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      • KCI등재

        3⋅1운동 100주년, 역사전쟁과 고종 독시(毒弑)

        이영재 한국사회역사학회 2019 담론 201 Vol.22 No.2

        This paper especially focuses on the hypothesis of poisoning Emperor Gojong, because the intensity of the ideological rejection of poisoning of Emperor Gojong on the 100th anniversary of the 3⋅1 movement. There is a concern about the historical war that makes history a tool for certain ideologies. The ideological denial of the poisoning of Gojong is likely to extend to the exclusion of Gojong and the Korean Empire in relation to the interpretation of political modernization in Korea. The purpose of this study is a dual purpose, the one is to watch out for the concern that the hypothesis of poisoning Emperor Gojong will be instrumentalized as part of the ‘historical war’. The other is to examine the controversy over the political necessity of Japan to assassinate Gojong, the actual issue of the poisoning of Gojong, the point of time of death of Gojong and the cause of death, and to overcome the contributing to the elimination of exhaustion controversy. 이 논문이 특히 고종 독살설에 주목한 것은 3⋅1운동 100주년을 맞아 유독 고종 독살설에 대한 부정의 강도가 실체적 진실이 아닌 이념적 강도를 더해가며 증폭되고 있기 때문이다. 자칫 특정 이념에 역사를 도구화하는 역사전쟁의 우려가 나타나고 있다. 고종 독살설에 대한 이념적 부정은 한국의 정치적 근대화 해석과 관련하여 고종과 대한제국에 대한 배제로까지 확대될 가능성이 높다는 점에서 유의할 필요가 있다. 이 연구의 연구목적은 이중적인 데 하나는 역사가들의 이념에 따라 역사적 사실을 주조하는 근현대사 ‘역사전쟁’의 일환으로 고종독살설이 도구화될 우려를 경계하는 것이다. 다른 하나는 고종독살설의 실체적 쟁점인 고종을 암살해야 할 일본의 정치적 필요성, 고종의 사망시점 및 사망원인 등에 대한 논란을 검토해 고종 독살설의 실체에 다가감으로써 최근 ‘야사’로까지 치부되고 있는 고종 독살설과 관련한 소모적 논란을 해소하는데 있다.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        문화적 상상력과 상상의 공동체 -대-한-민-국의 다중성에 대한 비판적 탐색-

        이선향 ( Sun Hyang Lee ) 한국사회역사학회 2009 담론 201 Vol.12 No.2

        The purpose of this study is to review the cultural contents and implications of `Dae-Han-Min-Guk`. People has been used to `Dae-Han-Min-Guk` as a slogan after the Korea-Japan world cup competitions in 2002 rather than the name of Korea. `Dae-Han-Min-Guk` has become the popular song`s title since the middle of 1980s, which had been sung widely, and a cheering slogan in the international competitions. It seemed to make an imagined cultural community by spreading the slogan. Owing to its emptiness and superficiality in substantiality, however, it has been used as a tool of commercial interests and of regulating cultural imagination. Moreover it has become a political rhetoric for the mass mobilization of political manipulation. In an imagined community people`s cultural imagination is restricted by a political rhetoric, and their sense of unity is just a false feeling, though recognized as the highest virtue, like in the authoritarian regime. A sense of shared commitment prevails over a civility that puts much value upon diversity and coexistence in the context of democratic culture. This paper emphasizes that one basic condition of the strong democracy is the development of culturally affluent civil society. This study finds that `Dae-Han-Min-Guk` has a tendency to make people fall into an insane shows of national identities fabricated predominantly. Insofar as `Dae-Han-Min-Guk` creates an false community in which we are all the one, it is very difficult to construct a democratic society in which people care each other on the basis of diversities and differencies in class, gender, nationality, and culture.

      • KCI등재

        인터넷 선거 경쟁의 특성과 효과 -17대 대선의 경우-

        장우영 ( Woo Young Chang ),박한우 ( Han Woo Park ) 한국사회역사학회 2009 담론 201 Vol.12 No.2

        This paper examines the characteristics of Internet-mediated campaign during the 17th presidential election in South Korea. Based on such kinds of online usage data as traffic to official campaign and supporter sites, hyperlink networks among the sites of candidates and parties, three major findings are discussed. First, there is the dominance of supplier-oriented information on the Internet. Second, an analysis of online campaign messages, such as video clips, indicates that there is an overwhelming number of political contents favorable to candidates. Third, e-campaigning and its consequent influence on electoral results appear to have a positive association. This study therefore provides a detailed description of e-campaigning practices in the latest Korea`s presidential election. Further, these characteristics allows researchers to examine closely how information technologies will affect next provincial elections in Korea, as networked technologies (e.g., twitter) grow in sophistication and become more fully integrated into daily political communication.

      • KCI등재

        디지털 공간의 스펙터클과 산책자

        윤명희 ( Myung Hee Yoon ) 한국사회역사학회 2009 담론 201 Vol.12 No.2

        This paper is a sociological study on new sociality and user culture in digital space. It discusses the social and cultural meanings of digital interaction through concepts of spectacle and flaneur. Here are main findings of this study. First, it finds that digital space is a multiple and interactive sphere rather than a one-sided surveillant panopticon. Digital spectacles in the synopticon are sights, amusements, productions and consumptions. Second, it shows that social relations in the digital space are changed into displayed spectacles by anonymous intervisuality. Third, it concludes that cyber-flaneurs as mobile and watching beings can be divided into three types according to their visual point of view: attentive flaneur, concealing flaneur and inter-visual spectator.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        한국 사회의 문화구조 특성에 대한 연구 -전근대적 문화 습속을 중심으로-

        송재룡 ( Jae Ryong Song ) 한국사회역사학회 2009 담론 201 Vol.12 No.3

        This essay explores the premodern traits of Korean culture structure, which have generated such negative cultural phenomena as `group-oriented egocentric behavior` and `amoral behavior.` The modernization process of Korean society has successfully accomplished its goals, trying hard to overcome these negative cultural phenomena but failed. It is chiefly because the modern-rational and intellectual solutions have not yet had an insight into the (quasi)familistic cultural habits of the heart, inherited from the legacy of Neo-Confucian tradition, and its strong existential determination strength. By drawing on concepts of `rule-following` and `language game,` it observes that the cultural habits are analogous to either rules or grammar. From this, it is assumed that Korean society has two dominant language games: the `(quasi)familistic language game` and `modern-rational language game,` both of which are competing each other. But the former mostly defeats the latter in life politic games. In this respect, it can be argued that Korean society is the society that has persistently been determined by the (quasi)familistic cultural habits.

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