벼 중생 고품질 신품종 "청안"

양세준,김연규,최임수,조영찬,황흥구,홍하철,김명기,오명규,신영섭,이점호,최용환 한국육종학회 2009 한국육종학회지 Vol.41 No.4

Cheongan is a new japonica rice variety developed from a cross between SR15225-B-22-1-2-1 and Iksan431 in summer season, 1997 by National Institute of Crop Science, RDA. The line SR15225-B-22-1-2-1 has good canopy architecture and multi-disease and insect resistance, and Iksan431 has translucent milled rice and good eating-quality. Heading date of Cheongan is August 13 in central lowland and mid-mountainous areas. "Cheongan" having culm length of 84 cm shows relatively semi-erect pubescent leaf blade and rigid culm, tolerance to lodging with and good canopy architecture. This variety has 14 tillers per hill and 126 spikelets per panicle. It shows tolerance to heading delay and spikelet sterility comparable to Hwaseongbyeo when exposed to cold stress. Leaf senescence of Cheongan progresses slowly during the ripening stage and the viviparous germination ratio was 59 %, similar to that of Hwaseongbyo. "Cheongan" shows moderately resistance to blast disease, but susceptible to stripe virus and brown planthopper. The milled rice of "Cheongan" exhibits translucent, clear non-glutinous endosperm and medium short grain. It shows similar amylose content of 18.7%, gelatinization temperature, and similar palatability of cooked rice compared to Hwaseongbyeo. The milled rice yield of this cultivar is about 5.54 MT/ha at ordinary season culture in local adaptability test for three years. Especially, "Cheongan" has better milling properties of higher 98.4% and 73.9% in the percentage of head rice in milled rice and milling recovery of head rice, respectively, than those of Hwaseongbyeo. "Cheongan" could be adaptable to the central and mid-southern plain area, and mid-western coastal area of Korea.

陳義貴 「淸安八景」 詞의 문학적 형상

김용남 한국어문교육연구회 2016 어문연구(語文硏究) Vol.44 No.3

This thesis studies the literary figuration of 「Cheongan Palgyong(淸安八景)」Ci(詞) by Jin, Eui-gui, who lived from Late Koryo Dynasty to Early Joseon Dynasty. He was a writer and had both political capability and poetic talent. In Late Koryo Dynasty, he was banished to Cheongan because of political chaos at that time. After being unbanished, he lived there for a long time and started to write 「Cheongan Palgyong」Ci. It was completed in around 1405, when a Hyanggyo was built in Cheongan and Cheongdang- hyon and Doan-hyon were united. His Moosanildanwoon(巫山一段雲) 「Cheongan Palgyong」 is literarily meaningful. Because he settled continuous ci of scenery, following Lee, Je- hyon(李齊賢), Jeong, Po(鄭誧) and Lee, Gok(李穀) and passed it down to the next generation. As for the formation of subtitles, it shows just before the transition from Chinese-style poetry and ci of 8 scenic places to Korean-style one. 「Cheongan Palgyong」embodies gracious gatherings and taste for the arts of poets and writers and innocent pleasure of Confucian scholars while singing beautiful scenery and human behavior in it. It also shows the world of unworldliness, self-enjoyment, tranquility, and purity. It reflects his innocent and refined personality. And leisurely scenery of Cheongan and the writer as a person enjoying it in 「Cheongan Palgyong」really show well this place as a hometown of learning and scholars. 이 글은 고려 말 조선 초의 문신인 陳義貴 「淸安八景」詞의 문학적 형상에 대하여 살펴본 것이다. 진의귀는 고려 말 정치적으로 매우 혼란했던 시기에 청안에 유배되었고, 해배 후에도 오랜 시간 동안 청안에 머물며 「청안팔경」詞를 짓기 시작하여 청안에 향교가 설립되고 淸塘縣과 道安縣이 합한 1405년 무렵 마무리한 것으로 보인다. 진의귀의 巫山一段雲 「청안팔경」은 李齊賢․鄭誧․李穀의 뒤를 이어 한국의 聯章景物詞를 정착시키며 다음 시대로 이어준 작품이라는 데 의의가 있고, 소표제의 구성에 있어서도 중국 八景詩詞의 모습을 거의 청산하고 오롯이 한국 팔경시사로 넘어가기 바로 직전 단계의 작품이라고 할 수 있다. 「청안팔경」은 景象을 노래한 것이든 行爲를 읊은 것이든 대체로 시인․문사의 雅會와 풍류, 그리고 儒者의 淸興을 형상화하였다. 「청안팔경」詞에 구현된 세계는 脫俗과 自樂, 閑適과 淸雅의 세계이다. 이러한 진의귀 詞의 맑고 고아한 풍격은 평소 그의 사람됨이 반영된 것이다.

