고려시대 화엄종<SUP>華嚴宗</SUP>과 용수사<SUP>龍壽寺</SUP>

한기문(韓基汶) 한국국학진흥원 2017 국학연구 Vol.0 No.34

고려전기 화엄종은 의천이 종파를 통합하려는 운동을 전개하였으나 의천 사후 오히려 분파되었다. 의천의 화엄학 문도들 중 한 갈래는 계응을 중심으로 태백산으로 퇴거 각화사를 창건하고 법해용문을 형성하여 화엄교단을 확장하고자 하였다. 법해용문의 확장 방법으로 문도 차원에서 용두산 용수사를 개창한다. 문도 확심이 명종의 명을 받아 사원재정을 확정하고 이를 공증하는 일면에서 「용수사개창비」를 건립하였다. 탁본첩으로 전해 오는 개창비문은 18세기 초 유자가 전문을 판독한 『용산지龍山志』 고적조 최선비문과 대교하여 보완하였다. 이에 따르면 개창된 용수사의 구조는 인근 의상계 부석사와 차이가 확인된다. 부석사는 보처불과 영탑이 없는 일승사상을 강조한 전통이 원융국사가 주석한 시기까지 이어졌다. 개창한 용수사는 관음보살상과 청석탑이 조성된 구조였다. 주지한 확심廓心의 『원종문류집해』 권중의 내용을 분석한 바에 따르면 용수사의 종풍은 대체로 의천이 원효를 중시한 화엄사상을 계승한다. 13세기 중반 최우집권기에도 용수사의 종풍이 지속되었음은 용수사 비구 현규玄揆가 주장이 되어 『대방광불화엄경소』를 출판한데서 알 수 있다. 이 화엄경소는 의천 화엄사상의 성격을 잘 반영하고 있다. 하지만 의천이 비판한 균여계열의 사상을 이은 체원의 저술을 14세기 각화사 주지 성지性之가 교감하는 활동을 볼 때 태백산계열의 법해용문의 사상 경향이 변화된 것을 확인할 수 있었다. On Hwaeomjong in early Goryeo Euicheon did Sects-Integrating movement, After his death the sect divided. Gyeoeung-based branch among the pupils of Euicheon’s Hwaeom Ideas builds Gwakhwasa in Taebek Mt.. They developed Hwaeom Association through the founding of Beophaeyongmun. To do this the students establish Yongsusa in Yongdu Mt.. On Myeongjong’s decree Euicheon’s disciple Hwaksim insured the temple’s finance and made 「Yongsusagechangbi」 to secure this. This rubbed-copy epitaph I completed with Confucianist’s comprehended Choiseonbimun of 『Yongsanji』-Gojeokjo in early 18C.. On head-monk Hwaksim 『Weonjongmunryujibhe』 Yongsusa’s ethos largely inherits Weonhyo’s Hwaeom thinking that Euicheon emphasized. On Hyeongyu’s pressed 『Debanggwangbulhwaeumgyeongso』 the ethos was kept also in Choi U’s reign in the middle of 13C.. This book implicates enough Euicheon’s Hwaeom Ideology. On Gwakhwasa head-monk Seongji’s correcting Chewon’s writings that succeeded Gyunyeo-line opinion which Euicheon criticized, the thought flow of Taebeksan-faction Beobhweyongmun was changed.

