Look at a flower lamp

( Leon ) 한국무용연구학회 2020 한국무용연구회 국제학술발표논문집 Vol.2020 No.-

A Study on Rigid Foam / Evacuated Powder Composite Panels for Thermal Insulation

Leon R Glicksman(Leon R Glicksman),홍진관(Jin Kwan Hong) 대한설비공학회 1995 대한설비공학회 학술발표대회논문집 Vol.1995 No.11

Reflections on the Lack of Consideration of Ethnic Ancestry to Stratify Clozapine Dosing

Jose de Leon(Jose de Leon ) 대한신경정신의학회 2023 PSYCHIATRY INVESTIGATION Vol.20 No.3

This review article argues against trusting standard clozapine references, including the US package insert, because they do not include advances in the sciences of pharmacokinetics and pharmacovigilance and ignore the effects of ethnic ancestry on therapeutic dosing. The minimum therapeutic dose leading to the minimum therapeutic concentration of 350 ng/mL in serum/plasma can be used to compare individuals/groups with treatment-resistant schizophrenia. The US clozapine package insert recommends targeting doses of 300-450 mg/day and, subsequently, increments of up to 100 mg with a maximum dose of 900 mg/day. Ethnic ancestry is defined by DNA ancestry group. Asians (people with ancestry ranging from Pakistan to Japan) and Indigenous Americans are similar in clozapine dosing; their average clozapine minimum therapeutic dose ranged from 166 mg/day (female non-smokers) to 270 mg/day (male smokers). For those with European ancestry, average clozapine minimum therapeutic doses ranged from 236 mg/day (female non-smokers) to 368 mg/day (male smokers). Based on limited studies, Black (African sub-Saharan ancestry) patients may be treated with typical US doses (300-600 mg/day), assuming no poor metabolism (PM) status. Ancestry’s impact on clozapine lethality in four countries is discussed (two countries with highly homogenous populations, Denmark and Japan, and two countries with increasingly heterogenous populations due to immigration, Australia and the UK). An international guideline with 104 authors from 50 countries/regions was recently published, providing 6 personalized clozapine titration schedules for adult inpatients (3 ancestry groups and PM/non-PM schedules) and recommending c-reactive protein monitoring at baseline and weekly for 4 weeks.

Dr. Pablo Mendes de Leon Director, International Institute of Air and Space Law Leiden University, Leiden, The Netherlands

Pablo Mendes de Leon 숭실대학교 법학연구소 1998 法學論叢 Vol.11 No.-

Mechanical properties of whey protein/Na alginate gel microparticles

Leon, A.M.,Medina, W.T.,Park, D.J.,Aguilera, J.M. Applied Science Publishers 2016 Journal of food engineering Vol.188 No.-

<P>A proportion of the fast-growing elderly population needs special foods which are soft to chew and easily swallowed. Gel microparticles, GMP, (e.g., less than 100 mu m in size) are an alternative as texture modifiers in liquid and pureed foods, and may be used as carriers of needed flavors and nutrients. GMP (sizes < 40 mu m) were fabricated from whey protein isolate (WPI)/sodium alginate (NaAlg) mixtures by size reduction of bulk gels made by the cold-gelation method. A cell test based on back extrusion was designed to evaluate the mechanical properties of a GMP paste and image analysis techniques implemented to resolve the size of GMP. A good correlation (R-2 = 0.89) was obtained between the stress (at 60% strain) of bulk gels and that of GMP. Compression stress at 30% strain depended on the concentrations of WPI and NaAlg and a maximum was observed at intermediate values. Through Principal Component Analysis gels with low and high sodium alginate contents were clearly explaining 93% of the variability. The ample range of mechanical properties of GMP suggest that they may be used to design or modify the texture of soft foods. (C) 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.</P>

Do international rents bolster democratic backsliding under populist governments? Evidence from Latin America

Leon Daniel S. 한국외국어대학교 국제지역연구센터 2022 International Area Studies Review Vol.25 No.4

The political science literature often points to populism as the cause of democratic backsliding. The literature purports that populism undermines democracy's liberal component, meaning the horizontal checks and balances on executive power by legislatures and courts and the vertical checks and balances by civil society, such as a free press and social movements. Populists promote political polarization to build sustainable ruling coalitions during and between elections that legitimize and support the illiberal policies above. However, this debate often ignores the economic tools that populists in power possess, such as capturing direct and indirect international rents to finance clientelist mechanisms to co-opt political support. This paper contributes to the rich literature on how economic rent conditions the negative relationship between populism and liberalism by disaggregating the moderating effects of direct and indirect international rents through panel regression models in 18 Latin American countries from 1991 to 2019. I find that direct international rents, such as natural resource rents, moderated a deepening in processes of democratic backsliding. Contrastingly, indirect international rents, such as remittances, moderately mitigated democratic backsliding.

