내재적 발전론과 민족주의

김정인(Kim Jeong-in) 한국역사연구회 2010 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.77

Seen from a perspective that views history as a series of movements, the theory of Internal development seems to have first appeared with the resurgence of Nationalism which happened with the breakout of the April 19th democratic movement, then diverged into several directions, and later merged with the flow of "People's Nationalism" and played an instrumental part in the launching of the so-called "People's History," which opted for a historical perspective concentrating upon changes and reforms in human history. In other words, the theory of Internal Development was a product of the Korean historical community, and shared the same destiny with the evolution of Nationalism, that had always served certain causes such as 'pursuing the Centrist path' or 'pursuing Cooperation (between the Left and the Right)' within the South Korean society. And to be noticed, historical studies based upon materialistic conception of history, which were positioned in the rather 'Left field' within the spectrum of Internal Development theories, coexisted with several other trends of studies under the umbrella of the theory of Internal Development, and just like Nationalism which worked as a defensive shield against the infiltration of Communism, served as a bridge between several steps of historical studies, such as the Marxist historical studies that surged right after the liberation from the Japanese occupation, the Practical history movement suggested by the Neo-Nationalist historical studies, and the history movements that resurfaced with the establishment of People's history in the 1980s. Although it did not survive and evolve into a lasting historical movement armed with momentum and practicality, due to the issues of the time such as division of the Korean peninsula, the prevailing anti-Communist sentiment and the conservative nature of the historical community, it did play an important role of bridging trends together. The reason why the historical community since the 1980s was able to provide the democratization movement with a firm historical statement of changes and reforms, and also bring popularity to the history movements, was because historical studies based upon the Internal Development theory and especially the materialistic conception of history continued to accumulate in terms of quality and quantity in the 1960s and '70s. This was a trend that was never to be found in other areas and branches of academic studies.

종북프레임과 민주주의의 위기

김정인(Kim, Jeong-in) 한국역사연구회 2014 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.93

2013 was a year that not only marked the first year of the Park Geun-hye registration, but also witnessed the so-called ‘Following-North’ frame (in ideologial conflicts) taking shape and gaining influence. The primary function of this frame, is in fact not to energize the animosity against the North (North Korea) primarily, but to be used in attacking opponent political factions with the accusation that it is indeed helping the ‘enemy.’ From the standpoint of all conservative parties throughout the Korean society, any faction ‘following the North’ should be regarded essentially as an anti-ROK(Republic of Korea) element and should be crushed for that reason alone. This ‘Following-North’ frame continued to gain popularity thanks to the conservative press. The conservative faction of Korea will most surely continue to use this frame as much as it can, in order to consolidate its supporters and ‘warn’ the public of the instability of the North Korean Kim Jeong-eun regime. One thing is certain: As this frame continues to gain strength, the democracy will be increasingly threatened. This is a frame that is used to crush not only the enemy ‘outside’ as in desperate times like the Korean war, but also monitor, locate and oppress enemies ‘inside,’ even at the cost of breaching the integrity of law and proper procedures. It is indeed from a culture and atmosphere based upon a wartime sentiment. Efforts to secure human dignity, maintain autonomous control over one’s life, and restore social community should continue, in order for us to overcome the aforementioned offensive way of life, and restore unity and coexistence as the everyday way of life. This ‘Following-North’ frame, the epitome of hatred cultivated by war, conflict, dissension that continued for over 60 years, should be overcome in order for democracy to thrive once again.

