新羅의 五廟制 ‘始定’과 神文王權

채미하(Chai, Mi-Ha) 백산학회 2004 白山學報 Vol.- No.70

The subject of this thesis is to think about the origin of Omyo religious service in the early age of Sin-Mun King related to Omyo religious service in April after 7 years Sin-Mum King had ascended to the throne. In brief, like this. As soon as Sin-Mun King had ascended to the throne, Omyo religious service was accomplished based on Omyo religious service by lord, It was called the origin of Omyo religious service. We can infer it from accession to the throne of Sin-Mun King and marriage 3 years after Sin-Mun King had ascended to the throne and keeping in order of Kuk-Hak(National school) 2years after Sin-Mun King had ascended to the throne. It had been received Kilhyungorye and Saseobkyugyeo in Shilla 6 years after Sin-Mun King had ascended to the throne. I understand that the origin of Omyo religious service had been fixed by Kilhyungorye. Omyo religious service ,which had been done after Omyo religious service fix, in april of 7 years after Sin-Mun King had ascended to the throne had been done related to Eumseong office settlement. Keeping in mind this opinion, Omyo religious in april of 7 years after Sin-Mun King had ascended to the throne was much more important religious service as a royal family religious service than Omyo religious service before Kilhyungorye receive. Omyo religious service in april of 7 years after Sin-Mun King had ascended to the throne was related to the natural disaster which happened in the day of a prince birth. The mother of the prince was daughter of Kim, hyeom-un. He was a kinship with Sin-Mun King. Like this, Sin-Mun King had endogamy to stabilize his royal authority. I think the natural disaster means heaven's censure by misgovernment of Sin-Mun King. So I understand the natural disaster happened in the time of the prince birth means unsatisfaction of Jin-Gol aristocracy against the royal authority strengthening of Sin-Mun King. Sin-Mun King tried to get a son to succeed his royal authority. In this point of view, I understand the religious service in Omyo religious service related to the natural disaster in the time of the prince birth means that he want to be acknowledged the main line of descent of his prince from forefathers and conform his successor of his royal authority. In early age of Sin-Mun King, As soon as Omyo religious service started, the royal position of Su-Ro King was destroyed. It had made in the course of royal strengthening of Sin-Mun King as a result of the rebellion by Kim, heom-dol which happened while Sin-Mun King get royal authority. In this point of view, The origin of Omyo religious service is a symbol of royal authority strengthening of Sin-Mun King. Kilhyungorye ,which Tang has given, based the respect of lord for King who was acknowledged by heaven. However, the formation of a funeral oration in Omyo religious service in april of 7 years after Sin-Mun King had ascended to the throne follow style that the strong inform the weak means the self-confidence to Tang. In other side, Sin-Mun King commanded to ministers to perform a religious service when the natural disaster happened. In that time, Jin-Gol aristocracy can get royal authority. Also the ministers represent Jin-Gol aristocracy. Then I think Sin-Mun King let the ministers perform a religious service show that he intended to emphasis royal authority group distinct from other authority group.