충청도 청안 사마소와 사마록 연구

윤희면 서강대학교 인문과학연구소 2017 서강인문논총 Vol.0 No.50

By the time of 1610 when several Saengwon & Jinsa passed an examination all together, Samaso was built and Samarok was recorded in Cheongan County. Afterward when Saengwon & Jinsa were not produced any more, the activity became stagnant. In the 29th year of King Sukjong(1703) four Saengwon and Jinsa asked help from a county magistrate and built Samaso at the southern Hyangkyo. And they listed 38 Saengwon and Jinsa chronologically ; including a county magistrate and current 5 members ; recording fourty four Samarok. Saengwon and Jinsa who took the initiative in recording Samarok again were influential Yangban Sajok. They intended to establish the dominant position and reestablish the county order. Around the first year of King Jeongjo, Samaso accepted twenty five successful Saengwon and Jinsa candidates who did not have any status flaw through the processes of nineteen times, and it also recorded seven Saengwon and Jinsa among county magistrates of Cheongan county(original Samarok). In the fourth year of King Youngjo (1728) the county magistrate named Lee Jeong-yol died in sin and his name was deleted in Samarok in the aftermath of a rebellion led by Lee In-Jowha. In the fourteenth year of King Youngjo(1738) Jinsa Yang Min-ik was executed because of high treason. Therefore the names of nine people including Yang Min-ik were deleted. Cheongan Eupji made in the twelfth year of King Jeongjo(1788) recorded the names of forty three Saengwon & Jinsa and sons of a concubine were extraordinarily included, and that was because Hyangjok and Hyangri class on the behalf the shrunk Yangban Sajok, made Eupji. By the time of 1894, Saengwon and Jinsa whose status were Yangban Sajok were listed in Samarok(Samarok 1). Meanwhile in Eupji written by Hyangjok and Hyangri class, sons of a concubine, who were still excluded in Samarok, continued to be listed ; in Eupji of 1899 Hojang’s sons, top of Hyangri class, were recorded. These facts showed an aspect of county power in Cheong county. In 1915 the descendants of Saengwon and Jinsa organized a fraternity and repaired Samaso, and