유아기 가족의 가족의례에 대한 인식 및 실태

정계숙 ( Kai Sook Chung ),손환희 ( Hwan Hee Son ),윤갑정 ( Gab Jung Yoon ) 한국유아교육학회 2015 유아교육연구 Vol.35 No.2

Rituals are considered important for forming a strong and healthy family unit. This study was for providing perceptions and realities of family rituals of family with children in early childhood. For the purpose, survey was conducted targeting 257 parents with young children. The results divided to two topics. One is perception and realities of family rituals, another is difference of family rituals according to demographic characteristics. First, families had their family rituals, discussed and decided depends on their spouse in early marital. And family rituals experience about ‘family love’ were traditional rituals in parents’ childhood and weekend rituals in the present. In the dinnertime ritual, families ate meal together and talked about daily life, in the bedtime ritual, parents read a book and slept with their children before 9 p.m. And families performed vacation rituals with frequency, next was annual rituals and weekend rituals among 8 types rituals. Parents perceived family rituals have a lot of affective contribution, symbolism and occurrence. Second, family rituals’ types and performance were according to parents’ ages, academic ability, a couple working, religion, family’s special rituals, and discussion about family rituals. Finally, this study showed that parents’ perceptions and realities of family rituals of family with children in early childhood for the first time, Korea. It implicated that family rituals contribute to creation of a sense of family love and family identity. 본 연구는 유아기 가족의 가족의례의 실태는 어떠하며 가족의 배경 변인에 따라 가족의례 실행에 어떠한 차이가 있는지를 알아보는데 주된 목적이 있다. 이를 위해 부산과 경상도에 거주하는 유아기 자녀를 둔 부모 257명을 대상으로 가족의례 척도를 사용하여 설문조사를 실시하였다. 연구결과, 첫째, 가족의례의 인식과 실태를 살펴보면, 대체로 유아기 가족은 가족 고유의 가족의례를 가지고 있으며, 가족의례에 대해 결혼 초기에 의논하였고, 배우자의 의견을 따르는 경향을 보였다. 또한 가족애를 느끼게 하는 의례는 부모의 어린 시절에는 전통의례였으나 현재에는 주말의례라고 응답하였다. 저녁식사의례는 가족이 모두 함께하며 주로 일상생활에 대한 이야기를 나누며, 취침의례는 저녁 9시 이전에 책읽기를 하고 자녀와 같이 자는 것으로 나타났다. 또한 8가지 의례유형들 중 휴가의례, 연중의례, 주말의례 순으로 많이 이루어지고 있었으며, 가족의례는 정서적 기여, 상징성 부여, 정규성이 높다고 인식하는 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 가족의 배경변인에 따른 가족의례의 차이를 살펴보면, 부모의 연령, 학력, 맞벌이 유무, 종교, 가족 고유의 가족의례 유무, 가족의례 의논 유무에 따라 가족의례유형과 구성요소별 실행에 유의한 차이가 나타났다. 본 연구는 처음으로 국내 유아기 가족의 가족의례 실태를 밝힘으로써 앞으로 가족 정체성과 건강성을 증진하기 위하여 가족의례의 연구와 활용에 대한 시사점을 제공하였다.

