빠르게 흘러가는 세상 속 지속가능한 삶이 있는 곳, 슬로시티

Heike Mayer,Paul L, Knox,김옥희,손대현 한국엔터테인먼트산업연구원 2008 ceri 엔터테인먼트연구 Vol.- No.-

National Role Conceptions in the ‘Global Korea’ Foreign Policy Strategy

Heike Hermanns 한국국제정치학회 KJIS 2013 The Korean Journal of International Studies Vol.11 No.1

Funktionsbedingungen politischer Parteien in der Mehrparteiendemokratie

Heike Merten 헌법이론실무학회 2015 헌법연구 Vol.2 No.2

Health risks and protest in South Korea

Heike Hermanns 한국정치학회 2014 한국정치학회보 Vol.48 No.3

남한의 경제 성장과 더불어, 공중보건과 환경문제에 대한 관심이 커지고 있다. 2008년 미국 수입소고기 재게는 시민들의 광우병에 대한 두려움을 낳고 대규모 시위에 부딪혔다. 수입소고기 반대 시위는 장기화 되었으며 정부의 정책 변화를 가져왔다. 2011년 일본 후쿠시마 원전 사태로 인해 방사능 오염 식품에 대한 염려가 커졌으나, 이것은 시민들의 시위로 이어지지 않았고, 방사능 오염에 대한 장기적 이슈로 발전하지 못했다. 2011년과 2012년 한국의 몇몇 핵발전소는 문제점이 발견되었으며 심지어 폐쇄된 곳도 있었지만, 이에 대한 집단적 시위로 이어지지 않았다. 본 연구에서는 위의 두 사례에 대한 시민들의 대응의 차이점을 프레임이론을 통해 살펴보려고 한다. 건강을 위협하는 핵발전소의 문제점은, 미국산소고기 수입이 시민 건강에 위협하는 것과 같은 수준으로, 개인의 관심과 저항의 프레임으로 작용하지 않았다. 시민집단은 각각의 사례에 다른 프레임을 사용하였으며, 핵문제 대응에 실패했다. 본 연구는 프레임이론을 통해서 두 사례에서 보여지는 다른 주장과 결과물을 탐구하고자 한다. With South Korea’s growing prosperity, concerns about public health and environmental risks have gained more attention. In 2008, the proposed resumption of beef imports from the United States was met with large-scale demonstrations as many feared the beef could be contaminated with ‘mad cow disease’. These demonstrations lasted several months and forced the government into a policy change. In 2011, the melt-down in the Fukushima nuclear plant also raised concerns about contaminated food but the protestors did not take to the streets to address such fears or the wider issue of long-term damage to humans and the environment through nuclear contamination. In 2011 and 2012, a number of Korean nuclear power plants also encountered problems, including shut-downs, but again, public reaction was muted and no popular anti-nuclear movement developed. In order to seek explanations for these different reactions, the paper uses frame theory as theoretical framework. Nuclear power as a health risk did not resonate with individual’s frameworks of concern and protest in the same way as American beef imports did. Civic groups also used different frames in each case, managing to align their concerns with those of citizens in 2008, but failing with regard to the nuclear incidents in 2011 and 2012. The exploration of these frames sheds light on the reasons for the different claims and outcomes.

Going Green Together? Placing the “Green City” Freiburg in the Debate on Sustainable Urban Development Policies and Participatory Decision Making

Heike Hermanns 미래사회통합연구센터 2018 Journal of Conflict and Integration Vol.2 No.1

Environmentally-friendly urban planning challenges the democratic notions of deliberation and inclusiveness. The goals of sustainability often counter short-term oriented human interests. In order to overcome this bias, some writers suggest and identify a tendency of top-down planning with authoritarian traits. This paper explores this problem using Freiburg in Germany as a case study. The city is wellknown for its sustainable urban planning that also aims to be inclusive but the two projects presented here show that public deliberation and inclusiveness were practiced for a short period, to be replaced by top-town technocratic approaches. Democratic urban planning needs constant vigilance by citizens to fulfil its inclusive promise.

