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      • KCI등재

        Guillain-Barré syndrome associated with hyper-IgE-emia

        Choi, Jongsuk,Rho, Jeong Hwa,Kim, Byung-Jo The Korean Society of Clinical Neurophysiology 2017 Annals of Clinical Neurophysiology Vol.19 No.2

        Peripheral neuropathy associated with hyper-IgE-emia have been rarely reported. Here we present a 72-year-old man with acute motor axonal neuropathy who had relatively poor prognosis. The serum was weakly positive for IgG GQ1b and GT1a, and serum IgE was significantly elevated. He was transferred to a rehabilitation center with Medical Research Council grade 3 lower extremity weakness on admission day 65. We would suggest that hyper-IgE-emia may increase the magnitude and rate of neural damage in this case.

      • KCI등재

        실버세대의 연령 그룹 별 색채감성 비교 분석

        최지인(Choi, JeeIn),최종석(Choi, JongSuk),이현진(Lee, HyunJhin) 한국색채학회 2016 한국색채학회 논문집 Vol.30 No.3

        This research is the study on color emotion by age groups of the elderly. In general, most countries have adopted the chronological age of 60 or 65 years as a definition of ‘elderly’. Globally, aging has been rapidly increased as well as itself aged. By 2050, the share of those aged 80 and over will grows more than three times compared to 2013.(UN, 2013) The rise of average life expectancy results in diversification of layers of age, which has occurred between the elderly to have different features physically, psychologically and socially. Therefore, the elderly group requires to be divided according to a narrow sense. This study was conducted to compare a middle-old group(aged 65-74) with an old-old group(aged 75-84) on color emotion for single color. Aging process has accelerated with age. Commonly, aging visual causes serious symptoms of visual problems, which is difficulty of cognition on cold color, and vision yellowing. As such, it will cause the differences in both color cognition and color emotion between two groups(middle-old, old-old). In this study, emotional adjectives on single color have been derived, and color emotion was examined. The result has been analyzed by SD(semantic differential) method. In conclusion, emotional differences have been found on single color between the two groups. This research indicates that blue had moderate emotional differences in comparison to warm color. However, white had the most distinctive differences. Furthermore, the emotional adjective of texture, soft-hard, frequently happened to show dissimilar results. As the rise of the elderly industries, the study of the elderly needs to have segmentation of the elderly group with age in order to find out accurate and valuable results. It is expected to be used in color marketing and accessible design for the elderly.

      • KCI우수등재

        [고려] 대안 모색을 넘어서 ‘새로움’의 구현 가능성

        최종석(Choi, Jongsuk) 역사학회 2015 역사학보 Vol.0 No.227

        Goryeo studies in 2013 and 2014 featured many characteristics, and in this article eight of them are discussed. First, scholars’ use of archaeological data has increased. Second, their technique of using written/printed texts has enhanced, as interpretation has improved while more and more data are being used. Third, socio-economic researches have increased. Fourth, scholars started to examine ‘spaces’ in Goryeo history. Fifth, the ‘Nature of Goryeo’ is put back on display for further discussion. Sixth, historical studies of Goryeo foreign policies have remained as the most hot topic, with a focus fixed upon Goryeo-Yuan relations. Seventh, scholars’ understanding of the Kings’ role has deepened. And eighth, scholars still show deep interest in the topic of mentality. In this article, recent studies that could be categorized into either one of these eight entries are presented and discussed. Recently, studies based on the Internal Development theory have been declining, and ‘new studies’ which seem to be intent upon escaping the existing mold have been arising. They are yet to be regarded as new alternatives which could replace past achievements, but the prospect they offer is impressive. A macroscopic view of Goryeo history, however, is still on the horizon. Braver attempts and creative experiments are sorely needed and most recommended.

