태국 신문에 나타난 한국의 이미지

빠릿 웡타나쎈(Parit Wongthanasen) 한국태국학회 2010 한국태국학회논총 Vol.17 No.1

This research aimed to study the image of Korea in Thai newspaper in the year 2008-2009 and investigate the relationship and role of Korea and foreign which appear in the Thai newspaper. It found that in Thai newspaper report about the politics news more than other news because in that time Korea also in the president election period and also in Thailand still front with the political critic. Next, the science and technology’s news were report in the negative way. The image of Korea was found to be of two categories. 1) Positive image : nationalism, Democratic country, the economy is develop rapidly, science and technology is develop rapidly and the excellent of education system 2)Negative image : the problems of economy, the revolution country, inequality between male and female, the risk between North Korea and South Korea and the failure of education system. The roles and relationship between Korea and other country appear in 4 parts such as Korea and American : the economy cooperation and the attempt to dissolve the nuclear in Korea peninsula, Korea and Japan : the economy cooperation, South Korea and North Korea : South Korea try togather North and South Korea and the problem of nuclear, Korea and Thailand : the cooperation in science and technology , education and economy. From this study can conclude that in Thai newspaper mostly report the positive information and give the information about Korea to let the Thai reader understand the Korea situation and also admire the education and science and technology of Korea.

韩日“新型伙伴关系”评估与展望

강용범,고재휘 한국동북아학회 2007 한국동북아논총 Vol.12 No.4

With the cold war over, Japan has done an about-face in their foreign policy toward Korean government. To make Koreans forget about the past historical matters, Japan pursued an active foreign policy. In addition, former Korean president Taewoo Roh and Youngsam Kim showed positive attitudes to build up favorable inter state relationship with Japan. However, since 1990 Japanese government started turning to the right. To make matters worse, Korea met economical difficulties due to the Asian Financial Crisis in 1997. Right at this time, the Kim Daejoong administration made the turning point of the relations between two countries. “ Recovery of destroyed relationship with Japan” became one of the central issues in foreign policy. Korea and Japan established the mutual cooperation on political, economical, cultural and security matters. Above all, opening of the cultural market closed to Japan initiated the “New age” between two countries. Unfortunately Japanese history textbook controversies in 2001 completely ruined this relationship between Korea and Japan. Although 2002 Korea-Japan co-hosted Worldcup sort of helped rebuilding the relationship, both countries realized they can never be free from the past historical matters. Roh Moohyun administration which claims to stand for “The government everybody can participate” have put great effort to fix up the situation between Korea and Japan. Roh Moohyun administration fixed it a rule to have the yearly summit conference, arranged the official meetings to conclude FTA(Free Trade Agreement) and declared the year 2005 as the Korea-Japan Year of the Friendship President Roh professed not to mention the past historical matters as governmental issue during his presidential tenure. While it runs into a lot of flak from the public considering it as humiliating diplomacy. Due to the enacting regulations of “Dakesima Day”by the Sinema County Parliament, Japan 2005, the territorial dispute recurred between Korea and Japan, and it led it to the cancellation of they early summit conference and the relations between Korea and Japan had to face the worst phase ever. In conclusion, historical matters and territorial dispute were supposed to be the biggest obstacles between Korea and Japan. But the relations between Korea and Japan seems to be more mature than the one between China and Japan. Because Korea and Japan have maintained diversified cooperation relations. 냉전이 종식된 후 일본의 대한반도정책은 커다란 변화를 가져왔다. 특히 일본은 한국과의 과거를 청산하고 적극적인 태도로 임했으며, 노태우, 김영삼 정부도 새로운 한․일관계의 정립을 위해 노력했다. 90년대 이후 일본정치의 우경화와 1997년 아시아금융위기로 인하여 한국경제는 위기를 맞게 되었다. 이러한 때에 김대중 정권은‘황폐해진 한․일관계’를 회복하는 것을 핵심과제로 삼고, 정치, 경제, 외교, 안보, 문화면에서 협력관계를 구축하였다. 일본문화에 대한 금지령을 해소하고 문화시장을 개방함으로 양국관계의‘새로운 시대’를 열었으나, 2001년 일어난‘역사교과서 풍파’로 인해 원점으로 돌아갔다. 2002년 한․일 월드컵을 계기로 복원되긴 했으나 역사문제는 여전히 넘을 수 없는 장벽이라는 것을 상기시켰다. 노무현 참여정부는 정상간 상호방문, 자유무역협정 체결로 2005년을‘한․일 우호년’으로 정하고 임기 내에 역사문제를 정부 차원에서 거론하지 않겠다고 공언 함으로대일 관계 구축에 강한 의지를 보였지만‘굴욕적인 대일외교’라는 비난을 면치 못했다. 2005년 일본 시마네현 의회가 법안을 채택하여‘다께시마의 날’을 확정함으로 한․일간의 영토분쟁이 야기되고, 정상 간의 정례방문이 무산되는 등 한․일 관계는 회복되지 못했다. 결론적으로 한․일 관계는 역사문제와 영토분쟁이 장애물이긴 하나 다각적인 협력관계를 유지함으로 중․일 관계 보다는 원활하고 성숙된 관계라 볼 수 있겠다.