고려전기 왕릉과 배릉 의례

김아네스 호서사학회 2023 역사와 담론 Vol.- No.107

This study aims to examine ancestral rituals performed by the kings at the royal tombs during the early Goryeo dynasty, and explore its political significance. It seems that King Taejo worshiped his ancestors and elevated his parents’ tombs to royal status naming them Chang-Reung. Following his death, King Taejo was buried at Hyeon-Reung, 27 days later. This established a tradition wherein subsequent kings were buried at the royal tombs, following the procedures of the national funeral. The royal tombs played a pivotal role as essential facilities for performing ancestral rituals within the royal court since the inception of Goryeo dynasty. Establishing the Royal Shrine had changed the status of royal tombs. The royal tombs became central places for royal ancestral rituals for the following groups: royal ancestors who were not enshrined in the Royal Shrine and the deceased kings whose tablets were transferred from the Royal Shrine to his own royal tombs. Royal rituals consisted of seasonal rituals that were held four times a year as well as irregular rituals such as prayer and announcement rituals. These rituals were usually held by public officials on behalf of the kings. In addition, there were rituals where the kings visited royal tombs by themselves to worship their ancestors at the site. The kings often performed ancestral rituals at King Taejo’s Hyeon-Reung, King Sejo’s Chang-Reung and their parents’ tombs. After completing the three-year memorial service of their parents, the kings usually performed ancestral rituals of the Hyeon-Reung, Chang-Reung and their parents’ tombs. And then their deceased parents’ tablets were placed in the Royal Shrine followed by the Che and Hyeop rituals. The worship rituals at the royal tombs followed a specific set of procedures: it commenced with a welcoming bow to the spirits, followed by offering drinks to the ancestral spirits three times, reading a written prayer, and presenting clothes and jewelry. Finally, the king bid farewell with another bow to the ancestral spirits. These royal rituals were instrumental in sanctifying the status of King Taejo and King Sejo. The ritual procedures at the royal tombs symbolized the deep connection between the kings and their royal ancestors through blood lineage. They hold political significance as the kings confirmed the legitimacy of their royal authority and strengthened their power. 이 글은 고려전기 왕들이 거행한 拜陵 의례를 분석하여 그 정치적 의미를 살피는 데 목적이 있다. 태조는 선조를 추존하며, 부모의 무덤을 昌陵이라 한 것으로 보인다. 태조 자신은 훙서하고 顯陵에 안장되었다. 그 뒤 국왕이 죽으면 국상 절차에 따라 왕릉이 조성되었다. 고려 초부터 왕릉은 왕실 조상숭배 의례를 거행하는 핵심 시설이었다. 태묘를 설치하면서 왕릉의 의례적 위상에 변화가 나타났다. 왕릉은 태묘에 봉안하지 않은 왕실 조상 또는 태묘에서 그 신주를 모시다가 本陵으로 옮긴 선왕에 대한 의례를 거행하는 중심지가 되었다. 왕릉의례로는 해마다 사철에 올리는 사시제, 비정기적인 기고제 등이 있었다. 이들 제사는 대개 국왕을 대신하여 관리가 거행하였다. 이와 더불어 국왕이 친히 능을 참배하는 배릉 의례가 있었다. 국왕이 배릉의를 시행하는 주된 대상은 태조의 현릉, 세조의 창릉 및 부왕과 모후인 왕태후의 능이다. 왕들은 대체로 부모의 삼년상을 마치고, 그 신주를 태묘에 부묘하여 禘·祫의 제향을 지내기 전에 배릉의를 시행하였다. 국왕이 배릉의를 수행하는 절차를 보면 배례를 올려 신을 맞이한다. 이어서 조상신에게 奠酒를 3爵 올리고, 축문을 읽으며, 때로 옷과 패물을 봉헌한다. 마지막으로 배례를 올려 의례를 마친다. 이러한 배릉 의례는 태조와 세조를 신성화하는 데 기여하였다. 왕릉에서 펼쳐지는 의식 절차는 국왕과 왕실 조상의 친속관계를 상징적으로 보여준다. 배릉의를 통해 국왕이 왕권의 정통성을 확인하고 권위를 높이고자 한 점에 정치적 의미가 있다.