연구 논문 : 《마리아 복음》에 나타난 여성의 "종교적 권위"에 대한 고찰

안연희 ( Youn Hee An ) 한국종교문화연구소 2015 종교문화비평 Vol.27 No.27

본 논문은 그리스도교 전통이 ‘부활의 첫 증인’으로부터 ‘회개한 창녀’까지 복합적 이미지로 기억해온 막달라 마리아가 초기 그리스도교 문헌 《마리아 복음》에서 어떻게 종교적 권위를 입증하고 있는지 살펴보았다. 이어 남성 중심적 구조 안에서 권위 있는 말을 시도한 세 여성의 사례에 대한 브루스 링컨의 분석을 《마리아 복음》에서 막달라 마리아의 권위화 양상과 그녀의 복합적 전승들에 적용해보았다. 신약성서에서 십자가 수난과 부활한 예수의 증인이며 ‘사도들의 사도’로 묘사되기도 했던 막달라 마리아는 그리스도교가 제도화되면서 권위의 장에서 사라진 여성들에 속한다. 예수 이후 권위의 위기 속에서 다양한 공동체들 간의 경쟁과 논쟁을 거쳐 형성된 그리스도교 주류 전통은 예수를 따르던 여성들을 배제함으로써 열두 제자와 사도전승으로 이어지는 권위구조를 확립하였던 것이다. 그러나 《마리아 복음》의 막달라 마리아는 예수의 인정과 그녀의 영적 자질을 바탕으로 자신의 종교적 경험(환상 속에서 예수로부터 받은 가르침)을 다른 제자들에게 ‘가르치는’, 즉 말하는 행위를 통해 스스로를 예수의 대리자로 권위화하고 있다. 즉 그녀는 그리스도교의 공동체를 이끄는 사도의 권위, 즉 진리를 가르치고 전하고 말할 수 있는 권위를 주장하고 있다. 막달라 마리아와 같은 주도적인 초기 그리스도교 여성들의 자취는 남성 중심의 사도권이 자명하고 당연한 것이 아니라 예수의 여성 제자들에 대한 침묵과 배제, 혼합을 통한 몰 개성화와 같은 정교한 주석적 작업의 결과였음을 보여준다. 《마리아 복음》의 막달라 마리아는 젠더 이데올로기에 의해 박제되거나 주변화되어 종교적 경험과 실천의 주체로 서지 못하고 대상화된 존재가 아니라, 자신의 종교적 성취를 통해 예수의 인정을 받아 젠더화된 남성의 우위성에 도전하고, 환상과 예언적 힘에 의지하여 자신에게 주어진 젠더 역할을 벗어나 권위화된 공간자체를 만들어 내기도 한다. 《마리아 복음》에 드러난 막달라 마리아의 종교적 권위는 사도성과 비전의 담지자로서 남성 중심적 권위가 젠더화된 것임을 일깨우면서도 ‘그 안에서’, 즉 예수의 예외적 신적 권위를 인정하는 장 안에서 그의 말을 권위있게 전하는 방식으로 확립된다. 이는 기존의 권위의 장을 완전히 벗어나거나 잠재적으로 해체할 수 있는 대항 담론이나 권위를 가진 남성과의 혼인을 통한 여성의 권위화 유형과는 구별될 필요가 있으며, 예언자 시빌라 유형을 구조적으로 연상시키는 그리스도교 공동체 안에서의 망각된 여성 성직자 모델에 가깝다. 그런 점에서 《마리아 복음》은 막달라 마리아에 대한 역사적 사실을 제공한다기보다, 초기 그리스도교사에서 잊혀지고 배제된 여성의 적극적이고 주도적인 종교적 실천의 전통을 재구성하고 음미하는 데 중요한 자료가 된다. 종교사의 전통을 젠더의 시각에서 비판적으로 바라보고, 그 안에서 잊혀진 여성들의 자취와 흔적들을 기억하고 발견해내 그들의 종교적 경험과 종교적 성취의 의미를 되새기는 것은 남성 사제층의 작품이며 전유물이었던 종교 문헌들에 바탕한 기존의 종교사 서술에 대한 반성적 작업의 일환이 될 수 있을 것이다. This paper examined how Mary Magdalene, remembered as acomposite image from the ‘first witness of the Resurrection’ to ‘the repentantprostitute’ by the Christian traditions, proved her religious authority in theGospel of Mary. And then, I tried to apply Bruce Lincoln’ analysis of threetypes of women who managed to speak within authorized and authorizingplace in the male-dominated structure, to authorizing strategies of MaryMagdalene in the Gospel of Mary and her comlex traditions. Mary Magdalene is one of the women who had disappeared from theauthorized places of institutionalized Christianity, even if she was described asnot only the witness of the Crucifixion and Resurrection of Jesus, but also ‘theApostle of the Apostles’ in the Gospels. Mainstream Christian tradition is aresult of establishing the structure of the apostolic authority through thecompetition and disputes between the various communities struggling forauthority in the crisis of authority. In this process, the women followers ofJesus would have been excluded from the authority structure of which thesummit is Apostolic tradition of the twelve disciples. But Mary Magdalene of the Gospel of Mary, with the recognition ofJesus(Savior) and her spiritual qualities, tries to authorize herself as thedelegate(apostle) of Jesus by teaching(that is to say, ‘action of speech’) herreligious experience (taught by Jesus in vision) to the other disciples. This shows that Mary Magdalene, the apostle of the Apostles, deserved the authority to teach and preach the truth in Christian community. Traces of the leading early Christian women such as Mary Magdalene proves that the masculine apostolic authority is not the obvious fact but the result of elaborate exegetical works such as silence about Jesus’ female disciples, exclusion of them or mixing of them. When applied to three types of Lincoln, religious authority of Mary Magdalene in the Gospel of Mary can be classified as the variation of Sybilla type. Because she chooses to make herself authorized by convoying Jesus’s word in recognition of Savior’s exceptional divine authority rather than completely dismantling the existing authorized and authorizing places, on the other hand, as the apostle of apostles and bearer of vision or revelation, evoking that existing authorities are gendered. It could be said to be close to the role model of female priests within the Christian community, rather than queen or love model who enters or approaches authorized places through the marriage to the man with authority. Even if we can not say that the Gospel of Mary offers raw facts about historical Mary Magdalene, it will be a very valuable text to remind and reconstruct the narratives and vestiges of religiously active Christian women who has been forgotten and disappeared in the Christian traditions and history of religions.