      • KCI등재

        13~15세기 천하질서하에서 고려와 조선의 국가 정체성

        최종석(Jongsuk Choi) 역사비평사 2017 역사비평 Vol.- No.121

        Before the period of Mongol domination, Koryo dynasty established diplomatic relationship with the Chinese dynasty through ritual between monarch and servant(君臣儀禮), and therefore feudal lord(諸侯) status was not realized domestically and the independence from the Chinese dynasty was taken for granted. Then, with the period of Mongol domination as a watershed, the way of setting up the nation’s self-identity made revolutionary change. Although the basic framework of self-identity established in the period of Mongol domination remained until the later period, unlike the period of Mongol domination, throughout the late Koryo period and early Chosun period, introverted and self-belief attitude was strengthened. For instance, unlike other barbarians(夷狄), although Chosun(Koryo) was barbarian in terms of race and space, it pursued ‘civilization Chinese(中華)’, in part of the movement it sought to materialize feudal lord status even in the domestic domain.

      • KCI우수등재

        『고려사』 세가 편목 설정의 문화사적 함의 탐색

        최종석(Choi Jongsuk) 한국사연구회 2012 한국사연구 Vol.159 No.-

        This study explores the implications of the Sega(世家, noble family history) section of the 〈Kory?sa(高麗史, History of Kory?)〉 from the standpoint of cultural history. In this regard, the main focus is on the fact that the Sega were included in the biographical-thematic historical work known as 〈Kory?sa(高麗史, History of Kory?)〉 compiled during early Chos?n instead of the Pon"gi(本紀, basic annals) This study attempts to prove that such a decision was based on the authors’ own interpretations and ‘creative choices’ rather than an ‘automatic routine’ based on the need for ‘legitimacy.’ The implications of these decisions are also examined. Tributary states outside of China placed great importance on their legitimacy as vassal states. To this end, while being ‘strongly’ aware that Pon"gi was a type of work dealing with the chronicles of emperors, these states opted to compile historical records based on biographical-thematic style historical materials. In this regard, the matter of how to organize the sections of a historical material was one that had multiple rather than one exact answer. This is evidenced by a detailed look at cafes that emerged during the timeframe spanning from the final period of Kory? to the late Chos?n period. This study focuses on the following: the establishment of the culture and institutions needed to maintain legitimacy as a vassal state outside of China never occurred in a passive manner; moreover, the non-negotiational characteristics of such works were never completed in an expedient manner. These were in fact regarded as creative works in which such states ‘own’ judgments and decisions played an active role. Furthermore, this study highlighted the potential disputes and arguments that lay in such answers reached based on their ‘own’ interpretations of difficult points, a denouement that originated from their adherence to the status of vassal state.

      • KCI등재

        고려후기 `자신을 이(夷)로 간주하는 화이의식`의 탄생과 내향화 - 조선적 자기 정체성의 모태를 찾아서 -

        최종석 ( Choi Jongsuk ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2017 民族文化硏究 Vol.74 No.-