百濟 喪葬儀禮의 硏究 - 錦江流域 상장의례 遺蹟의 意味 -

이남석,이현숙 공주대학교 백제문화연구소 2016 백제문화 Vol.0 No.54

Funeral rituals are a rite of passage that cannot be separated from human life. If the procedural behaviors are not recorded, however, it is difficult to exteriorize them even if they may exist perpetually and proposedly. Recently, remains that could enhance the understanding of Baekje funeral rituals were excavated in the middle west area including Baekje region over Geum River Basin. The investigation on these remains have advanced the understanding of past customs. These remains are grave areas that show Baekje funeral rituals including Bangdanjeokseok area of Gobungun, Songsanri, Gongju; Seokjeok area of Ancient Tombs, Sucheonri, Gongju; tombs and architectural structures in Ungjindong, Gongju; and stoneworks at the back of the northern premises in Neungsanri, Buyeo. In addition, Jeongchon remains in Cheonan and Galmaeri remains in Asan too are funeral rituals of significance in the 3rd and 4th centuries along with Pyeonggiri, Sejong, and Bonseonri remains in Seocheon. These ruins have changed over time. the features of graves were specified in the construction environment of old tomb mounds after the proto three kingdom period, and then funeral rituals repeated their transitions along with the emergence of lined tombs. In other words, the initial funeral ritual environments in the proto three kingdom period remains including those in Pyeonggiri, Sejong, may be the very reason for absence of other contemporary tomb remains. As those tombs were specified as burial facilities, rituals developed: the conditions of Jeokseok remains in Suchonri, Gongju, well represent the funeral rituals in the 4th and 5th centuries. Thereafter, lined tombs emerged and ritual facilities were prepared for individual graves accordingly. This change seems to remain up to the time of the transfer of the Baekje Capital to Sabi, but the features of Seokchuk remains in the great tombs during the period of Sabi capital imply another change of Baekje funeral rituals hat resulted from the prevelance of Buddhism. It seems to be difficult to understand details of the procedures of funeral rituals because of the complexity. Since they were a rite of passage, these rituals had to be closely related to social changes. It is expected, therefore, that examining the changes in Baekje graves and remains related to its funeral rituals will contribute to specifying Baekje funeral rituals. 喪葬儀禮는 인류의 삶과 불가분의 관계에 있는 통과의례이지만, 절차적 행위로 기록되지 않을 경우 영속적이고 명시적으로 존재할 수밖에 없다는 특징 때문에 구체화하기 어렵다. 그런데 최근 중서부 지역, 특히 금강유역의 百濟 권역에서 이루어진 유적발굴 결과 백제 상장의례의 이해를 증진시킬 수 있는 것들이 발견되었음에, 이의 검토를 통해 기왕의 이해를 보다 진전시켜 보았다. 백제의 상장의례와 관련된 시설로 墳墓區域에 남겨진 유구로 공주 송산리 고분군의 방단적석유구, 공주 수촌리 고분군내 적석유구, 공주 웅진동 유적의 분묘와 공반 조성되어 있는 건축유구, 그리고 부여 능산리 능사의 북편 건물지 후면의 석축유구를 주목하여 보았다. 그리고 천안의 정촌 유적이나 아산의 갈매리 유적도 세종 평기리나 서천 봉선리 유적과 더불어 3~4세기 무렵의 상장의례 시설로 살필 수 있는 자료이다. 이들 유적은 時代別 변천상을 갖추고 있는데, 원삼국기 이후 고총고분 조영환경에서 분묘의 모습이 구체화되고 나아가 횡혈식 묘제로 발전되는 것과 더불어 상장의례도 나름의 변천을 거듭하였음을 반증한다. 즉 세종 평기리 유적을 비롯한 원삼국기 유적에 남겨진 초기적 상장의례 환경은 동시기 墳墓遺蹟의 不在理由로 설명될 수 있다. 그리고 매장시설로 墳墓가 具體化된 상황에서 진행된 儀禮 흔적으로 공주 수촌리 적석유구의 정황은 4~5세기대의 상장의례 모습을 적극적으로 대변한다. 이후 발전된 횡혈식 묘제의 등장에 따라 의례시설이 개별 분묘별로 마련되는 변화상은 사비천도에도 지속된 것으로 보이나, 사비도읍기 陵寺에 남겨진 석축유구의 정황은 백제의 상장의례가 佛敎의 성행에 따른 또 다른 변화를 대변하는 것으로 여겨진다. 상장의례의 복합성을 고려하면 절차나 과정을 상세하게 이해하는 것은 무리가 있다. 그것이 통과의례이기에 社會變化에 밀접하게 연동될 수 밖에 없기 때문이다. 그러나 앞으로 百濟墓制의 변화상과 상장의례 관련유적의 존재상을 함께 검토함으로써, 백제 상장의례를 구체화할 수 있을 것으로 기대된다.

논문(論文) : 강릉(江陵)의 제사(祭祀)