복수가 동반된 간경변증을 가진 말기 신부전 환자에서 복막투석의 안정성

김정인 ( Jung In Kim ),이정은 ( Jung Eun Lee ),백현정 ( Hyun Jeong Baek ),최성철 ( Sung Chul Choi ),도정호 ( Jung Ho Do ),허우성 ( Woo Seong Huh ),김윤구 ( Yoon Goo Kim ),김대중 ( Dae Joong Kim ),오하영 ( Ha Young Oh ) 대한신장학회 2007 Kidney Research and Clinical Practice Vol.26 No.3

Purpose : When liver cirrhosis patients accompanying ascites need renal replacement therapy because of chronic renal failure (CRF), peritoneal dialysis (PD) can allow direct removal of ascites and prevent anticoagulants use. However, since PD might aggravate hypoalbuminemia and increase chances of peritonitis, clinicians tend to hesitate to apply it to those patients. The aim of the present study is to assess the outcome and stability of PD for the treatment of CRF patient with cirrhosis accompanying ascites. Methods : A retrospective study based on the clinical records was performed in cirrhotic patients with ascites in whom PD was performed for the treatment of CRF and who were followed up at Samsung Medical Center unit, between January 1995 and July 2005. Results : In our study, 15 patients were enrolled. Child-pugh class was worse in non-survival group than survival group (p<0.01). One-year patient survival was 40% in Class C and 75% in Class B, and patient survival differed between Class C and Class B (p=0.0014). Causes of death were terminal liver failure (n=6) and sepsis due to pneumonia (n=1). Total 27 episodes of peritonitis occurred, and the peritonitis rates were 0.91 episodes/patients-year. Conclusion : Although the peritonitis rates turned out somewhat high, the use of PD for the treatment of CRF in patients with liver cirrhosis accompanying ascites seems to be safe and effective. Main cause of death in our study seems to be related to liver disease.

해방 전후 민주주의 들의 변주

김정인 ( Jeong In Kim ) 한림과학원 2013 개념과 소통 Vol.0 No.12

해방 전후 민주주의는 정치적으로 뜨거운 쟁점을 형성한 그야말로 펄펄 살아숨쉬는 개념이었다. 좌익·우익·중도 누구든 신국가 건설에 동참하고자 한다면, 자신들의 정체성을 창조하고 또한 입증하는 데 있어 제일의 이념이자신념으로 수용해야 하는 시대의 화두였다. 좌익은 통합의 가치로 인민민주주의와 진보적 민주주의를 내세우면서도 우익과의 대립각을 분명히 하기 위해 민주주의 대 반민주주의라는 프레임을 구사했다. 우익에게 민주주의는 통합적 가치가 아니었다. 오히려 좌익을 공격하기 위한 정치 무기의 의미가 컸고 미 군정의 도움을 받으며 민주주의 대 공산주의라는 프레임을 확산하고자 애썼다. 민족 분열과 사회 분열의 현실 속에서 통합 가치로 민주주의를 전면에 내세운 것은 중도 세력이었다. 중도좌파에서 중도우파에 이르기까지 다양한 스펙트럼의 신민주주의들이 분출했고, 저마다미국식도 소련식도 아닌 ‘조선식’ 민주주의의 상을 선보이고자 했다. 이상의 분석을 통해 해방 전후 민주주의는 독립과 분단이라는 현실과 운명을 같이했음을 확인할 수 있었다. 독립 후 신국가 건설의 이념으로서의 민주주의는 통합을 추구하는 가치였다. 하지만 국토와 이념의 분단화 과정에서 민주주의는 좌익과 우익에게 서로를 공격하는 무기로 사용되면서 분열의 가치로 작동했다. 민주주의=선이라는 가치가 전도되지는 않았지만, 정쟁 속에서 이념 지형이 달라질 때마다 민주주의=선=?이라는 도식에서 물음표가 변주 되어야만 하는 역동적인 시간을 보냈던 것이다. At the time of liberation, ‘Democracy’ was a living, breathing concept encompassing a wide variety of subtle interpretations which were subject to vigorous debate. Whatever their political stance, whether left or right or anywhere in-between, all who were interested in joining the grand task of creating a new country for the Korean people had to embrace some form of purportedly democratic ideology. All political identities were based around this concept, and all factions had to be ready to defend their democratic credentials. The left wing proclaimed ‘People`s Democracy’ and ‘Progressive Democracy’ in support of their own philosophy of unification, but in order to distance themselves from the right, they presented these ideas within a frame of democracy vs. anti-democracy. Meanwhile, the right wing never considered democracy as a unifying value, and instead used it to attack the left by trying to propagate a frame of democracy vs. communism, and aligning themselves with the U.S. military government. It was only the moderates who proposed democracy as a genuinely unifying principle: witnessing the deep divisions within Korean society, both moderate leftists and moderate rightists suggested a variety of neo-democratic forms, all seeking to present a concept which had not obviously been inspired by the U.S. or the U.S.S.R. The evolution of the concept of democracy ran in parallel with the changing political realities confronting the Korean people: from the liberation of the country through to the division of the Korean peninsula. In fact it was suggested as a value symbolizing unification immediately after the liberation. But when the peninsula was being divided, it came to be used as a weapon in the hands of both the left and the right, taking on the role of an ideology of separation.