『신편제종교장총록(新編諸宗敎藏總錄)』에 대한 재고찰

최은영(Eun Young Choi) 동국대학교 불교문화연구원 2011 佛敎學報 Vol.0 No.57

목록은 소장되어 있는 것들을 정리해서 검색과 식별을 용이하게 해주기 때문에 가장 나중에 작성하는 것이기도 하면서, 또한 소장할 것을 빼놓지 않고 잘 갖추기 위해서 미리 만들 수도 있는 것이다. 佛典과 관련하여 중국과 고려는 經律論을 중심으로 前者의 입장에서만 목록을 작성하였다. 그러나 이러한 불교사에 있어서 『신편제종교장총록』(이하 『교장총록』)은 대장경목록이 아니라 당시에 거란, 송, 일본에 유통되고 있었던 동아시아 주석문헌만을 수집한 최초의 章疏目錄이며, 목록이 완성된 후 章疏들을 간행까지 했던 위대한 업적목록이었다. 이것은 대장경에서 빠진 것을 모은 것이 아니라 기획부터 매우 다른 것이었으므로 續藏經이라고 명칭하는 것은 적절하지 않다. 본 문헌이 지닌 의의는 여러 가지가 있지만 크게 두 가지로 요약할 수 있다. 첫째, 『교장총록』은 정치적 의도를 떠나서 多面的인 의천의 敎學的, 思想的면모를 드러내 주는 자료이다. 둘째, 이후 일본불교에 끼친 영향과 관련성을 간과할 수 없다. 일본은 불교를 받아들이고 중국에 구법을 하는 과정 속에서 부단히 목록작업을 진행하였다. 논자는 이러한 정보의 수집은 의천에게도 영감을 주었을 수 있다고 생각한다. 그리고 그것을 반영하여 의천은 가장 정확하고 우수하면서도 자신의 학문적 입장까지 내포한 장소목록을 기획하고 간행까지 완수하였다고 볼 수 있다. 목록을 만드는 것은 단순히 문헌의 정리를 넘어 축적된 역사의식과 문화적, 사유방식의 원형을 형성하고 유지하는 패턴과도 관련되어 있다고 생각한다. 일본이 1913년 『大日本佛敎全書』를 집성하면서 佛敎書籍目錄을 가장 앞권에 두었던 것은 오늘날 불교학의 방대한 자료를 소장하고 있는 일본의 학문적 태도의 단면을 보여준다고 할 수 있다. 목록작업이 이와 같이 문화적, 학문적 태도를 반영하고 있다는 것을 염두에 둔다면, 의천이 대장경목록조차 미비하였던 고려시대에 『교장총록』을 제작하려고 10여년 넘게 열정을 기울였던 것은 시대를 앞서가는 뛰어난 의식이었다고 생각한다. Catalogues are useful in putting stored possessions in order for search and identification, so they are made in the last stage or made ahead of time for the preservation of possessions without omission. About Buddhist Writings, China and Korea have usually composed catalogues on scriptures, precepts, and treatises in the last stage. In such a history of East Asia, however, the Shinpyon-jejong -kyojang-chongnok [新編諸宗敎藏總錄] is not just a catalogue of scriptures but the earliest catalogue in collecting only East Asian commentarial works that have been circulated in Sung, Khitan and Japan at its time, while even the actual printing of all the catalogued works after the completion of the catalogue shows its greatness. This catalogue should not be called a sequel because its basic plan was unique in its attempt in that the purpose of it was not focused on collecting omitted writings in the previous collection of scriptures. The significance of the Shinpyon-jejong-kyojang-chongnok might be discussed in many ways, while it can be summarized in the following two points. Firstly, the Shinpyon-jejong-kyojang-chongnok is a source showing Euicheon[義天]`s multidimensionality in his scholarly and doctrinal aspects apart from his political intention. Secondly, its relation and influence on Buddhism in Japan should not be overlooked. Japan has continually made catalogues in the process of assimilating Buddhism and studying from China. This collection of information might have influenced and inspired Euicheon, which might be reflected in Euicheon`s plan and completion of the most exact and excellent catalogue including his own scholarly stance. The making of a catalogue is beyond putting documents in order in that it is related with the pattern of formation and maintenance of the historical consciousness and paradigm of cultural thinking that has been accumulated by that time. The scholarly attitude of Japan in preserving a vast collection in the field of Buddhist studies today is also shown in the publication of the Great Collection of Japanese Buddhist Writings [大日本佛敎全書] in 1913 that has the Catalogue of Buddhist Writings [佛敎書籍目錄] as its first volume. Considered with the significance of the catalogue composition in cultural and scholarly dimensions, Euicheon`s passionate effort for over 10 years in the composition of the Catalogue in Goryeo period even without its own previous catalogue of scriptures might well be appraised as a profound one transcending his own time.