김흥술 ( Heung Sul Kim ) 강원대학교 사학회 2011 江原史學 Vol.0 No.25

강릉의 제사는 가정 제사를 제외한 사회적 제사로 향교에서 지내는 문묘제사, 각 종중별 유력 가문의 사우제사, 강릉단오제에서 지내는 단오제사, 마을별로 1년에 1회 이상 지내는 민속제사, 현대축제 등 행사에서 지내는 축제제사로 나누어 살펴 볼 수 있다.문묘제사는 강릉향교에서 올리는 춘·추기석전제(음력 2월 初丁)가 있다. 사우제사로는 송담서원(음력 2월 中丁)·청간사(춘분)·경양사(음력 3월 5일)·회암영당(음력 3월 初丁)·덕봉사(음력 3월 8일)·황산사(음력 3월 中丁)·종선각(음력 4월 8일)·전충사(음력 4월 中丁)·명주군왕능향전(음력 4월 20일)·화동서원 충정사(음력 8월 中丁)·오봉서원(음력 9월 初丁)·향현사(음력 9월 中丁)·화부산사(음력 10월 22일) 등에서 올려지는 다례라고 불리는 제사이다. 단오제사는 4월 보름 대관령산신제·대관령국사성황제·구산서낭제·학산서낭제·봉안제, 음력 5월 3일 영신제, 음력 5월 4일부터 8일까지의 조전제, 송신제에 이르기까지 강릉단오제에서 치러지는 12차례의 제사를 일컫는다. 민속제사로 마을마다 정초에 행해지는 고청제, 농사의 풍년을 기원하는 대보름 의식, 해안 마을의 풍어제, 운정동 고봉제 등 서낭고사와 같은 마을제사가 있다. 축제제사로는 망월제·허난설헌 헌다례·여름해변 용왕제·허균허난설헌문화제·한송정들차회·소금강청학제·대현율곡이이선생제 등 현대의 축제내지는 추모문화제에서 올려지는 기원제와 추모제 형식의 제사와 헌다례가 있다. 이외에 가뭄이나 산불예방을 위해 시청이나 관련 기관·단체에서 올리는 제사·고사가 부정기적으로 올려진다. 제사는 본래 엄격한 유교식 절차에 따라 진행되었다. 그러나 오늘날에는 산업화의 진전에 따라 설이나 추석이 외지에 나갔던 가족들이 모이는 기회가 되면서 명절의 의미가 강화되는 경향을 보이고 있다. 현대사회에서 강릉지역에 전승되고 있는 사회적제사의 개별적 공과나 이해를 따지기에 앞서 지역사회의 유풍으로 어떻게 문화적·교육적으로 콘텐츠·가치화 하고 활용할 것인지를 고민해 볼 필요가 있겠다. These social rituals are categorized into Munmyo ritual(ritual for Confusinism), Sau ritual(ritual for family clan``s ancestors), Dano ritual(ritual that is held during the Gangneung Dano-je Festival), Folk ritual that is held in a town once a year, and Festival ritual that is held in modern festivals. Munmyo rituals are held twice a year.(the first ten days of a February & August in lunar calendar) Sau rituals are called "tea rituals" and they are held in Songdam-seowon(March 8 in lunar calendar), Cheonggan-sa shrine (Spring equinox), Gyeongyang-sa shrine(March 5 in lunar calendar), Hweam-yeongdang shrine (the first ten days of a March in lunar calendar), Deokbong-sa shrine(March 8 in lunar calendar), Hwangsan-sa shrine(the middle ten days of a March in luncar calendar), Jongseon-gak shrine (April 8 in lunar calendar), Jeonchung-sa shrine(the middle ten days of a April in lunar calendar), Myeongjugunwang Neunghyang-jeon(April 20 in lunar calendar), Hwadong-seowon chungjeong-sa(the middle ten days of a August in lunar calendar), Obong-seowon(the first ten days of a September in lunar calendar), Hyanghyeon-sa shrine(the first ten days of a September in lunar calendar), and Hwabusan-sa shrine(November 22 in lunar calendar). Dano rituals include 11 rounds of rituals such as Daegwallyeong sansin-je, Daegwallyeong guksaseonghwang-je, Bongan-je in April in lunar calendar, Yeongsin-je in held May 3 in lunar calendar, Jojeon-je held from May 4 to May 7, and Songsin-je held in May 7. Folk rituals include Gocheong-je that is performed early January in almost every town, Daeboruem ritual that is held for praying for good harvest, Pungeo-je that is held in fishing villages, Gobong-je that is held in Unjeong-dong, and town rituals such as Seonangdang-gosa. Festival rituals are rituals that are carried out in modern festivals in the form of praying and respecting deceased person, and tea ceremony. They include Mangwol-je, Heo, nanseol-heon tea ceremony, Yongwang-je in summer beach, Heo, gyun Heo, nanseol-heon cultural festival, Hansong-jeong field tea ceremony, Sogeum-gang Cheon hak-je, and Daehyeon Yulgok Yi, yi sonsaeng-je. Besides these rituals, Rituals and Gosa(告祀) are irregularly held by city government and many civil associations. Rituals were carried out in accordance with strict Confucian principal and process. but today, it tend that holiday has more important meaning than ritual itself because it functions family gathering due to industrialization. Prior to evaluate the pros and corns of these social rituals which has been transmitted in Gangneung, it needs to be thought how to utilize and make them to cultural and educational contents.

현대 한국의 승려 예불 : 구조와 의미

김종명 불교학연구회 2006 불교학연구 Vol.14 No.-

Traditional scholarship has argued that "Daily Buddhist rituals function to solidify the identity of the monastic community" and "these rituals are none other than the representation of key Buddhist doctrines." Are these views always correct? The purpose of this paper is to critique such conventional ideas of daily Buddhist rituals by monks in contemporary Korea and attempt a new interpretation of the meaning of those rituals. To this end, this paper examines the structure and content of daily Buddhist rituals performed at T'ongdosa, the Buddha-jewel Monastery in Korea, focusing on an in-depth analysis of the spatial and temporal structure of the rituals and their functional, ideological, and practical meaning. This research led me to conclude that the structure and meaning of daily Buddhist rituals in Korea were different from common views. First, there is no solid evidence to support the contention that daily Buddhist rituals in Korea function to solidify the identity of monastic members. Moreover, it is difficult to observe that these rituals are outward expressions of key Buddhist doctrines. As a result, it appears that daily Buddhist rituals are actually a minor part of monastic life in Korea. Rather, those rituals in use are products of uncritical acceptance of the tradition. Therefore, a new pattern of daily Buddhist rituals that express the Buddha's teaching as a life education system is an urgent necessity.