utilized the lent money at high percent interest. Their purpose of the action was to pay their respect to their ancestors and show off their status as the descendants of Yangban. In 1970 Samaso was moved to the current location and it was converted to a Sama Shrine. The descendants recorded Samarok(Samarok 2) a little differently than original Samarok. Saengwon and Jinsa who did not pass the examination were listed to make their ancestors shine and to secure the finance. 청안현에 사마소가 설립되고 사마록이 작성된 때는 선조 39년(1606년)에 6명이, 광해군 4년(1612)에 3명이 한꺼번에 생원 진사에 합격하던, 1610년 전후라 짐작된다. 그 후 생원 진사가 많이 나오지 않아 침체되었다. 숙종 29년(1703)에 진사 延世華가 비슷한 시기에 합격한 3명과 함께 현감에게 도움을 요청하여 향교 남쪽에 사마소를 다시 건립하였다. 그리고 자신들 이전의 사마 38명을 연대 순서에 맞게 수록하고, 수령과 현재의 생원 진사 5명을 담아 모두 44명의 사마록을 작성하였다.(『사마록』) 사마록에 이름을 올리지 못한 생원 진사가 모두 5명인데, 서얼이거나 정치적 이유(인조반정) 때문이었다. 다른 고을의 생원 진사도 이름을 올릴 수가 있는데, 이들 대부분은 읍지에 등재되어 있고 묘소가 청안에 있는 인물들로 본인, 또는 선조들의 연고가 있었다. 사마소, 사마록을 다시 만드는데 앞장섰던 생원 진사들은 여러 명의 생원 진사를 배출한 청안의 유력한 양반 성관들로, 양반사족들의 신분적 우위를 내세우는 목적을, 그리고 변해가는 향촌질서를 재확립하려는 의도를 가졌다고 할 수 있다. 청안 사마소는 재임을 두어 운영하였고, 講信을 열어 향음주례를 하고 우의를 다졌으며, 새로운 생원 진사가 합격하면 신분을 가려 천거와 권점을 하고, 신참례를 거행하였다. 정조 원년(1777년)까지 신분적 하자가 없는 생원, 진사 합격자와 청안과 연고를 가진 다른 고을 생원 진사를 모두 19번에 걸쳐(際의 표시) 24명을 받아 들였으며, 청안 현감 가운데 생원 진사에 합격한 사람 7명도 이름을 등재하였다. 1728년(영조 4)의 戊申亂의 여파로 현감(이정열)이 罪死하여 사마록에서 刀削되었고, 1738년(영조 14)에는 진사 양민익이 대역부도죄로 처형되는 사건이 발생하였다. 그리하여 양민익을 포함하여 전후에 등재된 9명의 생원 진사 이름이 지워졌다. 위축된 청안 양반사족들의 형세를 반영하듯 정조 12년(1788)경에 만들어진 『청안현읍지』에는 43명의 생원 진사의 이름이 수록되어 있는데, 사마록에서 배제되었던 서얼이 수록되는 이례적인 모습을 보이고 있다. 향족과 향리들이 읍지를 작성하였기 때문일 것이다. 위축된 사마소이지만 1894년까지 여전히 양반 신분만을 가려 생원 진사를 사마록에 등재하였으며(『사마록 1』), 반면에 향족과 향리들이 작성한 읍지에는 사마록에서 배제된 서얼을 계속 기재하였고, 1899년의 읍지에는 戶長의 아들과 역둔토 마름을 수록하고 있어 향권의 일면을 엿보게 해주고 있다. 1915년에 후손들이 계를 결성하여 사마소를 중수하였고, 남은 돈을 식리전으로 활용하였다. 선조를 기리고 자신들이 양반의 후예임을 과시할 목적이었다. 향리 후예가(진사 차재준) 사마소계에 참여하였지만, 『선생자손록』(1930년)에는 이름을 올리지 못하는 등 여전히 반상을 가리는 관행을 이어가고 있었다. 1957년에 사마소계를 해체하여 사마소를 중수하고, 1970년에 사마소를 현재의 위치로 이건하면서 선조들의 위패를 모시는 사우로 전환하고 청안향교에 관리를 넘기기까지 후손들은 사마록을 原案과는 조금씩 다르게 작성해 왔다. 1957년에 작성된 『사마방목초안』부터 1971년에 작성된 『사마선생성손친목회』까지 후손들의 이해관계, 거주 여부, 성금 납부에 따라 인원의 출입이 계속 일어났으며, 선조를 빛내려는 후손들의 열망과 재정 확보책으로 미합격자들이 명단에 올라 지금까지 이어지고 ...