언론을 통해 본 한일협정 인식 50년

오제연(Oh, je-yeon) 역사비평사 2015 역사비평 Vol.- No.111

This study discusses how the South Korean press has recognized the Korea-Japan Treaty and Agreement concluded in 1965 and the relation between Korea and Japan on the 10th, 20th, 30th and 40th Anniversaries. During the Post-Cold War era, South Korean newspapers acknowledged that the South Korean economy could develop itself through economic cooperation between Korea and Japan after conclusion of the Korea-Japan Treaty and Agreement on the 10th Anniversary in 1975. However, at the same time, because of an increasing adverse balance in trade between Korea and Japan, South Korea strongly insisted that the existing vertical economic cooperation should be changed to one of horizontal and reciprocal economic cooperation. In 1985, the 20th Anniversary of the Korea-Japan Treaty and Agreement, during the Post-Cold War era, cooperation between South Korea, the U.S. and Japan reached its peak, and relations between Korea and Japan were very friendly. Nevertheless, as it was during the 10th Anniversary, the adverse balance of trade between Korea and Japan continued to be problematic, and concern that the Korean economy might be dependent on Japan"s capital and technologies increased. In particular, university newspapers showed great concern about military dependency represented by the trilateral national security system among South Korea, the U.S. and Japan. In the 1990s, as the Post-Cold War system came to an end and Koreans politically and economically improved greatly, the relationship between Korea and Japan changed to a more horizontal one. Accordingly, in 1995, the 30th Anniversary of the Korea-Japan Treaty and Agreement, the issue of past affairs between Korea and Japan became a significant controversy. Of these, the legitimacy of the Japan-Korea Treaty of 1910 was the biggest issue. In summary, the 30th Anniversary of the Korea-Japan Treaty and Agreement was the first year when a war of memory over past relations between Korea and Japan became as serious issue while radical problems of the Korea-Japan Treaty and Agreement were presented. In the 2000s, the relationship between Korea and Japan improved, and in particular, as private exchanges became vitalized, both governments declared 2005, the 40th Anniversary of the Korea-Japan Treaty and Agreement, as ‘Korea-Japan Friendship Year.’ However, because of Japan"s Provocation over Dokdo Island started in the beginning of the year, Korea-Japan relations cooled rapidly. The conservative media still emphasized the economic and security cooperation between Korea and Japan, but generally, public opinion in South Korea took a firm line on the Japan"s Provocation over Dokdo Island. In addition, the conservative shift in the private sector of Japan expressed on the Internet only heightened Korean people"s anti-Japanese sentiment. This, in turn, caused a vicious circle that would worsen Japanese people"s sentiment of Koreans. Such confrontation and conflict between Korea and Japan was caused by the limitations inherent in the Korea-Japan Treaty and Agreement, neglecting the settlement of past colonialism and insisting only on economic and security cooperation.