조선전기 淫祀的 城隍祭의 양상과 그 성격

崔鐘奭(Choi Jong-suk) 역사학회 2009 역사학보 Vol.0 No.204

In the early days of the Joseon dynasty, the government decided to designate only a Seonghwang-je ritual format which was specifically based upon the Chinese Ming dynasty's local ritual protocols as part of the dynasty's official ritual system(正祀), and therefore the Seonghwang-je institutions that hailed from the Goryeo dynasty period, which showed those Seonghwang-je rituals being officially observed by a community, were declared as 'adulterate'. Such declaration was based upon a new perspective to view the so-called 'adulterate ritual' concept. Previously, 'adulterate rituals' only referred to rituals worshipping Shaman gods or other mystical beings. Yet the concept changed, and came to refer to as well either the 'unnecessary, inappropriate rituals', or 'rituals that are not registered in the national roster of official rituals', essentially calling previous Seonghwang-je rituals an adulterate practice. Transformation in some people's perception viewing these so-called 'adulterate rituals' during the transitional period between Goryeo and Joseon dynasties was actually triggered by those people's eagerness and readiness to accept and embrace new perceptions of certain rituals harboring a possibly adulterate nature. Such eagerness and readiness had been growing since the beginning of the Chinese Ming dynasty, and the Koreans' attitude was also based upon the argument which dictated the obligation and necessity of embracing (advanced) institutions of the current lord of the Chinese civilization('時王之制'). Coming into the ]oseon society, rituals for the Seonghwang shrine prepared either privately or publicly(in case of the latter, by the local Hyangri figures), came to be considered unwarranted and also adulterate by some people, and were therefore naturally banned. Yet it was not an easy job to prevent the larger population, in either legal or institutional terms, from still observing such rituals. Either the local leaders or the general population were not ready to accept the sino-centric world view and not to mention a new perspective which would determine a certain convention to be 'adulterate'. So legal and institutional banning was only working inside the capital, and against the literary class, especially the female portion of it. As a result, the 'adulterate' Seonghwang-je ritual from the Goryeo period continued to be observed, and prevailed during the early half of the Joseon dynasty. In the meantime, coming into the 16th century, a new trend of trying to suppress and control such rituals also began to emerge inside local communities as well. Then again, such trend was only apparent in limited areas, and was only occurring sporadically here and there. The public was still not ready to abandon past mentality and previous conventions, and the local literary figures had no choice but to acknowledge the situation and also participate in such rituals, while only a handful, 'pioneering' local prefects and local influentials(the same Sajok figures) were trying to control the rituals, and bring a change to the people's habits and customs. Private observations of the Seonghwang rituals, or of the community itself prepared by Hyangri figures continued in the 17th century. Yet the locations of such Seonghwang shrines, or structures related to the Seonghwang rituals, suggest that the 'adulterate' Seonghwang-je ritual observation was indeed weakening, especially in the latter half of the 17th century. First, the destruction of many Seonghwang shrines during wartime in the late 16th century must have paved a way for changing the frame of Seonghwang ritual observation itself(which was reflected in the early efforts of 'demolishing the Seonghwang-sa shrines and newly constructing Seonghwang-dan altars'/'廢祠設壇'). Secondly, the condition inside local communities have changed, as after mid 17th century, the local clerks and the commoners as well started to imitate and actively embrace the Yangban culture, which caus

