1930년대 국립사천대학과 국가 상징성

김희신 ( Hee Sin Kim ) 고려대학교 역사연구소 2011 사총 Vol.74 No.-

This study purposed to illuminate by stages the pattern of change in the symbolism of ``state (national)`` in academic areas and conflicts among individuals and organizations surrounding the symbolism during the period from the nationalization of Sichuan University in 1931 to the late 1930s when Sichuan attained a political status as ``the last defense line of nation state`` and, by doing so, to examine how individuals, organizations and the state coped with globalization, its effects on the reshuffling of local order in the future, and its results. This study was not simple description of ``the history of Sichuan University`` for explaining the growth process of the school, but an analysis of interaction among complicated mixed elements in the background of the growth of the school focused on academic, educational and cultural aspects. Issues surrounding the National Sichuan University in the 19305, in particular, those related to the appointment and retirement of the principal, the invitation of professors, school operation, academic and educational environment, and student selection involve the relation between the local government and the central government as well as academic and political relations. This study analyzed reactions and behaviors of various groups surrounding the reform of the university and discussed cooperation and collision among them, but these topics are also closely related with the restructuring of local order in Sichuan. The relation between the academic circles and the political and military circles, that is, the academic and political order in Sichuan was changed in response to the change in the status of Sichuan and the reform of the Sichuan University. Accordingly, it is possible to analyze changes in academic and political groups and their hierarchical order in history after the integration of Sichuan in the 1930s. In addition, this study will discuss the role of the state in the establishment and transition of the hierarchical order. In fact, until the integration of Sichuan, the power of the state was not decisive in determining the direction of the order and the development of academic circles. Furthermore, there was a possibility for collision among sectors surrounding political power if individuals and organizations are engaged in political activities or give pressure to block or allow changes, or if the stare works as a driving force of change with initiative. An example is that when the National Government moved the capital to Chongqing and appointed Cheng Tian fang of the CC Line as the principal in November, 1938, many sectors of Sichuan waged campaigns claiming the unjustness of the appointment and resisting the state`s education control policies, but the power of the state was rather reinforced.

‘漢城 開設行棧 조항 개정’ 교섭과 중국의 대응

김희신(Kim Hee-Sin) 동양사학회 2010 東洋史學硏究 Vol.113 No.-

1926-1935년 重慶의 ‘內的’ㆍ‘人的’ 요소와 도시근대화

金希信(Kim Hee-Sin) 동양사학회 2009 東洋史學硏究 Vol.109 No.-

This study was conducted as a part of the history of urban transformation, namely, how urban spaces have reflected and structured historic situations, focused on people living in cities and urban societies. Among the open port cities under the treaty system, the centers (coastal areas) and the surroundings (inland areas) show very remarkable differences from each other. The opening of Chongqing was around 50 years later than Shanghai, and the coastal cities represented by Shanghai had already been substantially modernized. When Shanghai had gradually been positioned at the center of Chinese modernization, Chongqing in the deep inland was very slow in modernization and was merely a region remote from the center owning most of traditions. However, the influence of the centers on the surroundings was much stronger than the shock of ‘port opening.’ The prosperity and development of steamship transportation business on the Chuan River and the high enthusiasm of Chongqing city administrators, managers and supporters provided favorable conditions for the influence of the centers (coastal cities) to infiltrate into relatively closed environment. In particular, urban constructors (劉湘, 潘文華, 盧作孚, 劉航琛, 胡光?, 胡仲實, 康心如, 楊燦三, 何北衡 etc.) who tried to connect Chongqing, an enclosed world in the inland, to the outside, the open world, and to cope with rapidly changing global trends had direct impacts on the process of urban development. This meant that Chongqing was faced with the time to accept modern things. The modernization of Chongqing was a process that the influence of ‘the centers’ was continuously exerted on inland Chongqing full of obsolete and premodern things. However, in very ‘diverse’ modern changes (urbanization, the development of commerce and industry, people’s value system or cultural consciousness, change in the existence pattern of pubic areas), the urbanization of Chongqing basically concentrated on ‘construction’ imitating the material aspect of large cities such as Shanghai. In general, the urbanization process included education, police and organization services related to transportation, energy, telecommunication, water supply, education, health, public administration and other facilities. On the other hand, as revealed by the expression ‘downstream people (downstream culture),’ the historical and spatial distance was too large to achieve a cohesive force of unified Chinese culture and this meant the requirement of time and effort as that much.