동아시아 역사의 기억전시교육 한국사 연구와 교육의 시민화 경로로서의 동아시아사

김정인 ( Jeong In Kim ) 수선사학회 2014 史林 Vol.0 No.47

The history of East Asia became an issue in the process of scholars` pursuit of historical studies for ‘Citizens,’ as well as ‘historical education for citizens.’ Historical studies continued to evolve ever since, and what is becoming increasingly apparent is that studies of the history of Korea as well as general education of it both trapped in the confines of Nationalism would most likely cause unintended distortion of historical facts and the truth behind them. Only by trying to figure out the history of Korea in the context of East Asian history, and expanding our perspective for us to be able to view the history of Korea as a part of a bigger world, we would be able to pursue and find out what really happened throughout the history of this country. The identity of the people of East Asia today is determined (at least in appearance) by their status as part of individual nationalized countries and not their status as part of the East Asian community. The former is their identity today, and the latter might be the one that should be pursued in the future. In this age of global history, the history of Korea should be examined and studied in the context of the East Asian history as well as the history of the entire world. The Korean historical studies and historical education of it should contribute to the Korean people`s development of an identity of their own as East Asian citizens.

문화예술지원 거버넌스 분석

김정인(Jeong-in Kim) 한국문화정책학회 2014 문화정책 Vol.2 No.-

문화예술은 공적인 특성과 사적인 특성을 동시에 지니고 있기 때문에 문화예술지원의 주체에 대한 논의, 다시 말해 문화예술에 대한 지원이 정부 중심으로 이루어지는 것이 바람직한 것인지, 아니면 민간부문 즉 시장 중심으로 이루어지는 것이 바람직한 것인지에 대한 논의(예: 김정수, 2009; 김평수, 2010)는 문화예술지원에 있어서의 정부실패와 시장실패 관점에서 재고될 필요가 있다. 따라서, 본 연구에서는 문화예술지원에 있어서의 주체가 공공부문이 되어야할지, 민간부문이 되어야할 지에 대해 논의하고, 어떠한 체계의 문화예술지원 거버넌스가 오늘날 문화 환경에 더욱 적합할 것인지를 살펴보고자 하였으며, 다양한 선행연구 및 언론보도 자료를 분석한 결과정부, 기업, 문화예술인(단체)은 수직적이고 폐쇄적인 관계에서 벗어나 상호균형을 유지할 수 있는 수평적이고 개방적인 네트워크를 형성해야 함을 확인할 수 있었다. 이를 위해서 본 연구에서는 한국메세나협회와 같은 비영리기관의 적극적인 중재 및 교환 역할이 필요하다고 제시하였다. Culture and arts have both public and private characteristics. Therefore, the discussion about the principal agent of the support for culture and arts needs to be reconsidered in terms of market failure as well as government failure(Kim, 2009; Kim, 2010). In this regard, this study examined which sector among public sector, private sector, and nonprofit sector is more appropriate to be the principal agent of the support for culture and arts. Based on the in-depth study utilizing various previous studies, news articles, etc. about the support system for culture and arts, the present study found that the creation of the open and horizontal networks should be preceded. Additionally, this study suggested that the critical role of nonprofit organizations, especially Korea Mecenat Association, is needed.