대각국사 의천의 입송 : 교(敎)와 사(史)의 측면에서

사토 아쯔시 이화여자대학교 한국문화연구원 2006 한국문화연구 Vol.10 No.-

11세기에 활약한 의천(1055~1101)의 업적은, 다음과 같이 정리할 수 있다. 첫 번째는 송나라에 가서, 화엄, 천태, 계율, 유식, 선을 배운 것, 두 번째는 귀국 후 천태종을 개창해,『원종문류』,『신편집제종교장총록』,『석원사림』을 편찬한 것. 또 세 번째는 책의 교류를 둘러싸고, 국제적으로 활약을 한 것이다. 필자는 의천의 사업을 포괄적으로, 가르침의 중시와 역사의 정리로서 파악한다. 첫 번째의 가르침의 중시란, 불타의 가르침을 중시한다고 하는 의미와 그것이 문자가 되어 책이 된 것을 중시한다고 하는 두 개의 의미를 가진다. 그것이 화엄 사상을 비롯해서 여러 불교의 학습과 서적의 수집의 기초가 되었다. 두 번째로 사는 의천의 한국불교에 대한 역사관을 의미한다. 의천의 역사관은 상고사관(尙古史觀)이며, 신라시대의 여러 승려를 현창하여 추모한다. 한편에서는 교에 빗나간 것으로서 의천 당시의 불교를 비판하고 배제한다. 그러한 교와 사의 배후에는 불교 사상으로서 당대의 종밀(宗密)의 교학, 법안종(法眼宗) 연수(延壽)의 종합 불교적 사상이 자리잡고 있었으며, 그 종합불교의 관점에서 한국불교의 전통을 생각했던 것으로 보인다. The Achievements of Euicheon(義天, 1055~1101) can be arranged as follows. The 1st, He went to Sung Dynasty and studied many Buddhism schools, Huayen, Tien tai and so on. The 2nd, after the homecoming, he started the Tien tai sect, and edited Buddhism anthology and Buddhism text list. The 3rd, He had exchange internationally involving the book. I grasp these achievements as 'teaching', and 'history'. The 'teaching' means not only Buddha's teaching but also characterized teaching becoming a book too. I look it supports the thought which learned many Buddhism sects and editing of Buddhism books. 'History' means Euicheon's view of 'Korean Buddhism.' He honored many priests of Silla Dynasty, regardless of the sect. On the other hand, he exclude non-legitimate teachings. The background of these thought, one is a comprehensive Buddhism thought by Tsung-mi(宗密) in Tang Dynasty and Yan-shou(延壽) in Five Dynasty. Another one is a thought of Korean Buddhism tradition.