재조선 화교 염상과 조선총독부의 외염 관리

김희신(Kim Hee-sin) 중국근현대사학회 2018 중국근현대사연구 Vol.77 No.-

This study examines the activities of overseas Chinese salt merchants in Joseon, especially after the foreign salt management of Joseon Governor General, how the activities of salt merchant have declined. Looking at the imports of foreign salt by open ports in 1905‐1909, most of the Chinese salt was imported through Incheon and Jinnampo. The volume of import through Busan and Wonsan was very small and almost nothing. In the 1920s, with the increase in Chinese salt consumption in Joseon, it expanded to other commercial ports such as Gunsan, Mokpo, Busan, Wonsan, and Shinuiju. Among them, 16 overseas Chinese merchants" stores selling Chinese salt were found in Incheon, Jinnampo, Gunsan, Mokpo and Shinuiju in 1930. Although there was some variation in the distribution of salt merchants by port, during the decade of the 1920s, Joseon"s overseas Chinese merchants seemed to have maintained their business without any major changes. Overseas Chinese salt merchants from different regions in the country were mainly engaged in consignment sales on behalf of salt boats from China, or by purchasing salt from the Junk(帆船) directly from China, the stores themselves traveled directly to and from China, transporting and selling salt. The process of importing and exporting salt with China"s Junk was subject to taxes with various names. In addition to export and import tariffs, Chinese Consulate in Joseon collected ‘帆船照費’ along with ‘帆船噸捐’ when the Junk arrived. In particular, the income of two items collected from Incheon consulate was used as an expense for ‘Incheon Overseas Chinese Elementary School’ since 1914. In general, Chinese salt imported through open ports was consumed locally by wholesalers and retailers or re‐transferred to various parts of Joseon. Overseas Chinese merchants in Joseon had store nets and customer lists in major commercial areas based on long commercial activities. In addition, they organized a salt‐business organization in each area to study Chinese salt and cope with its related business. This commercial network had important implications for salt demand, market research, information transmission and commodity trading in the Joseon market. Meanwhile, the Joseon Governor General in April 1930 started the management of imported salt in the name of Joseon"s salt industry protection. The monopoly bureau stated that they would basically do things so that the ‘existing salt workers would not be affected as possible as they could,’ according to the circumstances of each region, but it turned out that it was impossible for existing salt workers to maintain their operations. Regardless of the region, the bureau set very low prices, and there was a drastic change in the existing way of commerce. Most of the prospects of overseas Chinese salt merchants were desperate. Thus, the Chinese government tried to reduce the export tax rate of Junk salt considering the situation of salt merchants and to encourage export through cost reduction. In March 1935, there were only four salt handling stores in Incheon left, and all of the overseas Chinese salt merchant"s import sales rights were lost in other areas. The revenue of `帆船照費` and `帆船噸捐’was sharply reduced, adding to the difficulty of the security of the Incheon Overseas Chinese Elementary School, which eventually resulted in a temporary closure in 1932. Of course, the reason why the Overseas Chinese Elementary School was closed can be explained in various aspects. However, the lack of expenses was an important part of determining the operation of the Overseas Chinese Elementary School. Therefore, it is true that the effect of foreign salt control on overseas Chinese society cannot be neglected.

