지속가능발전목표 연계 인권교육 방안

노희정 ( Noh Hui-jeong ) 한국윤리교육학회 2020 윤리교육연구 Vol.0 No.58

본 글은 지속가능발전목표와 연계된 인권교육의 방안에 대해 탐색한 것이다. 지속가능발전목표는 17개의 목표로 구성되어 있는데 이들 목표들은 모두 인권 또는 인권교육의 성격을 띠고 있다. 지속가능발전목표를 인권발전목표라 명명해도 과언이 아니다. 인권교육의 현장인 학교에서 학생의 인권과 교사의 인권은 종종 충돌한다. 그런데 이러한 충돌은 단순한 이해충돌이 아니라 교육의 질 향상 과정에서 발생하는 불가피한 현상이다. 교사는 인권친화적인 학교공동체를 건설하여 학생들에게 소통과 협력의 능력을 길러주고, 회복적 정의감 형성 교육을 통해 학생들이 타인의 인권을 존중하는 민주시민으로 성장하도록 도와야 한다. 학교가 이러한 인권친화적인 교육공동체로 거듭날 때 교사인권과 학생인권은 조화롭게 신장될 것이다. This paper explores ways of human rights education linked to the Sustainable Development Goals(SDGs). SDGs are composed of 17 goals, all of which have the character of human rights or human rights education. It is no exaggeration to name SDGs as human rights development goals. In schools, the field of human rights education, the human rights of students and teachers often conflict. However, such a conflict is not a simple conflict of interest, but an inevitable phenomenon occurring in the process of improving the quality of education. Teachers should build a human rights-friendly school community to cultivate the ability of students to communicate and cooperate, and to cultivate democratic citizens who respect the human rights of others through education to form a sense of restorative justice. When schools are reborn as such a human rights-friendly educational community, teacher’s human rights and student’s human rights will be harmoniously enhanced.

노동신문에 나타난 북한 당국의 인권 담론 연구: 담론 변화에 대한 검토와 실천적 변화에 대한 기대

박지연 한국사회역사학회 2019 담론 201 Vol.22 No.3

Recently, North Korea has not only signed and ratified a number of human rights conventions, but has also actively participated in several international human rights mechanisms. Would this phenomenon be assessed as a meaningful change? This paper analyzes the human rights discourse of North Korea to figure out the meaning of the change in the North Korean authorities’ attitude toward international human rights discourse. Analyzing changes in discourse could provide important clues to understand the intentions of new actions and predict the direction of the changing. According to the analysis, first, the Rodong Sinmun published more articles about human rights after 2011, which can be understood as the activation of human rights discourse by the North Korean authorities. Second, main topics of the Rodong Sinmun was moving from the purpose of ‘human rights discourse’ to the factual description of the ‘current status of human rights’. It is possible to be interpreted that North Korea’s human rights discourse based on a relativistic view is changing in a way that reflects universalistic views. Third, unlike the past, the Rodong Sinmun has recently dealt with above topics separately, which can be inferred that the discussions on human rights in North Korea are being specialized. In conclusion, it would be assumed that North Korea might have motivations to accept human rights norms selectively nowadays and when human rights discourse are supposed to managed more frequently and professionally, we could expect that North Koreans’ daily life might be changed with human right friendly environments. 북한은 간헐적으로 국제인권규범을 수용했던 과거와 달리 최근 다수의 인권 협약에 가입하고 이를 비준하고 있을 뿐 아니라 몇몇 국제인권 메커니즘에는 적극적으로 참여하고 있다. 이러한 현상을 의미 있는 변화로 평가할 수 있을것인가? 이에 답하기 위해 본 논문은 노동신문에 나타난 북한 당국의 인권 담론을 분석한다. 담론의 변화를 분석하는 것은 현상의 변화에 대한 의도를 파악하여 변화의 방향을 전망하는 것에 중요한 단서를 제공할 수 있기 때문이다. 분석결과를 살펴보면, 첫째, 2010년 이후 노동신문은 인권과 관련한 기사를 높은 빈도로 다루고 있다. 둘째, 해당 기사의 주요 소재가 인권 논의의 ‘의도나 목적’에서 인권에 대한 ‘현황 설명’으로 이동하고 있는 것이 발견된다. 셋째, 과거 노동신문 기사들은 인권 관련 소재들을 복합적으로 다루었으나, 최근에는 관련 소재들을 구체적으로 분류하여 다루고 있다. 요컨대 노동신문 내 인권 담론은 ‘확산되어가는 방향성’을 보이고 있으며, ‘전문화되어가는 경향성’도 드러내고 있다. 이를 근거로 최근 북한의 국제인권 메커니즘의 수용은 의미 있는 변화로 추정할 수 있을 것이다. 다만, 본 논문은 노동신문이라는 매체만을 제한적으로 다루고 있음을 한계로 밝힌다. 담론의 활성화와 전문화가 본격화된다면, 향후 인권에 대한 국제 메커니즘의 주도적인 참여와 더불어 북한 내 실천적 수용의 확대를 기대해볼 수 있을 것이다.