지역사회 통일교육 현황과 활성화 방안: 광주광역시를 중심으로

김재기 한국동북아학회 2012 한국동북아논총 Vol.17 No.3

The purpose of this article is to review a state of affairs and point out the question at activation and present condition in the field of regional society unification education. The unification education in Korea has functioned as a part of political education, which is influenced from the legacy of the cold war. It means that the unification education of Korea has focused on the unilateral political education system reflecting antagonistic political system and thoughts between the two Koreas. As a result, the unification education of Korea established a rigid policy line to compete with the North-Korea political system. In other words, on the basis of such political dimension and environment, the main theme of unification education of the South-Korea was consisted of counter-measures against North-Korea policy. Korea’s unification education of the present-day is evolving with international political environment which transformation and resilience of the relationship between the two Koreas. Therefore, the new concept of the Korea unification education should consider not only methods and processes to reunify the Korean peninsular but also alternatives to minimize a great deal of problems after the unification. An important asset in Gwangju region to discuss Korea unification in Korean Association of Northeast Asia is composed of nationwide scholars. Korean Association of Northeast Asia is periodically held for Korea unification problems, and the order in Northeast Asia Conference of the Society as a nationwide scale, a lot of information to the local people and newspapers In conclusion, the unification of education in the Gwangju region, above all, there must be a change in the government's policy toward North Korea. There is a need to Gwangju type peaceful unification of education to develop a model utilizing the characteristics of Gwangju City of democratic and peace. From May movement to Korea unification be required as a slogan that can be practiced vigorous discussion at the local community level. 지역사회 구성원들이 민주시민으로서 살아가는데 있어서 남북통일문제를 이해하고 논의하는 과정에 참여하는 것은 시민정치교육 측면에서 매우 중요한 일이라고 할 수 있다. 한국에서 민주시민교육의 도입은 제2차 세계대전이후 분단 된 서독에서 성공적으로 진행된 것을 한국에 적용하고자하는 것이었다. 서독이 민주시민교육 차원에서 진행한 정치교육은 제2차 세계대전이 끝나고 국가가 동독과 서독으로 분단된 이후, 시민정치교육을 실시하기위해 연방정부와 16개 주정부에 ‘정치교육센터’를 설립하고 이를 통해 학교와 시민사회단체, 정당재단에 다양한 지원을 하고 있다. 한국에서 냉전시대의 통일교육은 북한에 대한 적대감을 고조하는 반공교육에 초점을 맞추었다. 1980년대 탈냉전을 맞아 반공교육이 쇠퇴하고 통일 방안에 대한 내용이 보강된 통일·안보 교육으로 전환하였다. 김대중 정부 이후 지난 10년은 평화공존과 화해협력을 강조하는 통일교육에 중점을 두었다. 현 정부는 통일교육에 안보교육을 강화하여 진행하고 있다. 광주지역사회에서 진행되고 있는 통일교육센터나 민주평통 등 공공 사회교육기관의 통일교육 과정과 내용은 기존의 내용에 안보교육이 새롭게 들어가 진행되고 있다. 두 기관의 프로그램은 거의 대동소이하며 경직되고 획일적 내용이 주를 이루고 있다고 평가할 수 있겠다. 반면 민간사회교육기관의 경우는 대북지원사업의 중단, 현 정부의 지원 배제와 재정이 열악하여 활발한 통일교육을 못하고 있는 실정이다. 지역에서 통일교육의 활성화를 위해서는 우선적으로 정부의 대북정책에 변화가 있어야 한다. 지방정부의 지원 속에 지역통일교육 단체들이 참여하는 ‘거버넌스’를 구축할 필요가 있다. 지방정부와 대학, 통일교육센터, 통일운동 시민단체, 언론 등이 유기적으로 연계하는 '협력적 거버넌스'(collaborative governance)협의체를 구축하여 지역 통일논의 활성화에 적극 나서야 한다. 민주인권평화도시를 지향하는 광주광역시는 광주형 평화통일교육모델을 개발할 필요가 있다.