20세기 초기(1912-1931년) 한국 화교교육의 역사와 화교사회 - 서울지역 화교소학을 중심으로 -

김희신 ( Kim Hee Sin ) 한국중국학회 2016 중국학보 Vol.77 No.-

Traditionally overseas Chinese people have established diverse overseas Chinese organizations and made development by keeping their culture different from that of Koreans while they have lived in Korea. In particular, primary cultural functions of overseas Chinese organizations comprise school establishment and support, and it has been a long history that sections of overseas Chinese society raise funds to operate schools. This study attempted to recompose overseas the existing Chinese education history focusing on Seoul area in the early of the 20^th century(1912-1931) by mainly referring to data such as academic affairs, personnel affairs, etc. from `Zhuchaoxianshiguandang` (possessed by The Archives of Institute of Modern History, Taipei center institute) that has not been quoted in the previous studies related with overseas Chinese education. For this, firstly, this study reviewed what types of overseas Chinese schools there were in Seoul in the early of the 20^th century, and explored what meanings the existence of these overseas Chinese schools had on overseas Chinese society and overseas Chinese education. Secondly, this study pursued historical transition processes of to what directions the overseas Chinese elementary school was settled and reconstructed in the early of the 20th century focusing on overseas Chinese elementary schools, and restored the real state of overseas Chinese school operations in detail. This study may provide a basic material for what effect the education policy of Chinese government had upon overseas Chinese society in Korea, and further to say, and a clue to a prospect of the overall history of overseas Chinese society in Korea.

근대 한중관계의 변화와 외교당안의 생성 : 「淸季駐韓使館保存檔」을 중심으로

김희신(Kim Hee-Sin) 중국근현대사학회 2011 중국근현대사연구 Vol.50 No.-

This study was conducted in order to advance content analysis on the history of Korea‐China relationship by enhancing accessibility to diplomatic documents called 'Juhansagwandang(駐韓使館檔:Documents of Chinese diplomatic offices in Korea)' in a historical, academic or practical sense. Based on the contents reviewed in this study, we can summarize the characteristics and values of 'Juhansagwandang' in the history of Korea‐China relationship as follows. First, the documents include extensive general materials, which mean unofficial documents worthy to be preserved. Official documents exchanged between Korean and Chinese diplomatic agencies include few general materials worthy to be preserved. Although some are included as accompanying documents, the scope of such documents is very limited. In the sense that they are documents of Chinese diplomatic offices in Korea, such records contain administrative information such as documents prepared, executed or received for administration. As they contain extensive unofficial documents (=general materials) worthy to be preserved, they have historical values. Second, 'Juhansagwandang' are in a mutually complementary relation with Korean diplomatic documents 'Cheongan(淸案).' It is presumed that even many of preserved documents might be lost due to instable political situations at home and overseas during the late Qing Dynasty and the late Yi Dynasty. In many cases, for example, there is jobok(照覆) but without johoi(照會) or vice versa, and this suggests that the continuity of documents could not be maintained due to various factors. Moreover, because diplomatic documents contained in Juhansagwandang and Cheongan were in a request‐reply relation with each other, their contents are sometimes complementary to each other. Furthermore, by comparing two documents on the same issue, we may find clues to differences between the two countries' positions. Third, media carrying contents have the characteristics that they are the tangible original documents. Previous studies on the Korea China relationship in the late Qing Dynasty have relied on diplomatic documents as the records of objective facts in order to examine factual contents related to the relationship of the two countries. Juhansagwandang, which was published as digital materials, is tangible original documents and also contains historical information, and in this sense, it has two values. They have crucial meanings in exploring not only contents but also the actual form and generation process of diplomatic documents. How to interpret such original documents is still a problem to be solved. Fourth, the documents were classified according to the principle of source classification. The classification system of Juhansagwandang followed 'the principle of source, ' which gives priority to the organization handling documents over the contents of documents. This classification system is advantageous in that it shows structure, context, and activity processes involved in an organization's production of records. That is, it is efficient for understanding association among records according to source, and the relation between records and their producers and the background of their production. Fifth, documents during a specific period were completely scattered and lost. Juhansagwandang includes documents generated and accumulated by Chinese diplomatic offices for around 30 years from 1883 to 1913. However, documents for around 4 years from the end of 1894 to the end of 1898 are completely omitted. A very small number of documents in this period have survived, but they are quite exceptional. Some institutions preserve only a part of documents according to their value, but the loss of documents in this period seems to be accidental. It is not clear where the lost records are kept at present.

