follows; Gology of the Chinsan area is composed of Majonri Formation and Changri Fomation which belong to Okchon Group and Jurassic biotite granite and Cretaceous pink feldspar granite and quartz porphyry. The wall rock of fluorite ore deposits in Chinsan area are chiefly limestone in Majonri Formation and partly limestone in Changri Formation. The relevent igneous rocks of the fluorite ore deposits are chiefly quartz porphyry, but some are biotite granite or pinkfeldspar granite. The fluorite ore deposits in this area are chiefly contact metasomatic deposits which were formed while limestones were intruded by quartz porphyry, biotite granite and pink feldspar granite. The filling degrees of fluid inclusions in fluorite ranges 84∼95% in Okgye, 85∼95% in Hyongyang, 85∼91% in Ilyang, 92∼96% in Manak ore deposits. The salinity (NaCl equivalent weight percent) ranges 0.1∼1.5wt.% in Hyongyang. 0.3∼2.8wt.% in Ilyang. 0∼1.5wt.% in Manak ore deposits. The homogenization temperature of fluorite ore deposits in Chinsan area ranges 97.6∼191.6C in Okgye, 99∼168.4C in Hyongyang. 100∼214C in Ilyang, 122∼248.6C in Okgye, 99∼168.4C in Hyongyang, 100∼214C in Ilyang, 122∼248.6C in Manak ore deposits. These data indicate that Chinsan Fluorite ore deposits belong to the epithemal or mesothemal deposits same as the other fluorite ore deposits in Korea.

Lumbricus rubellus에 존재하는 Lumbrokinase의 Ubiquitin-conjugate 분해활성에 관한 연구

우기민,이상한,조만희 순천향의학연구소 2004 Journal of Soonchunhyang Medical Science Vol.10 No.1

본 연구에서 Lumbricus rubellus에 존재하는 강력한 fibrinolytic 효소인 Lumbrokinse들을 여러 크로마토그래피법을 이용하여 부분정제하고 그들의 생화학적 성질들을 조사하고 비교하였다. L. rubellus의 단백질 추출물은 fibrinogen, lactalbumin, BSA, casein 등 다양한 단백질들을 분해하는 활성을 가졌으며, 그들의 활성은 poly-lysine같은 poly-cation들에 의하여 활성화되었다. 또한 이러한 활성화 정도는 poly-cation들의 길이에 의존적이며 poly-lysine의 경우 이성체에 상관없이 모두 활성화시켰다. DEAE-Sepharose를 통하여 확인된 3 종류의 분해활성으로부터 2 종류의 서로 다른 Lumbrokinse들을 Phenyl-Sepharose, Superose-12 크로마토그래피들을 통하여 부분정제하여 E-I, E-III라고 명명하였다. SDS-PAGE와 gel filtration을 시행하였을 때 그들은 각각 33 kD과 38 kDa의 폴리펩타이드로 구성된 단일체로 규명되었다. E-I의 fibrinogen을 분해하는 특이적 활성은 poly-lysine이 없을 경우 3.75 ng hydrolysis/ng enzyme/20 min으로 상대적으로 낮았으나 poly-lysine이 첨가될 경우 75 ng hydrolysis/ng enzyme/20 min로 활성이 20배가량 증가하였다. 반면 E-III는 poly-lysine이 없을 경우 20 ng hydrolysis/ng enzyme/20 min으로 상대적으로 높았지만 poly-lysine의 첨가시 129 ng hydrolysis/ng enzyme/20 min로 약 6.5배의 증가를 보였다. 0.2 M의 KCI은 poly-lysine에 의한 fibrinogen 분해활성을 강하게 억제하였으며 펩타이드 분해활성은 E-I와 E-III가 서로 다른 영향을 받았다. E-III는 poly-lysine에 의해 증가된 활성이 억제받는 반면, E-I는 오히려 펩타이드 분해활성이 KCI에 의하여 10배가량 증가되었다. 이러한 상반된 결과는 두 효소가 서로 다른 분해기작과 조절기작을 가짐을 의미한다. 정제된 E-I와 E-III는 놀랍게도 ubiquitin이 결합된 일련의 단백질들을 분해하였으며, 이 활성도 또한 poly-lysine에 의하여 증가되었다. 또한 ubiquitin-conjugate의 분해활성은 PMSF에 의하여 억제받으므로 serine계의 단백질 분해효소이며 IAA에 의하여 억제받지 않으므로 활성화 부위에 sulfide 기가 관여하지 않는 것으로 판명되었다. 또한 fibrinogen의 분해에서와 같이 이들의 활성도 KCI에 의해 억제되었다. Ubiquitin-conjugate들은 분해된 후 자유 ubiquitin이 반응산물로 나타났으므로 E-I과 E-III는 포유동물들에 존재하는 ubiquitin C-terminal hydrolase (UCH)의 새로운 종류이거나 26S proteasome을 대신할 수 있는 또 다른 형태의 단백질 분해효소일 가능성을 제공해준다.

衝突損失에 대한 船主의 責任과 保險者들의 擔保範圍에 관한 考察

禹盛九,朴成喆 慶南大學校 産業經營硏究所 1996 産業經營 Vol.19 No.-

배·급수 시스템에서 부식방지제의 적용 평가 연구

우달식,문정기,구성은,최종헌,김주환,문광순 대한상하수도학회 2003 상하수도학회지 Vol.17 No.5

This study evaluated the effect of the corrosion inhibitors on the corrosion control performance in drinking water distribution system. A phosphate-zinc based inhibitor formulated was for the efficient corrosion control in drinking water distribution system. In a continuous-circulation test, 99% reduction in corrosion rate was achieved. The optimum concentration of the corrosion inhibitor was found to be 2.2㎎ PO₄/L. The effect of the corrosion inhibitor was significant for the pipes of carbon steel, galvanized steel and copper, but less for that of stainless steel. The corrosion inhibitor can be an effective cure for corrosion and red water problems by prevention the old pipes from further corrosion. Tap water in Mokpo and Kwangyang were more corrosive than the water in the rest of 4 other regions(Seoul, Pohang, Pusan, Puyeo). Tap water in Pusan was high in various ionic concentrations in general. The corrosion inhibitor reduced the corrosion rate by 76-94%, depending on the origin of the tap water.