제경찰인권 기준에 비추어 본 인권경찰의 본령과 그 실천에 대한 연구

한희원 한국법정책학회 2018 법과 정책연구 Vol.18 No.4

Human rights are indivisible, inalienable and inviolable value originating from human dignity. In modern society, human rights are universal legal guarantees protecting individuals against actions by Governments that infringe human rights. Therefor the exercise of public authority including police power should be based on the full respect of fundamental human rights. The protection of human rights is fundamental to genuine and lasting law and order. For that reason, law enforcement officials shall at all times respect and obey the law consistent with the high degree of responsibility required by their profession. Someone says that human rights are obstacle to the law enforcing. However, in fact, violations of human rights by police only make the already challenging task of law enforcement more difficult. In this sense, respect for human rights by police is, in addition to being a moral, legal and ethical imperative, a practical requirement for law enforcement. From all those point of views, this thesis explores the consequences of these changes for the traditional agenda of human rights study, and argue that these changes reflect both a implementation of policing power. This article contains details of the international human rights standards for law enforcement division. This paper conclude that an effective police service is one that serves as the first line of defence in the protection of human rights. So, law enforcement officials shall at all times respect and obey the law and shall at all times fulfil the duty imposed upon them by law, by serving the community and by protecting all persons against illegal acts. In its final, this Article emphasis that true meaningful education on the human rights, fundamental change of police culture and boost of citizenship are essential conditions for the harmony between exercise of police power and human rights issues. Keeping public order is the start point protecting and promotion human rights at the same time the ad quam by police power keeping human rights in a social community. 2년차에 접어든 문재인정부에서 법질서 준수라는 말이 자주 나온다. 주권국가의 경찰력은 국가권력의 중추이다. 경찰력은 본질적으로 치안질서 확보가 핵심적인 책무이다. 이것이 자연상태에서 국가를 탄생시킨 사회계약의 경찰력에 대한 제1의 정언명령이다. 그러나 국가와 사회의 민주화와 개방화의 요청은 경찰에게 업무집행 과정에서의 인권준수라는 책무도 동시에 요청한다. 범죄자나 우범자의 생명권, 자유권, 재산권에 대한 침해적 활동을 하게 되는 경찰업무의 특성상 인권침해 논쟁은 필연적이기 때문이다. 문재인 정부는 국가 공권력 체계를 재편하여 경찰에 전반적인 수사권과 함께 국가정보기구가 담당하던 대공수사권도 부여하는 정책을 진행 중으로 그 결과가 어떻게 되었던 경찰의 위상이나 비중은 커질 것이 분명해 보인다. 인권경찰의 요구를 수용하면서도 국제보편 경찰인권 기준에 부합하도록 보충하는 것은 매우 중요한 법정책 방향제시라고 사료된다. 이에 본고는 경찰의 업무 증대에 비추어 보편적인 국제 기준에 따른 경찰과 인권의 조화를 천착하여 경찰인권에 대한 올바른 법정책의 도출을 도모하는데 밑거름이 되고자 한다.