젠더화된 카리스마

우혜란(HaiRan Woo) 한국종교학회 2011 宗敎硏究 Vol.62 No.-

The word charisma was coined by Max Weber as a sociological concept to designate a certain innate quality of an individual by virtue of which he/she is considered extraordinary or super-natural/-human, and recognized and obeyed as a leader by the followers consequently. In the context, the concept was applied primarily in reference to outstanding religious and political figures. However, in contemporary culture the word is attached to a wide range of special individuals including entertainers and celebrities, especially in the age of media. In a similar way, charisma research that sociologists, political scientists and psychologists initiated, has expanded into the field of management- and organization (behavior) studies, focusing on charismatic leadership. Recently, there are also attempts at the side of Korean researchers to apply newest theories on charismatic leadership in analysing the correlation between certain Korean religious leaders and their (successful) organizations. Even if these researches have their own values, by doing that, it is easily overlooked that religious leader is distinguished from CEO, especially in respect of the source of charisma. Yet, there is a seemingly more serious shortcoming in researches on charismatic leaders, namely, the absence of women. Given that women and men do not have equal access to religious resource and power, such a charisma theory is neither plausible nor convincing which puts both sexes under the same conditions, (re)producing a universal model on charisma. Nevertheless, there are only few researches that center on female religious leaders and/or investigate gender-specific characteristics in terms of religious authority. Thus, this paper is an attempts to fill up a deficiency in charisma research. Firstly, a history of charisma studies is presented with its focus in each research area. Secondly, a series of gender discriminative rules and regulations enforced by leading Korean religions are mentioned, to show that Korean women dont have the same chance to be religious specialists as Korean men do and accordingly, the necessity of adopting a gender perspective in exploring religious authority. Lastly, taking the case of Korean female religious leaders, the source as well as the routinization of their charismatic authority is investigated and moreover, different strategies are pointed out which these women employ to deal with misogynic and controlling power of mainstream religions.

Preaching Digitally: Dynamisms of Deconstructing Religious Authority (the Case of Morocco)

( Mimoune Daoudi ),( Chaimae Bouchala ) 부산외국어대학교 북아프리카연구센터 2023 아프리카학 연구 Vol.3 No.2

The Internet has permeated every aspect of people’s social lives, including their religious practices. Nowadays, digital platforms provide users with the power to renegotiate conventional norms of religion and authority. In addition, social media influencers have the chance to create and share religious issues with a variety of online communities thanks to new digital platforms. In Morocco, recognizing these contemporary realities has become a key to approaching social change. The ability to define religion now relies on religious authorities and more on Muslims, who may now select from a wide range of authoritative figures for every topic due to new media platforms. This study uses a qualitative case study approach to investigate the digital content of Moroccan new online preachers, focusing on the content of a Moroccan religious preacher, Redwan Ben Abdessalam, who gains popularity in the Moroccan media. The study aims at studying how Muslim religious identities are deconstructed in light of a new religious lifestyle that seeks for deconstructing conventional religious authorities.