고려 國家祭祀의 體制와 그 특징

金澈雄(Kim Cheor-Ung) 한국사연구회 2002 한국사연구 Vol.118 No.-

The state ritual of Kory? was unique in its organization and contents. The miscellaneous rites section ("chapsa") of the Kory?sa (History of the Kory? Dynasty) contains chronological records of various rituals including Taoist rituals. This term the miscellaneous rites was not a category of the Confucian auspicious rituals, but the compilers of the Kory?sa used it to designate the rituals other than the Great, Middle, and Lesser rituals in the Confucian tradition. There is no detailed description of sacrificial rituals in this miscellaneous rites section of the Kory?sa, and this seems to suggest that miscellaneous rituals were not as important as the Confucian rituals. However, upon a closer examination, we find that these miscellaneous rituals were not simply various obscure and indigenous rituals of Kory?. They were in fact state rituals. and their significance was comparable to the Great. Middle, and Lesser Confucian rituals. Kory?'s state sacrificial rituals were organized in a dual system of the Great, Middle, and Lesser Confucian rituals on the one hand and the miscellaneous rituals on the other. Kory?'s state ritual organization had developed closer to the Chinese ritual model than the Silla system that had classified its Mountain rituals in the categories of Great, Middle, and Lesser rituals. While the Kory? court adopted the Chinese ritual forms such as the worship of heaven and earth, the actual substance of the state rituals demonstrate that it did not consistently implement the Chinese Confucian ritual forms. The direct worship of heaven at the Round Altar shows Kory?'s perception of the mandate of heaven and the Kory?-centered world view that placed Kory? on an equal footing with China. In addition, various royal ancestor worships were held at the Royal Ancestor Shrine, individual shrines for deceased kings, and the Portrait Halls. Again, this is very different from the Chos?n period when the ancestor worship centered only on the Royal Ancestor Shrine. Moreover, Taoist and indigenous religious traditions were incorporated into the Kory? state ritual system. As the new state of Kory? tried to overcome the political chaos of the Later Three Kingdoms, Kory? broke with Silla and manifested its Kogury? successionism. Kory? also considered itself to be equal to the Chinese dynasties. These ideological perceptions were closely related to the unique organization and contents of Kory? state ritual system. The ideological basis of Kory? state rituals was not limited to Confucianism, and we can see in the sections of the miscellaneous rites and ceremonies examples of many Taoist, Buddhist, and indigenous religious rituals. However, in step with the growing acceptance of the Nee-Confucian ideology, Chos?n restructured state ritual forms and contents to be more consistent with the orthodox Confucian ritual model.

일제 말기 프로파간다 영화에 나타난 수행적 의례와 신체의 구성

하신애 국제한국문학문화학회 2009 사이 Vol.7 No.-

This paper is focusing on performative rituals as a physical process of forming identity in propaganda films in the late Japanese colonial period. In propaganda films, performative rituals were utilized in twoways: modern imperial rituals―including Gungsŏngyobae(宮城遙拜), the pledge of military personnel, the formal military inspection, the chorus of war song, etc.―and chosŏn folk rituals, including the village festival, chosŏn folk songs, chosŏn folk dances, etc. On the basis of the performance of these dual rituals, this paper examines two figures of ‘useful body’requested by the Japanese empire of the colonized chosŏn people in this period. It also traces how these two figures of ‘useful body’were separated and arranged by the rank of battle front-home front, or Empire-locality on the film screen. This paper emphasizes that the propaganda spread by local and folk rituals could have had asstrong motivational power of Imperialization and colonial identification as the propaganda spread by modern imperial rituals. Local and folk rituals didn’t remain a fixed object of exoticism or localism. It was rather re-contextualized by imperial intention and acted as a motivational power of Imperialization. So the rituals of practice transforming the colonized body to the imperial subject’s body wasn’t limited to modern and imperial rituals. To have a complete understanding of the Imperialization project in this period, we should pay attention to the propaganda spread by folk rituals.