고려시대화엄종華嚴宗과 용수사龍壽寺

한기문 한국국학진흥원 2017 국학연구 Vol.0 No.34

고려전기 화엄종은 의천이 종파를 통합하려는 운동을 전개하였으나 의천 사후 오히려 분파되었다. 의천의 화엄학 문도들 중 한 갈래는 계응을 중심으로 태백산으로 퇴거 각화사를 창건하고 법해용문을 형성하여 화엄교단을 확장하고자 하였다. 법해용문의 확장 방법으로 문도 차원에서 용두산 용수사를 개창한다. 문도 확심이 명종의 명을 받아 사원재정을 확정하고 이를 공증하는 일면에서 「용수사개창비」를 건립하였다. 탁본첩으로 전해 오는 개창비문은 18세기 초 유자가 전문을 판독한 『용산지龍山志』고적조 최선비문과 대교하여 보완하였다. 이에 따르면 개창된 용수사의 구조는 인근 의상계 부석사와 차이가 확인된다. 부석사는 보처불과 영탑이 없는 일승사상을 강조한 전통이 원융국사가 주석한 시기까지 이어졌다. 개창한 용수사는 관음보살상과 청석탑이 조성된 구조였다. 주지한 확심廓心의 『원종문류집해』 권중의 내용을 분석한 바에 따르면 용수사의 종풍은 대체로 의천이 원효를 중시한 화엄사상을 계승한다. 13세기 중반 최우집권기에도 용수사의 종풍이 지속되었음은 용수사 비구 현규玄揆가 주장이 되어 『대방광불화엄경소』를 출판한데서 알 수 있다. 이 화엄경소는 의천 화엄사상의 성격을 잘 반영하고 있다. 하지만 의천이 비판한 균여계열의 사상을 이은 체원의 저술을 14세기 각화사 주지 성지性之가 교감하는 활동을 볼 때 태백산계열의 법해용문의 사상경향이 변화된 것을 확인할 수 있었다. On Hwaeomjong in early Goryeo Euicheon did Sects-Integrating movement, After his death the sect divided. Gyeoeung-based branch among the pupils of Euicheon’s Hwaeom Ideas builds Gwakhwasa in Taebek Mt.. They developed Hwaeom Association through the founding of Beophaeyongmun. To do this the students establish Yongsusa in Yongdu Mt.. On Myeongjong’s decree Euicheon’s disciple Hwaksim insured the temple’s finance and made 「Yongsusagechangbi」 to secure this. This rubbed-copy epitaph I completed with Confucianist’s comprehended Choiseonbimun of 『Yongsanji』-Gojeokjo in early 18C.. On head-monk Hwaksim 『Weonjongmunryujibhe』 Yongsusa’s ethos largely inherits Weonhyo’s Hwaeom thinking that Euicheon emphasized. On Hyeongyu’s pressed 『Debanggwangbulhwaeumgyeongso』 the ethos was kept also in Choi U’s reign in the middle of 13C.. This book implicates enough Euicheon’s Hwaeom Ideology. On Gwakhwasa head-monk Seongji’s correcting Chewon’s writings that succeeded Gyunyeo-line opinion which Euicheon criticized, the thought flow of Taebeksan-faction Beobhweyongmun was changed.