종교권력과 교회 분열

연규홍(Yeon Kyu-Hong) 한신대학교 신학사상연구소 2005 신학사상 Vol.0 No.131

  이 논문은 한국장로교회의 분열의 근본 원인이 무엇인가에 대한 연구이다. 1953년 기장과 예장으로 분열되어진 한국장로교의 분열에는 신학적 요인보다는 정치적 요인이 더 컸다는 것을 역사적으로 규명하려는 것이다. 식민지에서 해방된 한국장로교회는 민족의 분단상황을 매개로 북한의 사회주의 체제 하에서 월남한 기독교인들과 남한의 미군정 체제 하에서 후원받은 한국장로교회의 교권주의자들은 반공·친미적 교회를 형성하였다. 특히 이와 같은 미군정 체제 하에서 한국 교회의 종교권력 형성에는 미국 선교사들의 영향이 매우 컸다.   따라서 이들의 개입으로 한국장로교 안에서 세계 교회와 연대를 가지며 한국 교회의 분단을 극복하고 민족주체적인 교회 형성과 교회 개혁을 지향하였던 이들은 좌절하지 않을 수 없었다. 이것이 성서영감론 논쟁이란 명분 하에 이루어진 1953년 한국장로교의 분열이었다. 결국 민족의 분단은 교회의 분열을 가져오게 하였을 뿐만 아니라 교회의 분열은 민족의 분열을 더욱 극대화 하였다. 이 점에서 한국장로교회는 민족과 역사 앞에 남북 분단의 책임을 공유하며 앞으로 민족통일을 위해 이 땅에 화해와 일치, 평화를 이루는 일을 하나님의 선교적 소명으로 받아들여야 할 것이다.   What are the causes of split of the Korean Presbyterian Church? This thesis examines the split of the Korean Presbyterian Church in 1953, focusing on a political factor of religious power(authority). South Korean Presbyterian Church which was liberated from Japanese colonial rule faced two great changes. That is, a change in a religious power structure brought about by North Korean Christians defecting to South Korea from religious persecution and foreign missionaries reentering South Korea. Liberalism-related theological controversy centering around the Chosun theological seminary which was run by the South Korean Presbyterian Church was caused by this religious power struggle. The South Korean Presbyterian Church was first split by the religious power elites taking the initiative of the South Korean Church under the U.S. military intermediary government and support of missionaries at the 37th General Assembly in 1952.   Therefore, reform-minded group"s independent attempts inside the Korean Presbyterian Church to retrieve the right apostlic church tradition distorted through the harsh dictatorial rule and to aim at solidarity with the world church were frustrated. Church split, when the church tended toward the dominant church authority structure like the secular world, not a world-serving structure, was the natural result. It is true that under the division of the Korean nation, the political structure of the Korean Presbyterian Church is an exclusive, monopolistic and stratified one aimed at power and authority. Then, how can we overcome the division of the Korean Presbyterian Church and achieve church reformation? As future tasks, we should scrutinize the church authority elites and find ways to realize an equal and horizontal structure of sharing for the church serving the world. For, this is a way to prepare for national reunification through church unification.