한국 금융시장의 개방과 법률적 과제 및 검토 -한미 FTA의 금융시장개방 시사점-

김병태 국제거래법학회 2007 國際去來法硏究 Vol.16 No.1

A look back on the history of the financial sector reforms in Korea shows that the Government’s financial reforms since the early 1990s have focused primarily on financial deregulation and financial market liberalization. Like other previous financial reforms such as the ‘Five-Year Financial Reform Plan of 1993’ and the ‘Financial Market Open Schedule under the Guidelines of the OECD of 1996,’ the recent financial sector reforms and liberalization of Korea have been similar in some parts or further progressive in large parts compared to past financial reforms. In line with Korea’s financial market liberalization, its financial policy and reforms have to be compatible with guidelines laid out by the WTO and the OECD. Recently, they are embodied more often by Korea’s FTA(Free Tree Agreement) negotiations and agreements. One of them is the FTA between the Republic of Korea and the United States of America drafted as of May 25, 2007. This article deals with a brief review of Korea’s financial market opening or liberalization on the whole and legal problems connected with Korean financial market laying stress especially on the latest negotiation of the FTA between Korea and the U.S.A. which becomes the latest important means in financial market opening under the WTO structure. Since negotiations about financial market between Korea and the U.S.A by the FTA is not limited to issues or problems only between two countries, they can become important pine nuts that can examine Korea’s general financial policy and liberalization policy. In turn, it is noted that this article grasps problems with the up-to-date tendency about Korea’s generalized policy of financial market liberalization and examines their related legal problems on the basis of the discussion contents through the FTA between Korea and the U.S.A.