북한의 인권위기: 국제사회 동향과 정책적 제언

이원웅 平和問題硏究所 2003 統一問題硏究 Vol.15 No.2

Though the record of North Korea on human rights has appalling, it has long been hidden from sight due to the country``s extreme isolation. Since mid-90s, however, the economic crisis and the nuclear crisis have led to much greater awareness of the human rights violations taking place in the DPRK. International pressure is one of the distinctive factors in promoting human rights. The UN human rights bodies, NGOs, and diplomacy are major institutional instruments m the international human rights advocacy. Multilateral and multi-dimensional international pressure to cope with North Korean human rights has been increasing. The UN human rights commission has, for the first time ever, passed a resolution on North Korea. The international dimension of human rights politics on North Korea will show us possibility and promise of the international human rights regime. And it may also cast doubts on efficacy of the international intervention to motivate internal reform as well. The North Korean case will show us how the international community can contribute to the promotion of human rights. However increasing international censure itself does not mean automatic acceptance by the DPRK. North Korea has always rebuked international criticism. To insure its effectiveness, we need to use more than one method. The international community is now paying more attention to the violation of human rights in North Korea to protect innocent lives dying quietly in the darkness. It calls for more systematic and cooperative measures to make international pressure working on North Korean regime effectively. The crucial factor is to press and induce the North Korean regime to a compromise path. We need a comprehensive and multi-dimensional approach by various actors to deal with the North Korean regime consistently. The comprehensive approach in this context means that both hard and soft strategies can be applied at the same time.

인권 논리의 아시아적 접근과 쟁점 : 인권의 보편성과 경제성장론의 충돌을 중심으로

정영선 성공회대학교 인권평화센터 2000 인권과 평화 Vol.1 No.1

The primary objective of this study is to elucidate the nature of the Asian concept of human rights and to examine the interrelation between the process of economic growth and contingent human rights policies. In the aftermath of the Cold War, several East Asian states in particular mounted a challenge to Western beliefs about human rights. Based on a successful economic growth and on the Confucian logic inherent in their tradition, East Asian states sought to redefine the concepts of human rights by questioning the applicability of universal human rights in different cultural, economic and socio-political settings. The logic of Asian style democracy has been used by Asian repressive states to support the trade-off proposition: that a certain degree of authoritarianism is necessary to make the hard political and economic decisions that produce a states spectacular growth, and that such growth will facilitate the promotion of human rights. However, in recent decades the history of human rights in East Asian countries offers no promise or proof that civil and political rights will be extended to citizens upon the realization of economic development goals. Authoritarian leaders have justified their development of their economic growth strategy, but also as essential for the maintenance of law and order. Basing itself on an understanding of Asian perspectives on human rights and on human rights practices characteristic of modern Korea history, this study concludes that if the economic growth of a country does not facilitate the realization of human rights after the country reaches a certain level of economic development, then various restrictions on human rights cannot be justified in the name of economic growth, and that human rights, a critical factor of desirable democracy, cannot be pushed aside until economic development is consolidated. In the same context, a country's economic policies should promote the rule of law and not the political interests of abusive governments.