초기불교에 있어 국가권력(왕권)과 교권

조준호(Cho Joon-Ho) 한국인도학회 2009 印度硏究 Vol.14 No.2

본고는 인도의 초기불교에서 정치권력이라 할 수 있는 왕권이 교권, 특히 불교와는 어떻게 관계를 맺으면서 전개되어 왔는지를 살펴본다. 이러한 목적을 위해서 먼저 바라문교와 불교에 있어 왕권과 국가의 기원에 대한 이해에 따라 왕권과 교권이 역사적으로 어떻게 전개되었는지를 검토하고 있다. 나아가 불교의 교권이 세간의 정치권력(왕권)에 대응하여 어떻게 출세간성을 확보했는지를 주로 율장과 경장을 통해 대략적으로 점검하고 있다. 인도불교의 시작은 세간의 왕권과 출세간적 교권간의 기능과 역할에 있어 서로간의 독립성과 자율성을 승인하며 출발하고 있다. 현대적인 표현으로 말하면, 정치권력과 종교 간의 문제에 있어 정교분리의 차원이라 할 수 있다. 왕권과 교권은 정교분리를 서로 인정했기에 세간적인 이해관계로 경쟁하지 않았고 왕권은 교단을 적극적으로 보호하고 지원하였다. 또한 교단의 구성원들이 정치적인 면에서 권력추구에 나서지 않고, 경제적인 측면에서 탁발과 보시에 의지하는 것과 같은 영리활동을 하지 않음으로써 가능했던 것이다. 그리고 독신에 엄격한 계율을 지키는 금욕생활로 도덕적인 권위를 보여주었기에 왕권으로부터 간섭이나 통제가 배제된 치외법권적인 출세간이 보장받을 수 있었다. 하지만 이러한 이상적인 정교분리의 세간과 출세간 관계는 경우에 따라서는 복잡한 양상으로 전개되기도 하였다. 불교교단은 왕권의 지원과 보호와 함께 왕권과 교간간의 긴장과 대립 그리고 간섭과 통제 등도 있었다. 정교분리가 확립된 붓다 시대와 이후 불교사의 예에서 볼 수 있듯이 불교의 사회적 역할과 기능이 원만하게 이루어졌다. 이처럼 인도불교의 출발은 국가와 밀접한 관계 속에 있지만 정치권력과의 결탁을 거부하는 독립된 출세간의 위상을 보여준다. 정치권력으로부터 독립한 정교분리의 출발점은 이후 불교교단 또한 기본적으로 출세간의 영역이 인정되는 가운데 왕권과 관련하여 복잡하고 다양한 양상으로 전개된다. This article is to review relationship between royal power and religious authority of Buddhist order as reflection in the P?li Vinaya and Sutta Pi?akas. For this purpose, it is examined, first of all, understanding for origin of royal power and state between Brahmanism and Buddhism. It is also examined that how Buddhist order coped with royal power of the mundane. Countermeasure of Buddhist order guaranteed the supra-mundane as religious authority from political authority. Therefore, the beginning of Indian Buddhism secured the autonomy and independence from royal power of mundane. At the same time, Buddhist order also recognised political authority of the mundane. In the modern view, such kind of cross-recognition can be said as a way of the separation of government and religion. The separation between religious authority and political authority was based on mutual understanding in ancient India. That is why Buddhist order did not participated mundane interests and concerns. It is generated positive support and safeguard from royal power. Politically, member of the order was not in pursuit of rank and power. They depend on only offerings, not at all concerned any kind of business. Moreover, they remained unmarried for life and led an ascetic life according to rigid rules. Such moral authority strengthened the supra-mundane of extraterritoriality. Even so, It means not always getting a guarantee that the order took interference and regulation by royal power according to circumstances. In concluding remarks, the separation of government and religion was settled period of the fonder of Buddhism. The social role and function of Buddhism could be within the range of the normal separation. In this way, the beginning of Indian Buddhism showed close relationship of government, but at the same time, the order rejected in collusion with political power as the status of autonomy. The starting point of Buddhist independence from political power continues fundamentally in history of Indian Buddhist order. Such foundation provides firm ground of supra-mundane in view of the separation of government and religion. Consequently, the autonomy of Buddhist order from mundane power has diverse aspects according to the times and territories in whole Buddhist history.

대순진리회 교화의 역사적 전형(典型)에 관한 연구

백경언 대진대학교 대순사상학술원 2014 대순사상논총 Vol.22 No.-

Edification in Daesoonjinrihoe is not only a phenomenon that occurs following the differences of religious experience or spiritual development among the community members, which enables the members to share teaching and learning experiences with one another, but also an issue determined as one of the major activities of the religious order and a plan for achieving the purpose of the religiousorder-Podeokchenha(WordlyPropagation), Gujechansaeng (Salvation of all mankind) and Jisangcheonguk Geonseol(Building of earthly paradise). The purpose of this article is to clarify its concept and provide an example of edification, through considering the historical model for edification to help the cultivators with their work of edification. The archetype of edification of Daesoonjinrihoe was formed and gradually developed in phases by Sangje, Kang Jeungsan, the Supreme God(姜甑山, 1871-1909), Doju, Jo Jeongsan(趙鼎山, 1895-1958) and Dojeon, Park Wudang(朴牛堂, 1917-1995), by the three of whom the Religious Authority was succeeded. Sangje descended to the human world and preached to people to live by the rule of Haewon Sangsaeng(Resolution of grievances for the mutual beneficences of all life) and set an example of abolishing the old customs, living in mutual beneficences and having respect for human being. Doju, in revering the last will of Sangje, established the religious order by setting its creed, rituals and activities, which formed most contents of the archetype of edification. Dojeon set up a religious faith system by firmly establishing the Religious Authority and performed the True Law in accordance with Sangje's program of heaven to educate the cultivators to achieve the goal of self-cultivation following the last will of Doju. Through this, a perfect method to reach the state of Dotong(The Truly Unified State of Dao) is fulfilled. In this way, the archetype of edification was formed in the process of succession of Religious Authority. In conclusion, edification in Daesoonjinrihoe contributes to a 'systematic conveyance and understanding’ through the historical archetype of edification, and it can be described as a concept that becomes a model to put into practice the 'True Law' of teachings given by two Sangjes for Dotong. Therefore, edification of Daesoonjinrihoe is drawing attention of its development as an important activity that realizes the ultimate value of the religious order because it solves the problems of immorality(absence of Dao), disorder and disregard of human value generated from the other side of this material civilization, with the truth of Haewon Sangsaeng, and has a function of rebuilding and leading the individuals and the society to the Truly Unified State of Dao through performing of the True Law.