唐의 祀典 체계와 신라의 祀典 정비

박남수 신라사학회 2019 新羅史學報 Vol.0 No.45

This article aims to examine the reasons why ancestral rites and agricultural rites were excluded from Sajeon(祀典: the national ritual system) of Silla recorded in the Chapter of the ‘Rituals’ section(祭祀志) of Samguksagi(三國史記) while the rituals for Noted Mountains and Large Streams(名山大川祭) were included in it as one of the System of Tripartite rituals(三祀), the traditional ritual system of East Asia. Additionally, the system organization process of Silla was examined by comparing to national rituals in China and dividing the system organization process into three periods according to the time of establishments of the rituals for national founder and Singung(Divine Shrine-hall), Chongmyo(Royal ancestral shrine) and Sajikdan(the State deities). As a result of study, it is founded that the state ritual system of Silla already had agricultural rites corresponding to rituals for Son-of-heaven Ruler and Tripartite Mountain was designated corresponding to Divine Land(神州) in the periods of Nothern Qi(北齊), Sui(隋) and Tang(唐). On the onhand, it is revealed that even if rituals for Gods of Wind(風伯) and Rain(雨師), ritual for Constellation(靈星祭), rituals for Sun-and-moon God(日月祭) as well as the rituals for national founder Pakhyŏkkŏse and Divine Shrine-hall, Sajikdan and Five shrines should have been included in the system of Tripartite Rituals of Tang, they were not included in it. On the contrary, only rituals for Noted Mountains and Large Streams were arranged in the system of tripartite rituals. It is firstly because the records on Sajeon were scattered and missed when Samguksagi was compiled but, rather than, it seems that it was because the establishment and abolition of rituals were written chronologically as like the Chapter of Silla “Rituals” section of SamgukSagi and according to chronological descriptions, its dates and places that services took place were specified in it. It seems that those chronological descriptions resulted from organizing Sajeon several times and reorganizing only the rituals for Noted Mountains and Large Streams adapted for the system of Tang Tripartite Rituals, with maintaining indigenous ritual system for gods of the heaven and the earth, despite of adopting proprieties of Tang. 본고는 ≪삼국사기≫ 제사지에 전하는 신라 祀典이, 동아시아 전통의 三祀 체계에 名山・大川만을 편제하고, 주요한 조상제사나 농경제사를 제외한 까닭을 살피고자 하였다. 아울러 신라 각종 제사의 정비과정을 세 시기, 곧 시조묘와 신궁, 종묘・사직단의 설치를 기준으로 시기를 구분하고 중국 역대 제사와 비교하여 그 성격을 살폈다. 그 결과 신라의 사전에는, 천자의 제례에 상응하는 八蜡祭와 觀稼, 藉田을 각각 八棤祭, 後農祭와 先農祭란 명칭으로 사용하고, 북제・수・당대의 神州에 상응하는 三山을 설정하였음을 알 수 있었다. 한편으로 시조 혁거세묘나 신궁 제사, 사직단, 오묘를 비롯하여 風伯, 雨師, 靈星祭, 日月祭 등은 분명히 당의 三祀 체계에 포함되어야 할 것인데도 전혀 三祀 체계 내에 들어가 있지 않고, 오직 名山大川만을 三祀에 배치하였음을 주목하였다. 이는 ≪삼국사기≫ 편찬시의 신라 사전이 많이 산실된 까닭이겠지만, 신라 祀典이 ≪삼국사기≫ 제사지 신라조와 마찬가지로 편년별로 제사의 置廢를 서술하고 그에 따른 祭日이나 祭場을 명시하였기 때문으로 보았다. 또한 신라의 祀典이 몇 차례에 걸쳐 정비되었고, 당례를 수용하면서도 고유의 天祇 제사 체제를 유지하고 名山大川에 대한 제사만을 唐의 三祀 체계에 맞추어 재정비하였기 때문이라고 여겨졌다.