불교계 고승과 국도 천도 - 고려 및 조선의 국도를 중심으로 -

황인규 대각사상연구원 2012 大覺思想 Vol.18 No.-

본 논문은 한국의 불교 고승의 국도 奠都 및 遷都의 의의를 천착한 연구이다. 신왕조의 창업 후 그 지도적 위치에 있었던 고승의 참여는 나라의 심장부인 국도 전도나 국가적 위기 속에 행하여진 국도 천도는 불교 고승으로서 민중을 제도하기 위한 방편이었다. 도선은 삼한을 통일할 왕건이 태어날 것을 예언하고 개성을 국도로 지목하였다. 그의 가르침을 받은 왕건은 불교의 가르침대로 국가를 운용하였으며, 구체적으로 사찰을 창건 또는 지정하였다. 도선의 제자 여철은 남경일대에서 활동하면서 오늘날 서울의 중요성을 강조하였다. 문종의 넷째 아들 의천도 당시 보수화된 정치와 불교계에 혁신을 일으키기 위하여 천태종을 개창하고 주전론을 주창하면서 남경천도 주장에 참여한 듯하다. 묘청은 事大가 아닌 事佛, 즉 진리를 섬겼기 때문에 地氣가 쇠했던 개경에서 고구려의 오랜 수도였던 평양으로 천도할 것을 주장했다. 그리하면 주변의 36개국이 조공을 바치는 황제의 나라가 될 것이라고 하였다. 그 후 몽고침략기에도 한양으로 국도를 삼게 되면 나라의 수명이 800년 연장될 것이라는 아사달 신앙이 유행하였다. 공민왕의 왕사 태고보우는 원나라에서 귀국후 삼각산 중흥사와 태고암에 머물면서 한양의 중요성을 강조하였다. 바로 한양천도 주장이다. 신돈은 전민변정의 개혁을 하면서 근본적인 방도인 서경과 충주 천도를 주장하여 민중으로부터는 성인이라는 칭호를 받았다. 조선 건국직후 무학은 왕사로 책봉되어 한양전도에 큰 역할을 하였다. 곧 한성을 비보하는 4대 사찰을 비롯하여 불교계의 재편사업을 전개하면서 불교계를 주도하였다. This study is about the issue of the transfer or move of the national capital among prominent Buddhist priests in Korea. The participation of priests who took on leading roles after establishing a new dynasty in moving the national capital was a way to guide people under the national crisis. Priest Doseon predicted that Wanggeon, who unified the Three Hans and pointed to Gaeseong as the capital city. Wanggeon, who was taught by priest Doseon, ruled the country with Buddhist principles and specifically established or designated certain temples. Yeocheol, a discipline of Doseon, acted around Namgyeong and stressed the importance of the current Seoul. Euicheon, the fourth son of King Munjong, established Cheontae to innovate the conservative political and Buddhist sectors and may have participated in the moving of the southern capital while protesting for the Jujeon theory. Priest Myocheong served the truth, implying Buddha rather than the great, and protested that the national capital should move from Gaegyeong, which had weak spirit, to Pyongyang, an old capital of Goguryeo. He predicted that Goryeo would be a country of the emperor; it received official tributes from the neighboring 36 countries. Then, during the period of Mongolian occupation, the Asadal faith, which proclaimed that the nation will extend an additional 800 years if Hanyang became the capital city, gained popularity. Taegobou, a royal teacher of King Gongmin, stressed the importance of Hanyang while staying at the Jungheungsa temple and Taegoam after he returned from Yuan. There was a claim to move the national capital to Hanyang. Priest Shindon was referred to as the Saint from the public by protesting that the national capital should move to Seogyeong and Chungju, a fundamental policy while performing the reform of Jeonmin Byeongjeong (Reclassification of Farmland and the Farming Population). Priest Muhak was nominated as the royal teacher and played a crucial role in moving the capital city to Hanyang right after establishing Joseon. Then, he led the Buddhist community during renovation, including the renovation of 4 major temples that supported Hanseong.

고려시기(高麗時期) 천태종(天台宗) 남숭산문(南崇山門)의 성립(成立)과 사상적(思想的) 경향(傾向)

한기문 ( Ki Moon Han ) 역사교육학회 2013 역사교육논집 Vol.50 No.-

I study the establishing and thinking way and trend of Namsungsanmun and Euicheon`s pupils` footstep on the basis of Daegak national master`s epitaph. Moreover, we explore the character and status of the students from Zen-Sect. Euicheon built Tientai-Sect on the union of Beoban-Sect and Zen-Sect through the Buddhist integration movement. After his death, Zen-Sect was the root of Namsungsanmun. In this process Gyoeung and Deogso played the key role. So Namsungsanmun is different from 5 Muns in Tientai-Sect. The Namsungsanmun`s idea is refering to Gyoeung, Deogso, his followers and Jigyeom. This Mun`s ideational soil is in Beobhwa-reciting-belief(法華講經信仰), Sutra-meditation-combining(敎禪兼學), and Zen. Euicheon`s cohesion-thought is in Namsungsanmun. After Gyoeung, the Mun strengthened the power by Deogso`s job to recommodate Tientai-Sect`s officials. Thereafter, Choi`s reign weakened the Mun`s prestige. But in Mongol Yuan Empire it was recovered. We can`t find the thinking line between Baekryeon-Association and Namsungsanmun in the data. But until Jeongo`s revival, Namsungsanmun was kept.