학술논문 : 특집논문: 한국과 중국 관계개선을 위한 지향점? ; 한중안보협력 방향과 추진전략

정경영 ( Kyung Young Chung ) 한국군사학회 2011 군사논단 Vol.65 No.-

Korea-China military relation has been more comprehensive, interactive than any other nation in the region. Shilla-Ding combined forces played a pivotal role in unifying the three kingdoms, Ming deployed forces to Chosun to repel Japanese invasion, which eventually deteriorated Ming`s power. Ching, which was defeated at Sino-Japanese War, lost hegemony on the Korean peninsula. Chinese intervention on the Korean War forced South Korea to fail in reunification. In particular, North Korea`s provocation including the sinking of the Cheonan and artillery attack against Yeonpyung Island had a tremendous impact on the relations between the Republic of Korea and People`s Republic of China. Big argument on how to perceive China as aggressor or partner was followed by, the incidents. Some insist that the ROK should prepare for China`s threat with trilateral ROK-U.S.-Japan cooperative regime as well as the ROK-U.S. alliance. In the mean rime, since the ROK should consider China`s factor in resolving North Korea`s nuclear program, contingency situation in North Korea and reunification, the ROK should make every effort to develop security cooperation with China. There are prerequisites for the security cooperation between South Korea and China as follows: the ROK should cooperate with China on the conditions that South Korea retain values of free democracy and market economy and human rights, and maintain national pride and respect. Korean government and people tend to get along with either the U.S. or China. Liberal administration including the DJ and Roh Moo-hyum administrations retained more favorable relationship with China and maintain assertive diplomacy toward the U.S. Lee Myung-bak administration has focused on strengthening the relationship with the U.S. To maintain more balanced relationship between South Korea and the U.S. and China is vital for the ROK`s national interest. The ROK should not exacerbate uncomfortable relations with China as potential threat, which easily leads both nation to face contradictory interest. The ROK could cooperate with China in the areas of North Korea`s contingency, building a peace regime on the Korean peninsula and establishing a security regime in the region. The ROK, the U.S. and China should conduct strategic talks to deal with North Korea`s sudden change to prevent regional conflict. The agenda might conclude non-military areas such as natural disaster, and atomic leakage from nuclear site. Two Koreas, the U.S. and China should resume mutilateral talks to enhance military confidence measures to build a peace regime on the peninsula. The ROK and China should take the co-initiative in reshaping cooperative, enduring security order from the Cold War security structure in Northeast Asia. The Republic of Korea, which is a role model for the third world`s nation building strategy, should reinforce self-reliant defense posture to manage North Korea threat. South Korea should demonstrate diplomatic power to establish security cooperative relation with China based on the ROK-U.S. alliance as backbone of South Korea`s national security. First, to get well with China as well as the U.S is complementary interest not contradictory for South Korea. Policy makers need to have deep understanding of both nations. China also might to maintain cordial, friendship relations with South Korea to ensure China`s global leadership. South Korea is not a shrimp among whales. South Korea demonstrated its potentialities including host nation at G 20 summit and the 7th largest export country in 2010. Second, solidarity among nations could result from good relations reinforced by personal, informal relations including think-tanks. We need to exert synchronized efforts by the integration of security and economy like the strategic-economy dialogue between the U.S. and China, exchange visitation program for South Korea-China`s junior officer and exchange of student officers at National Defense University. Third, the ROK and China should cope with trans-national threats, such as international crimes including piracy, disaster including earthquake and environment degradation. Both nations need to conduct bilateral and multilateral exercise with the U.S. and Japan against the transnational threats. The proactive cooperative security will contribute to deterring provocation of North Korea. In that context, we anticipate a role of the secretary general office which will be established this year in South Korea in 2011 in accordance with the agreement of the 2010 trilateral summit among China-Japan-South Korea. Finally, the ROK should pay much more attention to inevitable situation which South Korea join China`s power sphere in or around twenty or thirty years later China`s economic power exceed that of the U.S. It is imperative for South Korea to develop reunification strategy and national will to achieve unified Korea from now.

한국의 핵잠재력 확보와 한일 원자력 협력

전진호 한일군사문화학회 2023 한일군사문화연구 Vol.37 No.-

This paper analyzes how Korea should promote nuclear cooperation between Korea and Japan in order to secure its nuclear latency, an intermediate step toward nuclear armament as a countermeasure against North Korea’s nuclear weapons program. Japan, like Korea, is facing a similar North Korean nuclear threat, and the North Korean nuclear response options that Japan can choose are not much different from Korea. In this regard, the purpose of this paper is to analyze whether Korea and Japan, which have signed a nuclear agreement, can secure nuclear latency through Korea- Japan nuclear cooperation as one of the countermeasures against North Korea’s nuclear weapons program. Korea’s nuclear cooperation with Japan to secure nuclear latency is strengthening cooperation with the non-proliferation regime, forming a nuclear community, technological cooperation on uranium enrichment and reprocessing, joint purchase of natural uranium and enriched uranium, and strengthening nuclear safety cooperation. Such cooperation is difficult to produce results in a short period of time and is an area that requires long-term cooperation. Securing nuclear latency through Korea-Japan nuclear cooperation has limitations that make it difficult to achieve results in a short period of time, considering the relationship with the United States and non-proliferation regime. Therefore, it can lead to securing Korea’s nuclear latency in the process of developing a continuous cooperative relationship by developing areas where Korea and Japan can cooperate from a long-term perspective. 이 논문은 북핵에 대한 대응수단의 하나로 핵무장으로 가는 중간단계인 핵잠재력을 한국이 확보하기 위해서는 한일 간의 원자력 협력을 어떻게 추진해야 할 것인가 하는 점을 분석한다. 일본은 한국과 유사한 북핵 위협에 직면하고 있으며, 일본이 선택 가능한 북한 핵 대응 옵션도 한국과 크게 다르지 않다. 이런 점에서 원자력협정을 체결하고 있는 한국과 일본의 원자력 협력을 통해 한국이 핵잠재력을 확보할 수 있는가 하는 점을 중점적으로 분석했다. 한국이 핵잠재력을 확보하기 위한 한일 원자력 협력 분야는, 미국과의 원자력협정 개정을 위한 협력, 핵비확산 체제와의 협력 강화, 한일 원자력 공동체(협력체) 구성, 우라늄 농축 및 재처리에 관한 기술협력, 천연우라늄 및 농축우라늄의 공동구매, 원자력 안전협력의 강화 등이 장기적인 협력 분야로 상정할 수 있다. 이러한 협력은 단기간에 성과를 내기 어려우며, 장기적인 협력이 필요한 분야이다. 한일이 장기적인 원자력 협력 강화를 위해서 우선 한일 간의 원자력 고위급위원회의 운용 및 정책 자문그룹의 활용 등을 통해 양국이 협력할 수 있는 분야를 구체화하고, 협력 관계의 초기 단계를 만들어 가는 노력이 선결과제로 판단된다. 한일 원자력 협력을 통한 핵잠재력 확보는 양국이 원자력협정을 체결하고 있는 미국과의 관계나 핵비확산 레짐과의 관계 등을 종합적으로 고려할 때, 단기간에 성과를 내기 어려운 현실적인 한계가 존재한다. 따라서 장기적인 관점에서 양국이 협력할 수 있는 분야를 개발하여 지속적인 협력 관계를 만들어 가는 과정이 한국의 핵잠재력 확보로 연결될 수 있을 것이다.