『고등학교 국사』 및 『한국근 · 현대사』 교과서의 동아시아사 서술 분석

金正仁(Kim Jeong-In) 歷史敎育硏究會 2009 역사교육 Vol.110 No.-

In this article, the image and perception of the history of East Asia depicted in the 7th Educational curriculum textbooks such as "High School Korean History" and "Korean Modem and Contemporary History", and the historical interpretations regarding both China and Japan as well, are all examined. According to references made in those textbooks, until now we have educated the students that, in case of premodern history, there have been the civilized Chinese people, the barbaric tribes in the North, and the also barbaric japanese people in the South, while ourselves being the 'little' Jungbwa(中華) figure. Such education was based upon a perspective distinguishing the Civilized and the Barbarians, which served as a traditional sino-centric world view for a long time. And in case of the modern periods, that perspective distinguishing the Civilized and the Barbarians was replaced by Orientalism, Westernization=Modernization became the new barometer of determining whether oneself is enlightened or not, civilized or not. In such perspective, a view of the East Asia itself was lost. The traumatic experience of being occupied and colonized once, made us view the modem and contemporary history only from the perspective of 'ruling' & 'resisting', and consider adjacent countries always as a potential threat. In the educational curriculum revised in 2007, 'East Asian History' was selected as further-study' option for High school classes for the first time. The general stance behind this new 'East Asian History' basically emphasizes the necessity of teaching East Asian history to the students from the Koreans' point of view, yet it also refrains from adopting another biased perspective which would consider the Korean people and their interest above and before all else(a so-called Korean-centric view). Also, it aspires for an education of 'peace', which would mean and be realized by sharing historical understanding with a lot of countries and trying to resolve certain conflicts regarding historical facts and interpretation. Hopefully this education of 'East Asian History', which is based upon an image and perception of East Asian history that is arguably quite different from the one advocated and presented in previous history education classes, would contribute to the advent of a multi-racial, multi-cultural society where Koreans, East Asians and all the people around the globe would happily coexist and live together.

아프리카 자원 확보를 통한 한국 경제의 경쟁력

김정인(Kim Jeong In),최종석(Choi Jong Seok),정래광(Jung Rae Kwang) 한국아프리카학회 2010 한국아프리카학회지 Vol.31 No.-

As the age of resources war has come, all the nations around the world have already turn towards Africa as a promising market along with other well-knownnations which are rich in natural resources such as Brazil and Russia in order to secure the sound supply of resources. Although Korea also realizes the importance of exploiting and securing the resources and is attempting to enter into the African market, it is extremely difficult due to distinctive regional characteristics. In view of those unique circumstances in Africa position, this study investigates the world powers' strategies for securing resources and analyzes how we could hold the dominant position in securing African resources. The Strategies that each powerful nation uses to secure resources differ in the means and the agent. Above all, we should seek ways of keeping a favorable relations with the leaders and local nobables in 53 nations. Besides, the government should encourage companies to expand their business by providing substantial support as well as enableing information sharing by establishing DB of corporate successes in an effort to minimize the risk of market foray. Sharing imfomation through D/B Construction will also help to minimize the risk. In the long term, through the combination of environment and IT in the domestic energy industry, the complex diplomacy including resources, hospitals, schools and education and constant charity work of civilian groups will enable us to secure resources in Africa