尹瓘의 生涯와 活動

남인국 한국중세사학회 2012 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.32

Yun Gwan passed the civil service examination in the 27th year of King Munjong's reign and thereafter was in the government service. He was well-known for his activities recorded in the “Biography of Yun Gwan” in volume 9 of Goryeosa, or History of Goryeo. He advised King Sukjong to create a new military force, the Byeolmuban, or Extraordinary Military Corps, in the 9th year of the king's reign;and as commander-in-chief of the force, along with Deputy Commander O Yeon-chong, he launched a massive attack against the Nuzhens, occupied the Hamheung plain, built the so-called Nine Forts there, and garrisoned them for defense against the Nuzhens. Yun Gwan once went to Qidan Liao to notified it of legitimacy of King Sukjong who succeeded the throne through a coup, and advised or actively engaged in carrying out various policy recommendations relating to consolidation of royal power in the reign of the king. He, as a person in charge of the civil service examination, administered the examinations and wrote the monumental inscription of the Buddhist monk Euicheon. Yun's political position that had been established in the reign of Sukjong continued into the early reign of King Yejong, which was demonstrated by the fact that he was appointed to the supervisor of the project to build the Buddhist temple Cheonsusa and the commander of the Byeolmuban army. After subjugating the Nuzhens and building Nine Forts, Yun led Goryeo's domestic politics. After returning the Nine Forts to the Nuzhens and subsequent Goryeo defeats at the hands of them, however, he was in difficulties in his political career. For example, at the time, his title of merit subject was rescinded. Thereafter, despite his repeated courteous refusal, Yejong, in the 5th year of his reign, appointed him to the position of prime minister plenipotentiary, recovering his impaired reputation. He died as prime minister in June of the next year. Thanks to his renowned position through the reigns of Sukjong and Yejong, he got related by marriage to Yu Hong and Im Eui, who had marital relations with the royal house. He also forged marital relations with powerful figures who served as directors of the Directorate of Chancellors and Directorate of Advisers and led domestic politics, enhancing his family's reputation. The inclusion of his familial lineage in the renowned families of chancellors that could forge a marital relationship with the royal family in the reign of King Chungseon dated back to him. It is certain that Yun Gwan rendered distinguished services in subjugating the Nuzhens and building of the Nine Forts. But this was just a part of his activities. He passed the difficult civil service examination and also administered the examinations, wrote memorial inscription of Euicheon, and participated in royal teaching and lectured on Confucian scriptures. He was also in charge of compiling Goryeo history. He was described in volume 96 of History of Goryeo as a person who “when he was young he liked to study and always read books;even when he served as commander-in-chief of Goryeo forces to subjugate Nuzhens, he kept five Confucian classics with him;and he stood first in preferring good-natured people and taking pleasure in goodness”. In sum, Yun Gwan was a politician as well as a civil official equipped with scholarly talent and military strategy. Yun Gwan passed the civil service examination in the 27th year of King Munjong's reign and thereafter was in the government service. He was well-known for his activities recorded in the “Biography of Yun Gwan” in volume 9 of Goryeosa, or History of Goryeo. He advised King Sukjong to create a new military force, the Byeolmuban, or Extraordinary Military Corps, in the 9th year of the king's reign;and as commander-in-chief of the force, along with Deputy Commander O Yeon-chong, he launched a massive attack against the Nuzhens, occupied the Hamheung plain, built the so-called Nine Forts there, and garrisoned them for defense against the Nuzhens. Yun Gwan once went to Qidan Liao to notified it of legitimacy of King Sukjong who succeeded the throne through a coup, and advised or actively engaged in carrying out various policy recommendations relating to consolidation of royal power in the reign of the king. He, as a person in charge of the civil service examination, administered the examinations and wrote the monumental inscription of the Buddhist monk Euicheon. Yun's political position that had been established in the reign of Sukjong continued into the early reign of King Yejong, which was demonstrated by the fact that he was appointed to the supervisor of the project to build the Buddhist temple Cheonsusa and the commander of the Byeolmuban army. After subjugating the Nuzhens and building Nine Forts, Yun led Goryeo's domestic politics. After returning the Nine Forts to the Nuzhens and subsequent Goryeo defeats at the hands of them, however, he was in difficulties in his political career. For example, at the time, his title of merit subject was rescinded. Thereafter, despite his repeated courteous refusal, Yejong, in the 5th year of his reign, appointed him to the position of prime minister plenipotentiary, recovering his impaired reputation. He died as prime minister in June of the next year. Thanks to his renowned position through the reigns of Sukjong and Yejong, he got related by marriage to Yu Hong and Im Eui, who had marital relations with the royal house. He also forged marital relations with powerful figures who served as directors of the Directorate of Chancellors and Directorate of Advisers and led domestic politics, enhancing his family's reputation. The inclusion of his familial lineage in the renowned families of chancellors that could forge a marital relationship with the royal family in the reign of King Chungseon dated back to him. It is certain that Yun Gwan rendered distinguished services in subjugating the Nuzhens and building of the Nine Forts. But this was just a part of his activities. He passed the difficult civil service examination and also administered the examinations, wrote memorial inscription of Euicheon, and participated in royal teaching and lectured on Confucian scriptures. He was also in charge of compiling Goryeo history. He was described in volume 96 of History of Goryeo as a person who “when he was young he liked to study and always read books;even when he served as commander-in-chief of Goryeo forces to subjugate Nuzhens, he kept five Confucian classics with him;and he stood first in preferring good-natured people and taking pleasure in goodness”. In sum, Yun Gwan was a politician as well as a civil official equipped with scholarly talent and military strategy.