기본권 규범구조에서의 ‘인간의 존엄성’의 지위 ― 헌재 2016. 12. 29. 2013헌마142 결정에 대하여 ―

조소영 한국공법학회 2019 공법연구 Vol.48 No.1

우리 헌법 제10조의 ‘인간으로서의 존엄과 가치’가 모든 기본권 보장의 종국적 목적이자 기본이념의 지위를 지닌다는 것에 대해서는 이견이 없었지만, 학자들 중에도 인간의 존엄성 규정이 개별적 기본권성을 갖는다는 해석을 논의하는 입장이 나타났고, 헌법재판소도 2016년 구치소내 과밀수용행위 위헌확인 결정에서 인간의 존엄성을 개별적 기본권으로 다루는 결정을 내린 바 있다. 인간의 존엄성에 대한 이러한 구체적 기본권성의 부여는 헌법학적으로 면밀하게 검토되어야 할 쟁점이라는 점에서, 본 논문은 해당 결정내용을 분석하면서 우리 헌법상의 기본권 규범구조에서의 ‘인간의 존엄성’의 지위에 관하여 검토하였다. 인간의 존엄성 규정의 독자적 기본권성 인정 여부에 대한 학계의 견해는 구분된다. 하나는 인간의 존엄성 보장은 객관적 헌법규범 또는 기본원리로서, 인간의 존엄이 구체적인 기본권의 성격을 갖는다면 공공복리 등의 목적을 위해 제한될 수 있기 때문에 더 이상 절대적 효력을 갖는 헌법원리로 기능할 수 없게 되고, 다른 개별 기본권들과의 관계에서 그 서열관계를 어떻게 매길 것인지의 문제도 발생한다고 하는 입장이다. 반면에 인간 존엄성조항의 법문, 헌법체계 내에서 규정된 위치, 다른 헌법규범과의 연관관계 등을 고려할 때 인간존엄성 조항의 기본권적 성격은 인정되어야 하고, 국민은 최고의 헌법적 가치의 침해에 대해 직접 방어할 수 있는 가능성을 부여받아야 하므로 인간의 존엄성은 헌법소원을 통하여 관철할 수 있는 개인의 기본권으로 보아야 한다는 주장이 있다. 그런데 구체적인 보호영역 설정 가능성 여부, 우리 헌법상의 기본권 규범구조와의 부합성, 기본권 제한 시의 최후적 한계로서의 ‘기본권의 본질적 내용’의 판단기준으로서의 역할 등을 고려할 때, 개별적이고 구체적인 기본권으로서의 인간의 존엄성 지위론은 문제가 있다. 2016년 결정은 교정시설 내 과밀수용이 인간의 존엄과 가치를 침해함을 확인함으로써 국가형벌권 행사의 한계를 밝히고 수형자 등의 인권 신장을 도모하고자 한 의의는 있지만, 헌법재판소는 이 결정에서 왜 다른 유사사건들과는 달리 직접 인간의 존엄성 침해의 문제로 다루었는지, 인간의 존엄성이 우리의 기본권 규범구조 속에서 독자적 기본권성을 갖게 된다면 그 고유의 보호영역이 어떻게 확정될 수 있을 것인지, 제한 가능성을 인정할 것인지 등의 헌법이론적 쟁점들에 대해서 침묵했다는 비판을 면하기 어렵다. There is no great disagreement as to Article 10 of our Constitution that “dignity and value as a human being” is the ultimate goal of guaranteeing all fundamental rights and the status of basic ideologies. However, among scholars, there was a position to discuss the interpretation that human dignity had individual basic rights, and the Constitutional Court also made a decision to treat human dignity as individual basic rights in its 2016 decision. The granting of these specific basic rights to human dignity is an issue that must be scrutinized constitutionally. Academics' opinions on whether human dignity provisions recognize independent basic rights are divided into positive and negative positions. One is that human dignity can no longer function as an absolute constitutional principle because it can be restricted for public welfare, etc.. On the other hand, the position of human dignity provisions should be recognized in consideration of the legislation of human dignity clauses, their positions within the constitutional system, and their relation to other constitutional norms. The dignity of human beings as individual and specific basic rights, considering the possibility of establishing specific protection areas, their conformity to the normative structure of basic rights in our Constitution, and their role as a criterion for the ‘essential content of basic rights’ as the last limit in restricting basic rights... has a theoretical problem. The 2016 decision confirms the limitations of the exercise of national penalties and the promotion of human rights of prisoners by confirming that overcrowding in correctional facilities infringes human dignity and value. However, why the Constitutional Court treats this issue as a direct violation of human dignity, unlike other similar cases, and how its own sphere of protection would be established if human dignity had its own basic rights within our norm structure. It is difficult to avoid criticism of being silent on constitutional issues, such as whether it can be done or admit the possibility of limitation.