문헌 및 고고자료를 통해 본 고대 장송의례 - 백제를 중심으로 -

정재윤 ( Chung Jae-yun ),박초롱 ( Park Cho-rong ) 백제학회 2020 백제학보 Vol.0 No.31

본고는 문헌과 고고자료를 통해 초기 국가단계의 장송의례부터 삼국의 장송의례까지 그 일면을 파악하고, 변화 과정을 검토하였다. 고고자료는 백제권의 도읍을 중심으로 한 대표적인 의례 유구에 대해서 살펴보았다. 정지산유적은 무령왕릉 출토 묘지석을 통해 국가 의례시설이 있었던 곳으로 볼 수 있으며, 이는 대개 빈장의 모습이었을 것으로 살펴진다. 송산리고분군 방단적석유구의 A지구 구덩이는 마한과 백제의 의례적인 관련성을 엿볼 수 있는 자료로 주목해보았다. D지구 역시 3단 방형 형태를 갖춘 제단시설로 살펴졌다. 이들은 모두 유구의 모습을 통해서 특수한 형태를 가지고 있는 것으로 살펴진다. 웅진 천도 이전인 공주 수촌리 적석유구에서도 의례 공간으로 활용한 흔적이 보이며, 이는 한성시대 왕릉인 석촌동고분군과 유사한 것으로 보았다. 아울러 『三國志』동이전을 통해 초기 국가단계의 장송의례 모습을 살펴보았다. 그 중에서도 부여조 ‘停喪’기록은 이미 3세기 중·후반 단계에 빈장으로 추정되는 장례 풍습이 확인된다고 할 수 있다. 다음 옥저조에서는 세골장의 풍습이 보이며, 시신을 가매장하였다는 사실을 주목하면 빈장으로 이해할 수 있다는 점에서 부여와 통한다고 할 수 있다. 마한 장송의례는 구슬을 중시하였으나 마구류와 금과 은 등을 부장하는 것은 백제문화의 영향을 받아 변화되는 것으로 살펴볼 수 있다. 변진조에서도 큰 새의 깃털을 장례용으로 쓰는 등 계세사상과 연관된 모습이 보인다. 이처럼 초기 우리나라의 각 정치체들은 주변 나라와의 접촉으로 영향을 받으면서 점차 보편성을 갖게 되었다. 특히 불교와 유교의 영향은 장송의례에 큰 변화를 가져왔다. 중국 사서에서 보이는 백제 장송의례는 공통 적으로 服을 언급하고 있으며, 특히 복을 제도로 3년 하였다는 『翰苑』의 기록에서 7세기 대 복상이 일반적 장 송의례였음을 알 수 있었다. 또한 『日本書紀』 속 신라의 장송의례 모습과 고구려 무용총 벽화 등에서 음악·무 용과 곡 등을 하는 모습이 살펴지는데, 백제에서도 비슷하였다고 추정된다. 이는 중국의 東漢대 상제에 음악 이 쓰여 중국의 유교 영향을 받은 상장례로 볼 수 있다. 더불어 백제에서는 부여 능사 북편 건물지의 빈전시 설을 통해 불교와 결합하였음을 살펴볼 수 있었다. 이처럼 삼국의 장송의례는 불교와 유교의 도입으로, 이전 의 전통적인 계세사상에 영향을 주면서 변화하는 모습이 살펴진다. 또한 무령왕릉은 묘지석을 통해 왕과 왕비 모두 27개월의 상장 기간을 거쳐 유교식 상장제와 일치함을 살 펴볼 수 있다. 아울러 매지권을 통해 도교의 영향도 미쳤음을 살펴보았다. 나아가 무령왕릉의 사례를 통해 당 시에는 관이 안치된 빈전일 가능성이 컸음을 확인하였다. 그렇지만 빈전의 운영은 여러 기술적인 문제로 이 후 매장하는 빈을 택하였다. 7세기 초반 내용을 담고 있는 『翰苑』에서 매장하여 빈하였다는 기술은 이를 분명 하게 보여준다. 이처럼 백제의 장송의례는 부여와 마한 등 우리 고유의 장송의례와 중국의 문화를 수용하면서 장례문화가 변화되면서 발전되었음을 알 수 있었다. This study investigated the funeral and burial rituals of Baekje through literature and archeological materials. This study figured out the aspects of the early state-level funeral and burial rituals and the funeral and burial rituals of the Three States and reviewed the process of changes. For archeological materials, this study investigated the representative relics for ancestral rites, centered around the cities in the Baekje area. The Mt. Jeongji-san remains can be seen as a place where the national ancestral rites, which were usually Binjang. This study paid attention to the pit in District A of Bangdanjeokseok (squared altar where stones were piled up) relics in Songsan-ri Ancient Tombs as a material by which the ritual relevance between Mahan and Baekje could be seen. District D was also examined as an altar facility in the three square-shaped columns. Also in the Jeokseok (stones were piled up) relics of Gongju Suchon-ri remains, which was built before the transfer of the capital to Ungjin, there is a trace that it was used as a space for rituals, which was similar to the Seokchon-dong Ancient Tombs, a royal tomb during the Hanseong period. In addition, this study examined the aspects of the early state-level funeral and burial rituals through “Dongyi-jeon” in Romance of the Three Kingdoms. In particular, in the Buyeo dynasty, funeral customs are identified in the mid-to-late-3rd century, which is assumed to be Binjang. Next, in the Okjeo dynasty, there was a custom of Segol-jang, and the body was temporarily buried. The funeral and burial rituals of Mahan was changed by the influence of the Baekje culture. Also, in the Byeonjin dynasty, there was an association with the thought of the afterlife, e.g. The features of a big bird were used for a funeral. Since Bok (garment) is commonly mentioned for the Baekje funeral and burial rituals in Chinese history books, it is noted that Boksang was a general Funeral and Burial Ritual in the 7th century. In addition, in the Three States, there were music, dance and wailing in the funeral and burial rituals, which can be seen as funeral rites affected by Confucianism. Also, in Baekje, it was combined with Buddhism through the Binjeon facilities in the building site north of Buyeo Neungsa Temple. Like this, the funeral and burial rituals of the Three States were changed with the influence on the traditional thought of the afterlife by the introduction of Buddhism and Confucianism. Especially, the tombstone of the Royal Tomb of King Muryeong shows consistency with the Confucian funeral and burial rituals. Also, this study examined the impact of Taoism through Maejigwon (the bill of the sales of the site). In addition, the Royal Tomb of King Muryeong is very likely to be Binjeon in which the body was enshrined in the coffin. However, it was noted that Bin was chosen later due to several technical issues for Binjeon. Like this, in the funeral and burial rituals of Baekje, the funeral culture was changed and developed as we accepted our own funeral and burial rituals like those of Buyeo and Mahan and Chinese culture.