고려전기의 화폐 주조와 유통정책

이홍두(Yi Hong-Du) 역사실학회 2005 역사와실학 Vol.28 No.-

In the Goryeo Dynasty, King Seongjong minted iron coins, and King Sukjong minted and circulated copper coins and silver bottles. At that time, the issue of coinage was demanded by the development of goods distribution. The mintage and circulation of coinage in the early Goryeo Dynasty had two purposes. One was to disintegrate major clans' united political power and to strengthen the king' s sovereignty, and the other was to restore economy that had been impoverished by wars. King Seongjong issued iron coins in the 15th year of King Dong (996). It was to meet financial demand for waging six times of war against Georan. Using coinage for financial expenses, the government could preserve goods of real value such as rice and textile. King Mokjong who ascended the throne in 998 inherited Seongjong's coinage circulation policy but the circulation of coins, which had been used for 7 years, was almost stopped except partial use at restaurants selling teas and liquors. During the reign of King Sukjong after around 90 years since the stoppage of circulation, Jujeondogam(鑄錢都監) was installed and minted copper coins and silver bottles, and established laws related to mintage. The reason for Sukjong to mint coinage was the development of commerce and industry, which demanded the expansion of goods distribution. Particularly from the period of King Munjong, economic power was enhanced rapidly and this required the efficient circulation of coinage. Copper coins were named by combining 'Haedong,' 'Dongguk' or 'Samhan,' which meant Goryeo, with 'Tongbo' or 'Jungbo.' Copper coins were shaped round and had a square hole at the center, and their name was embossed on the surface. On the other hand, the country minted silver bottles from the 6th year of King Sukjong and circulated them until the end of the Goryeo Dynasty. During the reign of King Sukjong, mintage was led by Chief Priest Euicheon and Yoon Gwan, the king's closest aides, but it was opposed strongly by Gwak Sang, the governor of Seogyong. The reason for the opposition was that the prohibition of the use of flax would make it difficult for people to exchange goods. However, the real reason was the fear of a high increase in taxes resulting from the circulation of coinage. The introduction of coinage is a reform of object economy, reflecting the flexibility and compositeness of economy admitting the coinage. Thus, the mintage and circulation of coinage in the early Goryeo Dynasty was a rare opportunity for reforming object economy in those days and developing the distribution of goods further. However, the circulation of copper coins failed. The reasons for the failure can be found in immaturity of goods manufacturing and distribution, underdevelopment of mines, limited trade with outsides, nondistinction between the high and low grades of copper coins, etc.