국제 인권규범과 중국 인권정책

차태근 한국중국현대문학학회 2017 中國現代文學 Vol.0 No.83

This article examines How China’s re-emergence as a global power influence the international Human Rights norm. China has play a important role in the stage of international Human Rights. Some studies hold that China is weakening the international Human Rights norm and its power by putting sovereignty over fundamental human rights and supporting some dictatorship states in Asia and Africa. China insists that the priority should be placed on socio-economic rights and the right to development, and continues to argue that human rights should be implemented according to a country’s national conditions. The human rights stance like this are supported a lot among developing countries. China has acquired win a majority in voting for resolution on human rights in the UN congress and meetings. China’s impact on the international Human Rights norm has double-sided effects. It could widen the concept of human rights, on the one hand, could break the balance between civil liberties and social rights. However, it is too early to come to a conclusion justly that it will challenge the existing human rights norm.

2017 JELL Forum on Literature and Human Rights: A Roundtable “Narrating Rights: Literary Texts and Human, Nonhuman, and Inhuman Demands”

( Youngmin Kim ) 한국영어영문학회 2018 영어 영문학 Vol.64 No.3

Unpacking and dispersing rights of various kinds formerly enjoyed by a selected few has been the constant motivation behind the democratization and modernization of human society. Human rights and later civil rights have continuously been constituted and reconstituted in response to the demands of the laboring class, slaves, women, subalterns, animals, and things, expanding beyond the boundaries of class, race, nation, sexuality, gender, species and organism. Calling attention to the ways in which literary and cultural texts have narrated rights so as to inscribe these human, nonhuman, and inhuman demands. Narrating rights offer opportunities to interrogate the lasting contributions of English language and literature to questioning, reforming, and practicing rights. The interrogation is particularly pertinent in this age in which revised and dispersed rights are creating new conflicts, requiring them to be narrated differently and imaginatively so as to allow all the parties in conflict to participate in working out the conflicts. With the 2017 theme of “Literature and Human Rights,” JELL editorial collective hope to explore the relationship between literature and human rights in its multiple simultaneous, and plural manifestations in an open platform. “Narrating Rights” is a double-edged task that, on one hand, reflects the singular life conditions or contexts of a human, inhuman or nonhuman being and, on the other hand, aspires to the perpetual process of rights’ universal application. Eleven out of all the keynote speakers at the 2017 ELLAK Convention were invited to this roundtable on Literature and Human Rights. The following transcription includes the dialogues of the eleven discussants.