삼장(三藏, Tri-Pitaka)텍스트의 해석 양상들 -성서학과 불교경전과의 간격을 토대로 하여-

원혜영 ( Won Hae-young ) 충남대학교 인문과학연구소 2019 인문학연구 Vol.58 No.3

초기불교 삼장텍스트는 전법의 기본근간으로, 권위적이고 원천적인 본래적 의미를 가졌다. 더불어 종교적 감성과 직관을 소유한 만큼 시대를 넘어서는 훌륭한 매체이다. 삼장텍스트의 이러한 이중적이고 모순적일수 있는 성격은, 세간과 출세간을 넘나들고 있는 삼장자체의 성격이기도 하며, ‘종교적 권위’와 ‘감성과 직관’이라는 서로 다른 양상들을 함유하고 있어 독특한 위상을 가졌다. 우리 주변에 누군가가 종교적 ‘직관과 감성’을 거론한다면, 단순하게 그/그녀만의 감정 정도로 흘려버리고, 그렇게 대하는 것에 익숙해 있는 자신을 발견할 것이다. 종교 본연의 감정을 메마른 상태로 받아들여 그대로 노출시킨다. 슐라이어마허는 ‘종교적 직관과 감성’이 종교 본래의미라고 규정한다. 반면, 불교도들은 깨달음의 유무를 삼장을 통해서 확인하는 절차를 그대로 보여준다. 종교적 직관과 감성이, 텍스트인 경전과 구별되어야 한다는 서양학자들의 견해와 다르게, 불교도들은 삼장에게 무한한 가능성을 기대한다. 인쇄된 활자가 고대 전통한 비구들의 작품이라는 사실이 삼장권위를 객관적 현실로 바꾸어 놓지만, 철저하게 계획되고 공들인 문헌이라는 사실과 더불어 붓다의 직설이라는 후광으로 전법에 효과적이었다. 또한 감성과 직관을 지녔다는 점도 높이 평가해야 한다. 원천적 삼장을 재정립하려는 시도는 현대학자들에 의해 가해졌다. 에띠엔 라모뜨, 오스카 본 휘뉘바, 유 코 레이, 전재성 등등의 학자들은 방대한 삼장을 그들 나름대로 해석한다. 또한 의미를 부여해서 대중과 엘리트층에게 삼장을 친밀하고 고급스럽게 재정립한다. 그리고 토인비는 삼장텍스트를 서양의 존재론 관점인 ‘욕망의 역설’로 비판 해석하여 뜨거운 논쟁을 벌였다. 서양철학의 시각에서, 삼장텍스트는 흥미진진한 모순과 역설로 대중의 인기를 얻었다. 삼장 텍스트는 고대 불교공동체를 지탱하게 하는 근원이자, 새로운 소통 마당으로 다각적인 모습을 지녔으므로, 그 자체가 현대불교공동체에게 새로운 양상들을 내놓는 결과를 가져왔다. Tripitaka texts in early Buddhism as a basic fundamental foundation for dharma-transmission embrace its original and authentic meaning with dignity. Furthermore, it plays an important role as a medium which transcends time by exemplifying the properties of emotions and intuitions in Buddhism. The duality and contradictory aspects of Tripitaka text imply the nature of Tripitaka itself, which encompasses the mundane and supra-mundane world. This nature makes Buddhism unique and the texts should be treated differently from religious texts in other religions. The status in Tripitaka text occupies a very distinctive trait which contains different aspects of 'religious authority' and 'emotions and intuitions'. If someone around us refers religious 'intuitions and emotions', the person would find him or herself who is familiar with the attitude being treated such way his or her own emotions. It considers the true emotions of a religion as they are and reveals them just like they are. Schleiermacher stated that 'religious intuitions and emotions' are original meaning of religions. Meanwhile, The Tripitaka shows the procedures of verifying the enlightenment. Contrary to Western Scholars who claimed that religious intuitions should be distinguished from scriptures written in texts, Buddhists expect boundless possibilities from Tripitaka. The Fact that printed typographies are works done by bhikkus, who were fully aware of ancient times, transforms the dignity of Tripitaka into objective reality. The literature, which was a product of thorough planning and elaborative workmanship, makes the dharma-transmission effective while communicating the direct lectures of Buddha. The fact that it embraces traits of emotions and intuitions should be highly valued. Scholars in modern times have reestablish the intrinsic Tripitaka. Academic scholars like Etinne Lamotte, Oskar von Hinuber, U Ko Lay and Jeon Jaesung tried to interpret the extensive Tripitaka with their own perspective. They also assigned significant meaning to it and tried to reestablish intimacy and exclusive state of Tripitaka in the eyes of the general public and intellectual elites. A. J. Toynbee who criticized the text of Tripitaka with an ontological perspective in Western world interpreted it as 'paradox of desires', which caused disputes. In the perspective of Western philosophy, the text of Tripitaka became popular with public because of its interesting contradiction and paradox. This can be an alternative measure for the effective dharma-transmission. The text of Tripitaka is a fundamental origin for ancient community of Buddhism and a new form of communication, and this bring new modern Buddhist communities.