고려전기 부인사의 위상과 초조대장경판(初雕大藏經板) 소장 배경

한기문 ( Ki Moon Han ) 한국중세사학회 2010 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.28

고려시기 중국 절강지역과의 불교교류와 고려불교사상사에 미친 영향

김방룡 ( Bang Ryong Kim ) 한국동서철학회 2015 동서철학연구 Vol.78 No.-

동북아시아 대승불교의 주역은 한국과 중국과 일본이다. 고대사회에 있어서 삼국 간에는 해양을 통한 많은 교류가 이루어졌으며, 불교사상 또한 마찬가지이다. 따라서 고대의 불교사상을 제대로 파악하기 위해서는 중원의 불교계의 변화와 삼국 간의 불교교류에 대하여 고찰할 필요성이 제기된다고 하겠다. 고려시대는 918년에서 1392년까지 474년으로 이 시기 중국의 북방은 요, 금, 몽골이 지배하였으며, 남방은 송나라가 지배하였다. 이후 남송을 굴복시킨 원에 의하여 통일되어진다. 이 가운데 남송의 수도가 있었던 절강지역과 고려와의 불교교류는 고려 전(全)시기를 통하여 이루어졌으며, 이를 통하여 중국과 한국의 불교계는 상호 영향을 주고받으며 불교사상의 변화를 보여 왔다. 고려불교사상사에 있어서 이러한 구체적인 교류현황을 파악하는 것이야 말로 불교사상계의 변화를 해석할 수 있는 중요한 단서를 제공해준다. 본고에서는 절강지역과 고려와의 불교교류를 천태종과 선종을 중심으로 하여 살펴보고자 한다. 이미 역사학계에는 이와 관련한 연구가 많이 진척되어 있지만, 정작 고려사회의 중심사상이었던 불교사상과의 유기적 관련성에 관한 연구는 미약한 편이다. 본고는 앞으로 이에 대한 연구의 필요성의 제기와 함께, 앞으로의 사상적인 측면에 있어서 이 분야의 연구를 위한 방향성을 제시하고자 하였다. 우선 고려에서 절강지역의 불교계에 끼친 영향은 무엇인지에 대하여 고찰하고자 하였다. 이어 절강지역의 불교가 고려불교에 끼친 영향이 무엇인지를 고찰하였다. 그리고 이 둘을 통하여 고려불교사상사에 있어서 절강지역과의 교류가 차지하는 역할과 비중을 다루어 보았다. 특히 천태종과 선종을 중심으로 하여 상호 영향관계를 논함으로써 이 시기 고려불교는 물론 동아시아불교를 이해하는 또 하나의 안목을 제시하고 하였다. The leading roles of Mahayana Buddhism in Northeast Asia are Korea, China, and Japan. There had been many exchanges as well as Buddhism among the three nations through the ocean in the ancient society. So we have to research the changes of Buddhism of central districts and exchanges of Buddhism among the three nations in order to understand the ancient Buddhism. In Koryeo dyansty(A.D. 918-A.D.1392), the northern China had been ruled by Liao, Jin and Mongol dynasty and the southern Chins by Song dynasty. After then Yuan dynasty brought into submission and unified them. To apprehend the concrete exchange condition offers an important clue to interpret the changes of the Buddhism world in the history of Koryeo Buddhism. In this paper, I studied the exchange of Buddhism between Koryeo and Zhejiang-Sheong centering Cheontae and Seon sect of Buddhism. Though there have been many researches related to this problem in the academic world of history, the research of organic connection with Buddhism, a central thought in Koryeo dyansty, is weak. I tried to research the Influence of Koryeo on Buddhism in Zhejiang-Sheong. And then I inquired the influence of Buddhism in Zhejiang-Sheong on Koryeo Buddhism. So I could study the role and portion of exchanges between Koryeo and Zhejiang-Sheong in the history of Koryeo Buddhism. Especially by discussing the relation of the mutual interaction centering Cheontae sect and Seon sect, I tried to suggest another viewpoint to understand Northeast Asia Buddhism and Koryeo Buddhism.