        중국 밖 諸國 가운데 `이례적이게도` 조선은 화이사상을 원안대로 수용·소비하여 스스로를 종족·공간 면에서 이적에 해당한다고 보면서도, 문화면에서는 이적의 세계에 매몰되지 않고 중국과 마찬가지로 `문명 중화`의 세계를 향유한다고 자부하였다(`자신을 夷로 간주하는 화이의식`). 이러한 움직임은 동국에서 東人이 주체가 되어 보편인 중화 문명을 구현해 내고자 하는 차원에서였다. 조선에서 노정되는 `자신을 夷로 간주하는 화이의식`은 원 복속기 들어서 제후국 체제의 국내에서조차의 구현과 맞물려 출현한 이래로의 것이었다. 원 복속기 들어서 동아시아 역사상 최초인, 중국 밖 외국에서의 제후국 체제의 구현이 고려에서 이루어졌는데, 외국의 속성이 있기는 하면서도 전대와 달리 속국으로서 국내에서조차 제후의 위상이 관철되는 등의 중국과의 `混一`의 환경을, 고려의 유자 관료들은 동이(동인)가 주체가 되어 동이 세계(동국)에서 중국에서와 다를 바 없이 중화 문명(문화)을 추구·구현하는 식으로 해석·轉有하였고, 이렇게 되면서 원 복속기 고려에서는 화이의식을 원안대로 수용·통용하는 이례적인 현상이 최초로 등장하였을 것이다. 다만 원 복속기 화이의식은 이후 시기에서와 달리 현실추수적 성격을 노정하였다. 현실추수적 성격이 강한 원 복속기 `자신을 夷로 간주하는 화이의식`은 소위 1356년(공민왕 5)의 `반원개혁` 이후로 퇴색되어가다가 원·명 혁명과 이와 맞물린 대명사대를 전기로 하여 내향화되어갔다. 명의 대도 점령의 변화된 현실에 대응하여 고려 측이 비교적 신속하고 전격적으로 원과의 관계를 단절하고 명에 사대한 조치는, 왕위를 심각하게 위협해 온 몽골과의 관계를 끊고 새로운 대안을 모색하고자 한 공민왕의 정치적 의지에서 비롯되었기는 하나, 일부 유자 관료들은 국제 환경상의 변화를 적극적으로 흡수·전유해 가면서 `자신을 夷로 간주하는 화이의식`의 내향화를 이끌어 내었다. `자신을 夷로 간주하는 화이의식`의 내향화는 일부 관료들 내에서 시작하여 시간이 경과할수록 확산되어 종국에는 관료·지식인 세계에서 주도적인 흐름으로 자리 잡게 되었을 것이다. The Ideology, which was embedded in reform of domestic institutions in the early Joseon dynasty, was self-oriented `Hui(華夷) consciousness that regards itself as I(夷)`. Among the countries outside of China, `unusually` Joseon has been, without modification, accepting and consuming Hui(華夷) idea, the traditional worldview of China, from early period. Although Chosun regarded himself as a barbarian in the race and space, he was proud that he enjoyed Sino-centric culture as in China, without being buried in barbarian world in the cultural aspect. This movement was in a self-oriented dimension to accept and orient the value of `civilization Chinese(中華)`. `Hui(華夷) consciousness that regards itself as I(夷)` emerged uniquely in foreign countries outside of China, in conjunction with the implementation of even the domestication of the `vassal state` regime in the period of Yuan(元) domination. Unlike the early Joseon dynasty, `Hui(華夷) consciousness that regards itself as I(夷)` in the period of Yuan domination demonstrated a reality-driven nature. After that, `Hui(華夷) consciousness that regards itself as I(夷)` was transformed into an introverted character on the basis of submission to Ming(明) dynasty. Some of the confucian officials actively absorbed the changes in the international environment and then led to the internalization of `Hui(華夷) consciousness that regards itself as I(夷)`. The introversion of `Hui(華夷) consciousness that regards itself as I(夷)` began within some bureaucrats and spread over time, eventually leading to a dominant trend in the world of bureaucrats and intellectuals.

      • KCI등재

        Study of a measure to improve the fit of U.S. apparel products directly imported to Korea - With a focus on female casual pants -

        Sunyoon Choi,Jongsuk Chun 복식문화학회 2015 服飾文化硏究 Vol.23 No.2

        This study intends to analyze the fit of directly-imported American casual pants for Korean female college students in terms of appearance and comfortableness. The authors carried out a wearing test with sample pants from 3 brands (DKNY: A, Gap: B, Pol C) that had the most market share and that were mostly preferred by Korean female college students. Results showed that pants A had insufficient ease in the crotch, as the depth of the crotch was short. The hip girth received a low assessment in terms of appearance. Moreover, the hem widths were wide while the pants length was long. Pants B were expected to be most appropriate for Korean women’s bodies, as they had the longest crotch depth among the three brands. However, the pants appeared to pull downward due to the narrow thigh and the knee girth and hem width. Moreover, the crotch girth and hip girth received a poor appearance assessment. Pants C were rated as satisfactory for their thigh girth, knee girth, and hem width. However, the crotch was uncomfortable, as it had a short crotch depth. The hip girth received a low appearance assessment. This study suggests that a pattern adjustment is required for directly-imported American pants to provide a better fit for the bodies of Korean women. The crotch depths should be approximately 17.5 cm. The hem widths should be approximately 20 cm. We also suggest a leg length of 75 cm, a waist girth of 86 cm, and a hip girth of 97 cm.