Early American Perceptions of Korea and Washington’s Korea Policy, 1882-1905

Andrew S. JOHNSON 한국학중앙연구원 한국학중앙연구원 2011 Korea Journal Vol.51 No.4

This study explores the cultural and ideological factors that conditioned U.S. policy in Korea during the early period of U.S.-Korean relations (1882-1905) and Washington’s de facto pro-Japan policy. Key officials in Washington possessed negative perceptions of Korea that influenced their policymaking on an ideological level. These men perceived Korea to be a backward country averse to progress and generally believed that Japan should guide Korea to civilization. This article suggests that Washington’s perceptions of Korea were firmly rooted in a cultural discourse on Korea, which was shaped largely by dominant representations of Korea in popular texts of the period. Representations of Korea in newspaper articles and commercial texts were influenced by Americans’ early hostile encounters with the “hermit nation,” colored by ethnographic descriptions of Korea’s “backwardness,” and informed by racial stereotypes and the ideologies of imperialism prevalent in the West. It was also mediated by Japanese information channels. These texts generated a popular discourse on Korea that likely impacted Washington’s perceptions of Korea and conditioned its pro-Japan policy. They help to explain the perceptual rift that developed between policymakers in Washington and the American diplomatic community in Korea. In focusing on the nature and origins of the early American discourse on Korea, the purpose of this article is to contribute to scholarship on early U.S.-Korean relations by exploring how cultural facts may have conditioned U.S. foreign policy in Korea. It also aims to start a conversation about public awareness of Korea during the period and the importance of public opinion as a political force in the United States.