하도상(河圖象)에 나타난 육십간지(六十干支)의 형태(形態)연구

이옥화 ( Lee Ock Hwa ) 동양철학연구회 2021 東洋哲學硏究 Vol.105 No.-

河圖는 ‘象’에 내재된 ‘象數’이고 간지 형태와 상호 연관성은 음양이며, 하도의 점상구조는 음양에 배열된 생성수 5와 10수의 중심체계로 구성된 圖形式과 五方式이 특징이다. 동양철학의 우주세계관은 천지만물이 도상의 생성수에 복속되어 있다는 의미를 함축하고 있다. 하도점상의 생성수에 기원은 夏代 伏羲에 의하여 창안된 선천수에 있다. 이어 周代文王이 창안한 洛書의 후천수와 밀접한 體用關係로 공존한다. 본문에서 하도점상의 근원적 고찰을 위해, 宋代 陣摶의 최초 하도 발견을 계기로 朱子의 하도원리 체계화를 검토하면, 이 이론에 반영되어 있는 도합10수 생성은 十天干이 十二地支 순차로 배열되어져 있었다. 간지상합은 大堯에 의해서 창안되었다. 간지상합에 唐代 李虛仲은 이합집산 하는 ‘六相合’과 ‘六相沖’ 이론을 선천수에, 천간의 ‘祿旺支’ 이론을 후천수에 정립한 의미를 살펴보았고, 융합과 직결된 의미를 고찰하였다. 따라서 하도점상에 나타난 간지 형태는 하도원리와 별개의 이론이 아니라 象數로 연결된 생성수의 융합이며, 천간은 ‘五象’의 상징성에서 비롯되었고, 지지는 ‘四象’에 반영하여 생성되었다. 날짜를 표시한 연월일시 단위에는 간지체계를 결합시키고 변화차이를 관찰하기 용이하도록 오늘날 까지 전승되면서 干支의 융합은 하도의 선천수로부터 생성되었다 사료된다. The purpose of this study is to examine the Sangsoo within the Jeomsang of Hado and discuss the correlations with the forms of Ganji. The background of the diagraming of Hadojeomsang is the system of the Saengseongsu 5 and 10 arranged in Yīnyángwǔxíng and the setting of the positions on the up, down, right, and left sides. The universe in the Asian Philosophy and everything in it is under the influence of the Sangseongsu. The division of the numbers originates from the Seoncheonsu, which was invented by Fuxi. A thousand years later, King Wen of Zhou invented the Hoocheonsoo of Nakseo, which exist in a close Chaeyong relationship. As Jindan first discovered Hado during the Song era, the principles are explained by Zhu xi of Song. Here, the Hado Hap 10 Soo are aligned with Sipcheongan, and Daeyo invented the Gangji that Sanghap with Jiji. As for the unique terms of Ganji, the theories of Yooksanghap and Yooksangchoong which gather and disperse as the characteristics of Yin Yang are assigned to Seoncheonsoo, while Heojoong Lee of Tang, who assigned Cheongan to Rokwangji converged Hoocheonsoo and Ganji. Ganji is not of a separate theory from the principles of Hado, but it converges with the sequence of Ganji connected with Sangsoo in its form. The Cheongan originated from the symbolism of Osang, while Jiji is reflected in the Choonhachoodong of each month of the year as well as the 12 Ipjeol Ibooniji, so that the spirit of Cheongan is rooted on Jiji, which is its origin. Now, it is easier to observe the changes and differences by joining the modern calendar with the Ganji system. This will serve as the necessary data for the future studies on Samwoonsasang Samgi.

근대 한중관계의 변화와 외교당안의 생성 : 「淸季駐韓使館保存檔」을 중심으로

김희신(Kim Hee-Sin) 중국근현대사학회 2011 중국근현대사연구 Vol.50 No.-

This study was conducted in order to advance content analysis on the history of Korea‐China relationship by enhancing accessibility to diplomatic documents called 'Juhansagwandang(駐韓使館檔:Documents of Chinese diplomatic offices in Korea)' in a historical, academic or practical sense. Based on the contents reviewed in this study, we can summarize the characteristics and values of 'Juhansagwandang' in the history of Korea‐China relationship as follows. First, the documents include extensive general materials, which mean unofficial documents worthy to be preserved. Official documents exchanged between Korean and Chinese diplomatic agencies include few general materials worthy to be preserved. Although some are included as accompanying documents, the scope of such documents is very limited. In the sense that they are documents of Chinese diplomatic offices in Korea, such records contain administrative information such as documents prepared, executed or received for administration. As they contain extensive unofficial documents (=general materials) worthy to be preserved, they have historical values. Second, 'Juhansagwandang' are in a mutually complementary relation with Korean diplomatic documents 'Cheongan(淸案).' It is presumed that even many of preserved documents might be lost due to instable political situations at home and overseas during the late Qing Dynasty and the late Yi Dynasty. In many cases, for example, there is jobok(照覆) but without johoi(照會) or vice versa, and this suggests that the continuity of documents could not be maintained due to various factors. Moreover, because diplomatic documents contained in Juhansagwandang and Cheongan were in a request‐reply relation with each other, their contents are sometimes complementary to each other. Furthermore, by comparing two documents on the same issue, we may find clues to differences between the two countries' positions. Third, media carrying contents have the characteristics that they are the tangible original documents. Previous studies on the Korea China relationship in the late Qing Dynasty have relied on diplomatic documents as the records of objective facts in order to examine factual contents related to the relationship of the two countries. Juhansagwandang, which was published as digital materials, is tangible original documents and also contains historical information, and in this sense, it has two values. They have crucial meanings in exploring not only contents but also the actual form and generation process of diplomatic documents. How to interpret such original documents is still a problem to be solved. Fourth, the documents were classified according to the principle of source classification. The classification system of Juhansagwandang followed 'the principle of source, ' which gives priority to the organization handling documents over the contents of documents. This classification system is advantageous in that it shows structure, context, and activity processes involved in an organization's production of records. That is, it is efficient for understanding association among records according to source, and the relation between records and their producers and the background of their production. Fifth, documents during a specific period were completely scattered and lost. Juhansagwandang includes documents generated and accumulated by Chinese diplomatic offices for around 30 years from 1883 to 1913. However, documents for around 4 years from the end of 1894 to the end of 1898 are completely omitted. A very small number of documents in this period have survived, but they are quite exceptional. Some institutions preserve only a part of documents according to their value, but the loss of documents in this period seems to be accidental. It is not clear where the lost records are kept at present.