인권과 여성권리의 딜레마 - 여성주의 관점에서 인권 변화에 대한 연구 -

이정은 한국철학사상연구회 2019 시대와 철학 Vol.30 No.1

Universal Human Rights and Equality are established by modern philosophers about the theory of social contract. The self-evidence or self-righteousness of human rights in 18th century was declared on the basis of natural rights and natural laws. People drew up the Declaration of Human Rights based upon them. Human rights made a systematic establishment of feminism possible. Feminism and gender equality ground social contract theory. United States announced UN Declaration of Human Rights and has pursued worldwide realization of human rights. However, lots of resistance to gender equality and to women autonomy continue even in the 21st century and then some people strive to restore the traditional view of women by spreading fear and hatred(disgust) toward women's independence. Susan Faludi names that as "backlash". That means the collective behaviors of the latter half of the 20th century. Human rights are self-evident. Nevertheless, Why does the overall response(assistance) happen toward feminism and feminists? This paper comes back to the ground of historical formation in human rights. And it focuses on Locke to seek a basis of human rights, and to trace foundations of self-evidence it self. But Locke presents not only the basis of human rights but also the objects of exception. So this paper examines how advocates of human rights have undermined women rights and equality, and links their weird positions with Burke's conservatism. Finally, it aims to analyze the reasons for resistance to women's self-reliance in the 21st century and to seek a way to overcome the bond of pseudo-conservatism and masculinity. 보편인권과 만민평등은 근대 사회계약론에 의해 정립된다. 자연권과자연법에 기초하여 인권의 자명성이 천명되고, 18세기에는 세계사적 인권선언문들이 발표된다. 여성인권과 남녀 평등을 주장하는 여성주의 이론도보편인권의 성립과 더불어 가능해졌고, 근대 사회계약론은 여성주의의 형성 기반이기도 하다. 그러나 유엔의 「세계인권선언문」에 기초하여 보편인권의 전 지구적실천을 추진하는 21세기에도 남녀 평등과 여성 주체성에 대한 저항은 계속되며, 여성의 자립에 대한 공포와 혐오를 유포하고 있다. 팔루디는 남녀평등에 저항하는 20세기 후반의 총체적 행태를 ʻ반격ʼ이라 부른다. 인권은 자명한 것인데, 왜 여성인권을 거부하는 반격이 반복될까? 이 글은 이런 문제의식에서 인권 개념의 형성 과정을 소개하고, 만민평등과 보편인권을 주장하는 근거인 ʻ자명성ʼ과 ʻ자명성에 대한 근거ʼ를 특히 로크를 중심으로 전개한다. 인권의 근거를 제시했음에도, 인권 침해와 불평등이 어떻게 가능했는지를 버크의 보수주의와 연결하여 살펴본다. 마지막으로, 21세기에도 여성의 자립에 대한 저항이 반복되는 이유와 반격을 뒷받침하는 토대를 분석하여 사이비 보수와 남성성의 유대를 극복하는 길을모색한다.

이슬람국가의 국제인권조약 현황 및 특징

김대홍(Kim, Dae Hong) 한국중동학회 2017 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.38 No.1

Human rights issues in Islam have been controversial for a long time. Even in modern times, the image of Islam on human rights leaves us with a rather negative impression. However, it is suggested that the issue of human rights in Islam should be reexamined on the basis of religious and cultural diversity. It points out the limit of western-centered approach to human rights and emphasizes the concept of Islamic human rights based on God-oriented perception. This shows that the evaluation of human rights in Islam can vary significantly depending upon the viewpoints. Therefore, when discussing the relationship between Islam and human rights, it is necessary to clarify the subject and criteria of the discussion, and diagnose it accurately. This article examines the relationship between Islamic countries and human rights treaties as a starting point for clarifying the issues of Islam and human rights. It analyzes characteristics of the ratification of the 18 major international human rights treaties for all members of the Organization of the Islamic Conference. The 18 major international human rights treaties include the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Optional Protocol to it & the Second Optional Protocol to it aiming at the abolition of the death penalty, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women & the Optional Protocol to it, and the Convention on the Rights of the Child & the Optional Protocol to it on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography. The results of the analysis confirm that most of the Muslim countries share the same global trend of human rights protection through international human rights treaties. However, some Islamic countries are showing a clear contrast with non-Muslim countries regarding the ratification of several human rights treaties. Such contrast is particularly prominent in the ratification of the optional protocols among the member states of the League of Arab States and the Gulf Cooperation Council. The optional protocols to human rights treaties provide mechanisms to ensure the implementation of the treaties, which is linked to the possibility that the issues of human rights in the member states may be expanded into international concerns, so ratification of the optional protocols is a firm commitment to human rights protection. The characteristics of the Islamic countries identified in the ratification of the optional protocols to the human rights treaties show that regional influence is more prominent than the religion itself, but some treaty has shown that the possibility of Islamic religious influence should be carefully considered.