Textual Voices: Self-Representation and Religious Instructiuon in the Works of the Pearl Poet

Michael Foster 한국중세근세영문학회 2012 중세르네상스 영문학 Vol.20 No.2

This paper explores the presence of a narrative voice in the poems preserved in Cotton Nero A.x commonly ascribed to the Pearl-poet. It argues that the poet constructs a series of cohesive themes in the four poems which all inform one another, and that the poet's authority is both implied and asserted by the author's manipulation of narrator personae and use of an absent or silent narrator in Cleanness and Patience. Meanwhile, the intimate narrative voice of Pearl functions to create a sense of shared theological and ideological positionality between audience and narrator, which this paper suggests is a rhetorical move to gain the trust and benevolence of an audience that may be otherwise hostile. Having captured the attention of the audience and made the theological arguments of Cleanness and Patience, the final poem invites the audience to trust in the Pearl-poet by differentiating the authority of texts versus rumors.

The Development of the Buddhist Relic Cult from Unified Silla to Early Koryŏ

Vermeersch Sem A C 서울대학교 종교문제연구소 2010 종교와 문화 Vol.0 No.18

While the relic containers of Unified Silla and Koryŏ have been extensively studied, there has been comparatively little reflection on the religious practices associated with these relics, in other words there has been no attempt to define the Korean "relic cult." This article aims to show that the concept of a "relic cult," though mainly shaped by the study of Christian practices and later also Indian and East Asian Buddhist practices, is also relevant for Korea. Although there is little textual evidence regarding the use of the relics and the beliefs in them, it is sufficient to show that there are both parallels with the Buddhist relic cult in China and Japan and interesting divergences. The main question addressed is how the sponsorship of reliquaries and the stūpas in which they were placed could help to strengthen royal authority. While all the evidence points to the fact that Unified Silla kings used the power of the relics for private ends, especially to pray for the good rebirth and enlightenment of deceased kings, from the 1021 Hyŏnhwa-sa stele inscription we know that early Koryŏ kings, perhaps for the first time,used the magical reproduction of relics as a sign of their authority as Buddhist monarchs (cakravartin). We can therefore speculate that whereas Silla kings strictly treated the relics as "subjects," in other words not as "things" but as actual presences of the Buddha, in the course of the Koryŏdynasty there was a shift towards treating them more as "objects,"material things that can be reproduced. While aimed at strengthening the image of kings as Buddhist monarchs, this does not seem to have succeeded. Henceforth, the importance of relics would remain mostly in the domain of private faith.