근대 한중관계의 변화와 외교당안의 생성 ― 「淸季駐韓使館保存檔」을 중심으로 ―

김희신 중국근현대사학회 2011 중국근현대사연구 Vol.50 No.-

This study was conducted in order to advance content analysis on the history of Korea‐China relationship by enhancing accessibility to diplomatic documents called ‘Juhansagwandang (駐韓使館檔:Documents of Chinese diplomatic offices in Korea)’ in a historical, academic or practical sense. Based on the contents reviewed in this study, we can summarize the characteristics and values of ‘Juhansagwandang’ in the history of Korea‐China relationship as follows. First, the documents include extensive general materials, which mean unofficial documents worthy to be preserved. Official documents exchanged between Korean and Chinese diplomatic agencies include few general materials worthy to be preserved. Although some are included as accompanying documents, the scope of such documents is very limited. In the sense that they are documents of Chinese diplomatic offices in Korea, such records contain administrative information such as documents prepared, executed or received for administration. As they contain extensive unofficial documents (=general materials) worthy to be preserved, they have historical values. Second, ‘Juhansagwandang’ are in a mutually complementary relation with Korean diplomatic documents ‘Cheongan(淸案).’ It is presumed that even many of preserved documents might be lost due to instable political situations at home and overseas during the late Qing Dynasty and the late Yi Dynasty. In many cases, for example, there is jobok(照覆) but without johoi(照會) or vice versa, and this suggests that the continuity of documents could not be maintained due to various factors. Moreover, because diplomatic documents contained in Juhansagwandang and Cheongan were in a request‐reply relation with each other, their contents are sometimes complementary to each other. Furthermore, by comparing two documents on the same issue, we may find clues to differences between the two countries’ positions. Third, media carrying contents have the characteristics that they are the tangible original documents. Previous studies on the Korea China relationship in the late Qing Dynasty have relied on diplomatic documents as the records of objective facts in order to examine factual contents related to the relationship of the two countries. Juhansagwandang, which was published as digital materials, is tangible original documents and also contains historical information, and in this sense, it has two values. They have crucial meanings in exploring not only contents but also the actual form and generation process of diplomatic documents. How to interpret such original documents is still a problem to be solved. Fourth, the documents were classified according to the principle of source classification. The classification system of Juhansagwandang followed ‘the principle of source,’ which gives priority to the organization handling documents over the contents of documents. This classification system is advantageous in that it shows structure, context, and activity processes involved in an organization’s production of records. That is, it is efficient for understanding association among records according to source, and the relation between records and their producers and the background of their production. Fifth, documents during a specific period were completely scattered and lost. Juhansagwandang includes documents generated and accumulated by Chinese diplomatic offices for around 30 years from 1883 to 1913. However, documents for around 4 years from the end of 1894 to the end of 1898 are completely omitted. A very small number of documents in this period have survived, but they are quite exceptional. Some institutions preserve only a part of documents according to their value, but the loss of documents in this period seems to be accidental. It is not clear where the lost records are kept at present.