1965년 중화민국 주한대사관의 ‘관지매각’과 화교사회 — ‘7.19사건’의 발생 배경을 중심으로 —

김희신(Kim Hee-sin) 중국근현대사학회 2021 중국근현대사연구 Vol.92 No.-

The purpose of this study is to analyze the occurrence of the 7/19 incident in 1965 in a historical context. This study first, looked at the process from the ‘embassy construction plan’ to ‘land sale’, which is the background of the case, and reviewed in the historical context, the process by which conflicts with the overseas Chinese society over land sale lead to radical acts of violence such as intrusion into the embassy. Together with the materials of the Overseas Chinese Newspaper by actively using materials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that have never been used before, this study managed to confirm the position of the embassy (Taiwan government), which was the party concerned to the land sale, and the inside story of the land sale. There had been several rumors of ‘land sale’ in the past, but the actual sale was never successful. Although the ‘land sale’ should not be carried out in secret, in May 1965, the embassy site of 1,000 pyeong was sold to Jeong Gyu seong (丁奎成), a Chinese Japanese in Japan, without the process of the sale being disclosed. The dark memories of the past about the ‘land sale’ became a catalyst, enough to explode the feelings of anger towards the ambassador (embassy). Through the 7/19 incident, the Korean Chinese society were able to prevent further land sales, and ambassador Liang xu-zhao (梁序昭) left an image of an incompetent ‘nation’s betrayer’. The embassy in Korea achieved its intended purpose of ‘constructing a modern embassy’, but it is difficult to assert that the experiences and memories of the past conflict in the ‘government office land’ will not have an impact on today’s overseas Chinese society.

淸末(1882-1894년) 漢城 華商組織과 그 位相

김희신(Kim Hee-Sin) 중국근현대사학회 2010 중국근현대사연구 Vol.46 No.-

This study was conducted as a part of research on the history of overseas Chinese, focusing on the diplomatic relationship between Korea and China, in order to see how Chinese in Korea adapted and organized themselves for the changing new society of Chosun. Chen Shu Tang, who was sent as the General Trade Commissioner, ordered Chinese merchants to recommend an director who would be selected to supervise the ground leveling work, and just after the selection, instructed to establish the ‘Chinese Guild’. The Guild was built on April 26 in 1884 on the site of a purchased tile­roofed house to the left of the Commercial Affair Office. As the guild was established for pursing the common goals, namely, the development and unity of the Chinese merchant association, it was the first private office launched mainly be Chinese merchants. Chinese merchants opened the center for discussing public affairs and recommended the representative of the guild. In addition, it collected 0.4% dues from the members’ trades and used it for the operation of the guild, and even boatman(chuan hu) agreed on ‘Regulations on the Guild’ stipulated by Chinese merchants for raising funds for the operation of the guild. This suggests that there were motives for voluntary participation. However, the selection of director, the representative of the guild, was initiated by the role of supervising the ground leveling work for the Incheon settlement, and official seal was paid by the Commercial Affair Office. Furthermore, half of the money for buying the guild building was borrowed by General Commissioner Chen Shu Tang from official funds. Considering these facts, the guild was launched not as a completely private organization but as ‘a semi­governmental’ institution. During the early stage of Chinese settlement, a federation called ‘Chinese guild(Chinese Merchant Center in Hanseong)’ was organized in April, 1884 in order to lay a stable base. From that time on, the number of Chinese merchants increased and their interests were changed, and as a result, the Chinese Merchant Center in Hanseong was divided into the northern and southern centers on December 9, 1885, In October, 1888, Chinese merchants in Seoul were divided gradually into the northern, southern and Guang groups. Each group recommended their own director. Directors during this period included Xiong Ting­han, Zhu Guan­Guang, Lu En-Shao(Chinese Guild), Lu En-Shao, Jiang Yan­Zi, Chen Guang­Run(Northern Group), Yuan Xian­Zhang, Lin Yue­Jiao, Zhang Chuan­Mao(Southern Group), and Dam Yi­shi (Guang Group). In this way, Chinese merchants in the early Chinese society in Korea formed their groups centering on specific localities, and the structure divided into groups was a remarkable phenomenon. However, while complying with the goals of the organization of the ‘Chinese Guild’, the Chinese merchants wanted to form their own group with culturally homogeneous members, separated the organization, and to promote the group’s common goals. This is also probably the reason that they were grouped by locality according to the traditional principle of organization. ‘Overseas Chinese’ in Korea originated from Chinese merchants at the end of the Qing Dynasty. Different from premodern overseas Chinese irrelevant to state power, modern overseas Chinese grew in close connection with state power. Chinese merchants in Seoul were managed strategically by their motherland from the early period of overseas Chinese social organizations. On the other hand, Chinese merchants used state power by complying with the state’s political strategies actively. As each Chinese merchant had to be a member of a group in order to run their business in Korea, the guilds in Seoul naturally became the center of overseas Chinese society. This provided a base for Chinese merchants to grow and surpassed Korean and Japanese merchants in Seoul where competition among Korea, Japan and China was most fierce.