한몽FTA의 정치경제적 의미에 관한 연구

구해우 한국몽골학회 2011 몽골학 Vol.0 No.30

National strategies including Free Trade Agreement (FTA) as a high priority have emerged as an important agenda for Korea since 2006 when U.S.-Korea FTA was started to be seriously negotiated. Particularly, as U.S.-Korea FTA will be ratified by national assemblies in each country this year, FTA once again becomes a controversial issue in Korea. Along the same line, it seems it is right time to examine political and economic meanings of FTA with Mongolia. Under the collapse of Soviet Union, as Mongolia transformed its socialist system into reform and open policy, it has established a new diplomatic ties with western countries such as United States. Besides, in the form of the increased world competition for energy resources, various countries, for say, Korea, China, Japan, Russia, and European countries, express strong interest in Mongolia's natural resources; Mongolia recently possesses great strategic value. Mongolian agriculture and farming are also expected to play a critical role in Korea's food security. For Korea, this trade and cooperation with Mongolia would not just remain as it is, but it would perform a significant base for extended further cooperation with central Asian countries and Russia and China. Thus, it is worth examining what Korea-Mongolia FTA means from political and economic perspectives; then, based on this research, the Korea-Mongolia FTA should be developed. Although Mongolia is rich in natural resources and has excellent potential in political and economic sense, cooperation between Korea and Mongolia has been below the level expected. First of all, it has to be examined what the characteristics of Mongolian economy are. This is summarized as seven features in the paper. Then, considering current cooperation between these two countries, it is necessary to assess their relations up to date. Comprehensive analysis for Korea-Mongolia relationship would develop the future prospects. In terms of economic implications, there are four ways to increase Korea-Mongolia economic cooperation. First, Korea and Mongolia should break the tradition that focused all the investments on the restaurant and service businesses. Korean companies that make good use of Mongolian local mineral resources and raw materials to do manufacturing should enter the Mongolian market. Second, Korea and Mongolia should strengthen their cooperation in the energy and resources areas. Third, Korean construction companies should go into Mongolian housing and construction market. Fourth, Korean government and private companies should work together to understand the local demands for development in agriculture, farming and tourist industry, which seems very promising business for Mongolia. Political implications of Korea-Mongolia FTA are also important. There seems three means to enhance their bonding. First, Korea and Mongolia have to come to an agreement on visa waivers; it is the task that should be done once Korea-Mongolia FTA is accomplished. Second, Korea should set up research institutions in Mongolia. Collaborative academic work between Korea and Mongolia will lead tight, long-term cooperation in other fields. Third, Korea has to review more ODA towards Mongolia. Korea and Mongolia seem to start their relations after establishing diplomatic ties in 1990; indeed, they have more intense relations since ancient times. This is why they are understood as brother countries. Moreover, international relations surrounding by world powers, United States, China, Japan, and Russia, for Korea and Mongolia put them into the relatively similar situation. Thus, Korea-Mongolia FTA will contribute to not only both countries' political and economic benefit but also peace in northeast Asia.

Dynamics in Northeast Asian Regional Order: Explaining Korea-Japan-U.S. Relations Right After Nixon Doctrine, 1969-1971

윤태룡 한국동북아학회 2013 한국동북아논총 Vol.18 No.2

This study purports to analyze the dynamics of Korea-Japan-U.S. relations right after the Nixon Doctrine (1969-1971) and to define the nature of the Korea-Japan relations in the context of the macro-trends of continuously enlarged cooperation after 1965 Korea-Japan diplomatic Normalization. The reason for my efforts to redefine the nature of Korea-Japan relations especially during this period of 1969-1971 is that, in my view, Victor Cha's study overemphasizes the role of U.S. influence on Korea-Japan relations by solely focusing on the causal links between the U.S. disengagement policy and the so-called exceptionally cooperative Korea-Japan relations. According to the logic of Cha's 'quasi-alliance model,' the high level of cooperation in Korea-Japan relations is mainly caused by these two states' abandonment fears regarding the United States, which are traced to the indirect or unintended consequences of the U.S. disengagement policy. However, though we witness the increased cooperation in Korea-Japan relations in this period of 1969-1971, this does not constitute a particularly peculiar and new trend, but a part of consistently macro-trend of expanding cooperation in the whole period of 1965-1971 of Korea-Japan relations including this period of 1969-1971 which is overused by those who emphasize the importance of indirect effect of the U.S. disengagement. Of course, this study does not deny the fact that there is an advancement in Korea-Japan relations in this period of 1969-1971. However, there has been not only a continuation of expanding trade and political relations, but also a conflictive aspect, evidencing the mixture of cooperation/frictions at the same time in the history of the bilateral relations. This means that though we cannot ignore the U.S. factor in grasping the dynamics in Korea-Japan relations, we should also take into account not only the common interest (such as, economic cooperation), but also the fundamental conflict of interests traced back to historical animosity between the two states.