북한 : 여기까지 어떻게 왔으며 앞으로 어떻게 될 것인가?

( Leon V. Sigal ) 민주화운동기념사업회 2007 민주화운동기념사업회 학술토론회 자료집 Vol.2007 No.1

Philosophical counseling as a philosophical dialogue : a situative view, and a discussion of the value of Wittgenstein's philosophical investigations

( Leon De Haas ) 한국철학상담치료학회 2011 철학 실천과 상담 Vol.2 No.-

Situational Philosophy : Towards a theory of philosophical practice

( Leon De Haas ) 한국철학상담치료학회 2012 철학 실천과 상담 Vol.3 No.-

This essay is a revised and expanded version of the text which was the basis for the author’s Masterclass at the 11th International Conference on Philosophical Practice (ICPP), the 18th of July 2012 at the Humanities Institute, Kangwon National University in Chuncheon, Republic of Korea. The main goal of the essay is, to contribute to a theory of philosophical practice. To do this, the author develops a criticism of reductionist practices in philosophy. The theoretical point of departure is an abridged survey of the two paradigmatic changes in European philosophy in the 20th century, i.e., Husserl’s phenomenology, and Wittgenstein’s language game analysis. The line of thinking is illustrated by a case story of the author. Part I discusses the phenomenological and linguistic turns in European philosophy. Part II describes and discusses a case story. Part III criticizes two forms of reductionism in philosophical practice, namely psychological and conceptual reductionism. Part IV gives an initial impetus to a theory of philosophical practice beyond any reductionism. In the present essay, the author is dealing with Western philosophy only, as the origins of post-Modern philosophical practice are rooted in Western philosophy. Lately, Eastern philosophy has been an inspiration for philosophical practice as well.

Building a Peace Regime in Korea: An American View

Leon V. Sigal 통일연구원 2006 International journal of korean unification studie Vol.15 No.1

Mutual deterrence makes the risk of deliberate aggression on the Korean Peninsula quite low, but the very steps that both sides have taken to deter pre-meditated war have increased the risk of inadvertent war. For a peace treaty to be militarily meaningful, the force postures and war plans on both sides that pose an excessive risk of pre-emptive war have to be altered. That will require mutual and reciprocal, though not necessarily identical steps by both sides to defuse the volatile standoff at the DMZ. That is a demanding task, and one that is unlikely to succeed without fostering a conducive political environment first. One way to foster that environment is a series of peace agreements, as distinct from a peace treaty, that establishes a new three.way peace mechanism and develops some politically useful, though militarily less meaningful, confidencebuilding measures. Such peace agreements, in which the United States is a signatory, are a way to give the DPRK a form of diplomatic recognition, thereby facilitating a resolution of the current nuclear crisis. The September 19, 2006 joint statement gives impetus to this effort when it says “the directly related parties will negotiate a permanent peace regime on the Korean Peninsula at an appropriate separate forum.” Mutual deterrence makes the risk of deliberate aggression on the Korean Peninsula quite low, but the very steps that both sides have taken to deter pre-meditated war have increased the risk of inadvertent war. For a peace treaty to be militarily meaningful, the force postures and war plans on both sides that pose an excessive risk of pre-emptive war have to be altered. That will require mutual and reciprocal, though not necessarily identical steps by both sides to defuse the volatile standoff at the DMZ. That is a demanding task, and one that is unlikely to succeed without fostering a conducive political environment first. One way to foster that environment is a series of peace agreements, as distinct from a peace treaty, that establishes a new three.way peace mechanism and develops some politically useful, though militarily less meaningful, confidencebuilding measures. Such peace agreements, in which the United States is a signatory, are a way to give the DPRK a form of diplomatic recognition, thereby facilitating a resolution of the current nuclear crisis. The September 19, 2006 joint statement gives impetus to this effort when it says “the directly related parties will negotiate a permanent peace regime on the Korean Peninsula at an appropriate separate forum.”