在朝鮮 中華商會의 설립과정과 존재양태

金希信(Kim Hee-sin) 중국근현대사학회 2017 중국근현대사연구 Vol.73 No.-

The purpose of this study is to trace the historical transition process of Chinese Chamber of Commerce in Gyeongseong and to examine how Chamber of Commerce(shanghui) of Gyeongseong, which grew up in relation to state power, played a role in overseas Chinese society. The establishment of Shanghui in Gyeongseong, Joseon was directly influenced by the legislation of the Chinese government. In accordance with the enactment of relevant laws and regulations, the names of ‘Zhonghuashangwuzonghui’, ‘Zhonghuazongshanghui’ and ‘Zhonghuashanghui’ were changed to use, and the organizational structure went through rebuilding process of change from ‘the president system’ to ‘the committee system.’ During the period of the Republic of China, the commercial association of overseas Chinese merchants in Gyeongseong was protected by China’s domestic law and incorporated into the national order system of China. Zhonghuazongshanghui has been granted the right to national management and economic construction by enabling effective legal protection for the status establishment of overseas Chinese merchants residing in Gyeongseong. On the other hand, Gyeongseong Zhonghuashanghui was supervised by the Party and the government from the remodeling process, and as compared with the Zhonghuashangwuzonghui or Zhonghuazongshanghui period, the autonomy of the merchant organization towards the nation’s power was likely to weaken. Shanghui in Gyeongseong has been operated by the same laws and regulations of the China government, and a commonality is found in name and organization. Nevertheless, since the overseas Chinese society has been formed in a political and social environment different from that of China, it has to have its own unique character. There was also a certain degree of different process in establishing Shanghui according to different overseas local conditions. Shanghui in Gyeongseong was founded on the basis of a voluntary organized private organization by local overseas Chinese merchants such as Huashangzonghui, and above it with the encouragement of Consulate General. A key change in the process of the transition of Huashangzonghui to Shanghui was that the China government granted Shanghui a legal basis for its existence. If Huashangzonghui was founded voluntarily, Shanghui was founded on government policy. On the other hand, there were aspects similar to Huashangzonghui in membership, organization, functions, etc. of Shanghui. The influence of Tongxiangbang was still strong, and the power arrangements of the leaders group are clearly made by the place of origin. Huashangzonghui not only strived to fulfill its role as an economic organization that provides the commercial interests and conveniences of the membership group in the residence, but also carried out various activities for the public interest of the overseas Chinese society. Shanghui was also required to serve as an advisory body to government agencies such as the China government and consulate general, while also including public service functions such as self-government and dispute settlement, such as trade and industrial disputes. The Shanghui organization has established a prominent position in the Joseon overseas Chinese society, especially by preserving and maintaining the cultural, religious, and social functions and roles traditionally held by Chinese merchants such as overseas Chinese education, sacrifices and charitable projects.