2009개정교육과정에 따른 고등학교 "한국사"와 "동아시아사" 교과서를 통해 본 영토교육의 현황과 과제

김정인 ( Jeong In Kim ) 수선사학회 2015 史林 Vol.0 No.52

Examined in this article are eight types of High School Korean History Textbooks, as well as three types of High School East Asian History Textbooks, which were all commissioned and published in 2014 according to the Revised Education System of 2009. Analyzed here in particular are references to certain ‘territorial issues,’ in order to determine how the history of borders and territories are described in these textbooks, and how they are usually discussed nowadays. With such determination, I would like to raise some points that would concern the direction education of such histories should take in the future. Personally, it feels relevant to ask what kind of new challenges are being thrown at the historical education community, in a day and age when education of those subjects are being reinforced. Coming into the 21st century, historical education of territories and boundaries continued to be reinforced substantially. In both Korean History and East Asian History highschool textbooks, the amount of paragraphs and chapters dedicated to the description of such histories definitely increased. But the overall tone and nuance displayed by all these textbooks turn out to be more of the same. They do not reflect diverse perspectives from academic differences as much as they reflect state-sanctioned materials for educating territorial and boundary histories.The most primary objective of today’s territory education, which shows a long history being led by the government, and had maintained the issue surrounding Dok-do island as its centerpiece, was the preservation of the territory of the Republic of Korea. In the future, such objective has to be overcome. We should set a new goal that transcends all that. There should be more than one goal that could be pursued by us. The Korean realm of life should be preserved, but a new, forward-looking kind of relationship should be established between Korea and Japan, and theKorean people should keep training themselves on their way to becoming true guardians of democratic values. These goals will often put us on contradictory paths, but a compromise should be out there, somewhere. Historical education of territories and boundaries should be able to serve ultimately as a tool to educate people the merit of peace. And the academic community should not shy away from throwing hard questions, and responding to them in kind.

한국 근대 여성사 연구의 변화 추이와 전망

김정인(Kim Jeong-in) 한국여성학회 2016 한국여성학 Vol.32 No.2

한국 근대 여성사 연구는 보완사, 공헌사, 젠더사의 단계를 거쳤으되, 아직은 공헌사 연구가 우세한 가운데 젠더사 연구가 차츰 확산되는 중에 있다. 한국 근대 여성사 연구에서는 여성 독립운동가에 주목하는 대중적 관심에 힘입어 공헌사 연구가 더욱 공고해지고 있다. 이처럼 역사 대중화의 방향은 공헌사의 입지가 더욱 굳어지는 쪽으로 나아가는 반면 역사 전문가, 특히 소장 여성 역사학자들은 여성의 삶을 주체적 관점에서 살피는 젠더사 연구에 힘쓰고 있다. 그러므로 오늘날 여성사 연구의 처지와 앞으로의 향배는 대중적 공헌사와 ‘전문적’ 젠더사의 공존 양상을 제대로 파악할 때 정확히 짚어낼 수 있다. 이 논문에서는 이와 같은 시각으로 한국 근대 여성사 연구를 한국 근대사 연구 동향과 맞물려 분석하고자 한다. 이를 통해 한국 근대 여성사 연구가 젠더사로서 역사학에서 제대로 자리매김하여 새로운 역사학을 개척하는 데 일조해야 함을 강조하고자 한다. Historical studies of Korean modern Women have evolved over the years, first from a form of compensatory history, then to a type of contribution history, and then again to a rather new approach, as a historical study concentrating upon the ‘Gender’ aspect of all women. Overall studies still arguably remain in the second phase, while more and more phase three studies are being announced. Historical studies of Korean modern women have been concentrating their focus upon women’s members of the Korean Independence movement, as they were the ones who were very popular in the eyes of today scholars and the public. So, historical studies that have been spawned as results of such popularity showed a tendency of emphasizing their “extraordinary contribution to the Cause.” Meanwhile, with popular demands leading these studies to this sort of direction, young women historians have been trying to view Korean modern women as individuals, as masters of their own lives, based upon a rather professional, gender historical perspective. Evaluation of past studies, and projection of prospects for future attempts, could be properly performed only when we acknowledge these two trends. Examined in this article are the historical studies of Korean modern women in the context of Korean modern history, in order to argue that the former should establish itself as an example of a gender historical study, so that it could pioneer a new academic area for scholars to study in the future.