      • KCI등재

        고려전기와 조선초기 국상 시 황제국 측의 조문 외교 의례의 비교 탐색

        최종석 ( Choi Jongsuk ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2023 民族文化硏究 Vol.98 No.-

        필자는 그간 賓禮나 嘉禮에 수록된 외교의례가 원 복속기를 분기점으로 하여 전면적으로 전환된 사실과 그 역사적 의미를 규명해 왔는데, 본 작업은 이것의 연장선에서 凶禮에 수록된 외교의례 면에서도 큰 폭의 전환이 있었음을 규명하고자 한 시도이다. 國喪 시 외교의례는 책봉국에 행하는 (외교)의례와 이것에 응해서 황제국 측에서 행하는 弔問 (외교)의례로 구분될 수 있는데, 본고는 이 가운데 국왕의 사망 후 황제국이 행하는 조문 (외교)의례에 초점을 맞춰 고려전기와 조선 초기를 비교 검토한 연구 결과물이다. 곧 국왕 사후 황제국 측이 조문 차원에서 행하는 외교의례 면에서도 고려전기와 조선 초기 간에 질적이고 단절적인 차이가 가로놓였음을 규명하고, 이러한 시대적 차이가 말해주는 역사적 함의를 탐색하였다. 구체적으로는, 고려전기에는 자체적으로 마련한 예식 절차(의주)에 따라 황제국 측이 행하는 弔問 (외교)의례를 치른 것과 달리, 조선(초기)에서는 명 황제가 조선에 사신을 파견해서 국왕의 사망에 조문하는 의례들인 賜祭 의례, 賜賻 의례, 賜諡 의례를 전례 없이 명 측이 작성하여 조선에 보내준 해당 의주를 토대로 거행한 사실을 부각하고 그 의미를 규명하였다. 특히 명 측의 행보가 조선에 국한된 것으로 사실상 조선 측의 請諡와 告訃에 의해 유발되어 수동적으로 행한 일이었을 사실을 주목하였다. 다음으로는 고려전기에는 起復 의례가 거행되었지만 조선(초기)에는 그렇지 않은 양 시기의 차이를 부각하고 그 의미를 탐색하였다. 특히 각 시기 국내에서 행해진 ‘嗣位’가 갖는 대외적 위상의 차이가 기복 의례 시행 여부와 어떤 식으로 연관되는지를 주목하였다. 기복사의 파견 유무 외에 또 다른 이질적인 점은 조선에서는 賜諡 의례가 거행되었으나 고려전기에는 그러지 않은 사실인데, 이러한 차이와 그 맥락을 파악해 보았다. 마지막으로는, 각 시기 황제가 사망한 국왕을 위해 (사신을 보내) 제사를 행하는 의례라 할 수 있는, 고려전기 祭奠(勅祭) 의례와 조선의 賜祭 의례 간의 여러 이질적 양상을 검토했다. 특히 고려전기 祭奠禮는 상하 차등적 군신 관계를 반영하면서도 군주 대 군주로서의 관계를 전제로 하여 사망한 외국 군주를 추모하는 성격의 의례인 데 비해, 조선의 賜祭儀禮는 군주가 신하를 대상으로 諭示하며 은전을 베푸는 諭祭를 명 황제가 사신을 보내 조선국왕에게 내리는 의례였음을 규명하였다. 아울러 양상의 차이가 시사하는 역사적 함의도 탐색하였다. In this paper, in terms of diplomatic rituals performed by the Chinese Imperial State at the level of condolences after the death of the king, it was clarified that there was a large epochal gap between the early Koryŏ and early Chosŏn period. And the historical implications of this epochal difference were explored. Specifically, by means of the ceremonial procedure prepared by Koryŏ in the early Koryŏ Dynasty, the Chinese Imperial state performed the diplomatic rites for condolences. In the early Chosŏn Dynasty, the Ming emperor dispatched envoys to Chosŏn to condolence upon the death of the king, and the envoys executed Saje (賜祭), Sabu (賜賻) and Sasi (賜諡) ritual, which were conducted based on the ceremonial procedures unprecedentedly prepared by the Ming side and sent to Chosŏn. And I tried that this fact was highlighted and its meaning was clarified. In particular, it was noted that the action of the Ming side was confined to Chosŏn, and in fact, they were passively acted upon by the Chosŏn side’s Choengsi (請諡) and Kobu (告訃) ritual. Next, while Kibok (起復) ritual was held in the early Koryŏ period, it was not like that in early Chosŏn period. the difference between the two periods was highlighted and the meaning was explored. In particular, attention was paid to how the difference in the external status of the 'enthronement' held in Korea during each period was related to whether or not the Kibok (起復) ritual was performed. Another disparate point is the fact that Sasi (賜諡) ritual was held in Chosŏn but not in the early Koryŏ period, and this difference and its context were investigated. Lastly, various heterogeneous aspects between Jejŏn (祭奠) ritual in the early Koryŏ period and Saje (賜祭) ritual in Chosŏn were reviewed. In particular, Jejŏn (祭奠) ritual in the early Koryŏ period was ceremonies that reflected the differential relationship between superiors and subordinates and at the same time commemorated deceased foreign monarchs by the Chinese emperor on the premise of a relationship between monarch and monarch. In contrast, it was found out that Saje (賜祭) ritual in the early Chosŏn period was a ceremony in which the Ming emperor sent an envoy to give praise and instructions to the Chosŏn king. In addition, the historical implications of the difference in aspects were also explored.