Student Attitudes towards Nuclear Energy and the Lack of Protest Mobilization in South Korea

Heike Hermanns 경상대학교 사회과학연구원(사회과학연구) 2014 사회과학연구 Vol.32 No.-

Political Parties in South Korea and Taiwan after Twenty Years of Democratization

Heike Hermanns 인하대학교 국제관계연구소 2009 Pacific Focus Vol.24 No.2

South Korea and Taiwan are often cited as successful cases of third wave democracies where democracy has taken roots. However, electoral volatility is high and disenchantment among citizens is rising, especially regarding the performance of politicians and political parties. Since political parties play a vital role in the democratic process their institutionalization is seen as an indicator of democratic consolidation. An analysis of Taiwanese and South Korean parties in terms of age, organization and structure, as well as programs and leadership style of parties indicates that parties are weakly institutionalized. The Korean party system is a weak point in democratic deepening, as it is reminiscent of a carousel of party creations, mergers and dissolutions. Parties lack distinguishing ideological or programmatic markers and remain cadre parties, focusing on their charismatic leader and their home regions. In Taiwan, in contrast, a clear cleavage in the form of Taiwanese identity led to the appearance of two distinct political camps, each consisting of several parties. Taiwanese parties have progressed in their institutionalization in terms of longevity, organization and programmatic differences. However, membership numbers and party identification remain low and regular corruption scandals show the slow attitudinal change among Taiwanese politicians. In the light of politicians’ behavior, citizens in both countries thus are feeling increasingly disenchanted with the ruling elite as well as the democratic system.

Green Growth – Ecological Modernization Korean-style?

Heike Hermanns(하이케 헤르만스) 21세기정치학회 2015 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.25 No.2

The goal of this paper is to analyze the background and main policies of the Korean Green Growth Strategy and place them in the framework of ecological modernization (EM). Developed in the European context, EM aims at the integration of economic goals with ecological credentials through the use of technology. EM policies are initiated by government who are working cooperatively with business and other actors. South Korea has promoted Green Growth as an alternative low carbon economic growth strategy, more suitable for emerging economies than restrictive carbon reduction models such as the Kyoto Protocol. Green Growth promises a win-win situation for economic growth and environmental protection, placing the policies in the parameters of EM. The EM framework helps to deepen the understanding of the Green Growth strategy and its interpretation of ecology as well as democracy. Using Christoff’s distinction of weak and strong approaches to EM, the Korean scheme is identified as a weak approach, focusing on technological and state-led solutions with few signs of ecological restructuring. As such, it can be characterized as a greened version of the established growth-oriented economic paradigm rather than a substantial change towards an environmentally sustainable economy model. The current paradigm does not encourage participation by a wide variety of actors which would benefit democratic deepening in South Korea.

Gender Mainstreaming and the Effects of Strategic Choices on the Gender Gap in German Academia

Heike Hermanns(헤이크 헤르만) 21세기정치학회 2012 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.22 No.2

This paper looks at the role of gender mainstreaming in closing the gender gap at Germany universities. Driven by policy-makers at EU and federal level, gender mainstreaming has been introduced to German universities as a means to overcome the still substantial gender gap in academia. The role of different strategic choices, identified previously in the context of gender mainstreaming in development, in the success of gender mainstreaming can also be noted in this context. The integrationist approach aims at bringing women into the mainstream but has limited and slower impact on the gender gap, while an agenda-setting approach focuses on policy-changes and adjustments in the mainstream. A comparison of two universities’ efforts shows the impact of such choices on the increase in the number of female professors. Active and passive resistance slow down the integrative approach while the agenda-setting approach invites discussion on gender equality across the university and thus is more likely to induce change beyond universities in the wider society.

Citizen Participation at the Local Level

Heike Hermanns(하이케 헤르만스) 21세기정치학회 2018 21세기 정치학회보 Vol.28 No.4