논문(論文) : 한국내(韓國內) 중국(中國) 조계교섭(租界交涉)과 중국근대외교(中國近代外交) -주조선총영사(駐朝鮮總領事)의 조계철폐교섭(租界撤廢交涉)을 중심(中心)으로-

김희신 ( Hee Sin Kim ) 중국사학회 2015 中國史硏究 Vol.95 No.-

With the Korea-Japan annexation treaty in 1910, the Korea-China relationship became merely a part of China-Japan relationship. Although the Qing Dynasty fell in 1912, there was not any radical change in Chinese foreign relations. Until other countries approved the government of the Republic of China, however, it was impossible to promote ‘official’ international diplomatic negotiations with China. While Chinese diplomatic relations were under complicated and delicate transition, the issue of the abolishment of foreign settlements (租界撤廢) in Korea as a Japanese colony was raised. Chinese negotiation over the abolishment of foreign settlements in Korea was a process for protecting its people through maintaining vested interests and, on the other hand, a process to establish the status of China in modern international relations assuming equal relations among sovereign states. Then, we are faced with the question of what meanings the analysis of the negotiation process over the abolishment of foreign settlements has in understanding the formation of Chinese modern diplomacy or the history of modern China (Chinese diplomacy). First, the analysis illuminates the basic framework of Chinese diplomatic policies during the late Qing and early republican period. The fact that in the negotiation process, the Chinese government claimed that China had already become ‘one of sovereign states,’ namely, strongly demanded ‘equal treatment’ with other countries from Japan clearly reveals its modern sovereignty consciousness and the orientation of Chinese modern diplomatic negotiation based on the consciousness. In this way, the negotiation process provided a clue to the formation of Republican China`s policy framework that, going beyond the recognition of its Beijing government as a negotiation partner representing the state, pursued an equal status in the international society and participation in the rank of world powers. Second, those in charge of negotiation representing the Chinese government were working bureaucrats of modern diplomacy. The Chinese Consul General in Korea in those days was a translator trained after the establishment of Zongliyamen (總理衙門: the General Office of Foreign Affairs), an institution for Western affairs in charge of negotiation with the West, by the Qing government and, on the other hand, there were diplomats who were carrying out negotiation administration on the frontline of foreign negotiation in various places of the late Qing Dynasty and in the process of installing overseas diplomatic offices. That is, they were competent officials of diplomatic institutions trained through the processes of accumulating knowledge and experience in ‘Western affairs (洋務)’ and reforming the new government in the late Qing Dynasty. They versed in how to apply international public laws imported from the West in actual situations of negotiation. In particular, Fu Shi-ying (富士英) was clearly aware of what it meant in the international society for China to attend and debate at international meetings. Furthermore, they fully recognized the nature of perpetual lease and ownership in international public laws, and drew out successful negotiations through debating on whether agenda such as protocols and memorandums brought by Japan were interpreted and applied in accordance with the public laws. Lastly, features of modern China not found in the conventional description of Chinese modern history are observed. Since the Opium War, China had been counted as one of weak powers, and foreign negotiations always ended up with humiliating concessions. Since the late Qing Dynasty, in fact, China had made efforts to reform its systems and polices internally and to correct unequal treaties with foreign countries externally. Such efforts aimed to achieve the status of an ‘equal sovereign state’ in the international society. On the contrary, the issue of the abolishment of foreign settlements in Korea is interesting in that it was a negotiation led by Japan for correcting an unequal treaty with China. It seemed that there was not diplomacy for so-called small powers, but at least in Chinese diplomacy against Japan in Korea surrounding the abolishment of foreign settlements, China struggled in its modern consciousness to protect the dignity of the state and the interests of Chinese residents living in Korea. As a consequence of the negotiation, furthermore, China reemerged as a state treated equally with other countries, namely, as a most favored nation. This is why after success in diplomatic negotiation with Japan, Acting Minister Ma Ting-liang (馬廷亮) admired Consul General Fu Shi-ying (富士英) for his diplomatic activities and said that the Republic of China had a future.