천지인 삼재사상(三才思想)에서 인원(人元)에 관한 고찰

강성인(Kang, Sung-in) 한국학중앙연구원 2016 한국학 Vol.39 No.4

민속신앙을 읽는 부호, 십간(十干), 십이지(十二支)에 대한 근원적 고찰

김만태 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2011 民族文化硏究 Vol.54 No.-

십간·십이지는 상고대 이래 동아시아 문화권에서 수많은 문화 요소들과 결부되어 유의미하게 사용되고 있다. 여러 문헌·유물자료를 통해볼 때 한반도에서는 늦어도 5세기 전반부터 십간·십이지를 활용해왔다는 사실을 알 수 있다. 비록 한국의 고유 문화요소는 아니지만 십간과 십이지는 날짜·방위·색상 등과 연계되어 궁합·택일·운수 등 한국 민속신앙에서 폭넓게 활용되고 있다. 십간의 10은 열 손가락을 가진 인간이 가장 쉽게 사용할 수 있는 기수법은 바로 10진법이라는 사실에서, 십이지의 12는 1년에 12삭망월이 있다는 사실에서 가장 크게 기인한다. 간지의 쓰임은 갑골문으로 거슬러 올라가지만 "간지(干支)"라는 명칭은 『논형』「힐술편」에 처음으로 보인다. "간지"로 불리기 전에는 "일진(日辰)"과 "모자(母子)"로도 불렸다. 간지의 기원에 관해서는 황제가 그 스승이자 사관인 대요에게 명하여 제정했다는 설과 천황씨가 창안했다는 설, 황제가 하늘로부터 직접 내려 받았다는 설 등이 전해지고 있으나 역사적 사실로 보기는 어렵고 신화 상의 유래로 봐야 한다. 『설문해자』를 비롯한 고문헌에 나타난 십간·십이지의 의미는 대부분 자연의 생장수장(生長收藏) 과정, 음양의 교차 순환, 사람의 신체 일부 등에 결부지어 설명되고 있는 반면, 갑골문에 나타난 십간·십이지의 의미는 대부분 물고기·새·벼, 그리고 수렵·어로·농경 도구 등을 직접 형상한 것이다. 고문헌상의 간지는 갑골문상의 간지와 달리 후대에 이르러 음양오행설로 채색되었다. 이렇게 음양오행의 상생상극 관념과 결합하면서 십간·십이지는 더 이상 단순한 부호가 아니라 상수화·신비화된 관념과 복잡한 술수적 의미를 지니게 되었다. Sipgan and Sibiji have been used with significance, being connected to the numerous cultural elements of East Asia culture since the ancient times. Various literature and artifact materials indicate that they have been in use in the Korean Peninsula since as late as the former half the fifth century. Even though they are not unique parts of the Korean culture, they have been widely used in Korean folk faith including marital harmony predicted by a fortuneteller, choosing an auspicious day, and one's fortune. Sipgan originated from the decimal system, which is the easiest counting system to man with ten fingers. Sibiji originated from the fact that a year contains 12 months. The use of Ganji is traced back to inscriptions on bones and tortoise carapaces, but the title of Ganji was first recorded in the Hilsul of Nonhyeong. It was also called "Iljin" or "Moja" before its name Gangji settled down. There are a couple of myths regarding the origin of Ganji; there is a myth saying that the emperor ordered Daeyo, his master and chronicler, to invent it; another saying that Cheonhwangshi invented it; and the other saying that the Yellow emperor inherited it from the Heaven himself. All of them are hardly historical facts, being strictly myths. While the most meanings of Sipgan and Sibiji in old literature including Seolmunhaeja are explained in relation to the life and death process, circulating cycle of yin and yang, and man's body parts, those in inscriptions on bones and tortoise carapaces directly embody fish, birds, rice, hunting and gathering, fishing, and farming tools. Unlike that of inscriptions on bones and tortoise carapaces, Ganji of old literature was colored with Yin-Yang and Ohaeng(Five Elements) Theory in later generations. Combined with the mutual survival and rivalry concept of Yin-Yang and Ohaeng, Sipgan and Sibiji got to have constant and mysterious concepts and complex conjury meanings beyond their simple roles as signs.