      • KCI등재

        원 복속기 遙賀禮(望闕禮)의 거행과 예식 변화상-원종ㆍ충렬왕대를 중심으로-

        최종석 ( Choi Jongsuk ) 인하대학교 한국학연구소 2020 한국학연구 Vol.0 No.59

        이 논문은 원 복속기에 등장한, 국왕의 황제를 대상으로 한 요하례(망궐례), 즉 황제국에서 거행되는 朝賀禮와 연동하여 여기에 직접 참석할 수 없는 고려 국왕이 황제 신하의 위상에서 황제의 명절을 멀리서 경하하는 의례인 요하례(망궐례)를 전론으로 검토하는 최초의 연구성과라 할 수 있다. 원 복속기에 들어서 황제국에서 거행되는 조하례와 연동하여 요하례를 거행한 것은 동아시아 지평에서 보더라도 전례가 없는 일인 사실을 염두에 두면서, 원종 14년(1273) 8월 聖節에 요하례를 처음으로 거행하였을 사실을 논증하였고, 또한 어떠한 이유와 배경에서 전례가 없었던 요하례가 이때 등장하게 되었는지, 원 복속기라는 시대적 조건 속에서 요하례의 예식 양상은 어떠한 모습을 갖춰 갔는지 등을 검토하였다. 특히 요하례 예식의 변화상을 고려-원 관계의 변화를 염두에 둔 채 정동행성(승상)이라는 변수를 그 중요도에 걸맞게 고려하면서 살펴보았다. This paper is the first research on Yoha(遙賀) ritual held in the Mongol subjugation period. The Yoha(遙賀) ritual was a ritual at which the king of Koryo, who was unable to attend Choha(朝賀) ritual held in empire, as the status of emperor’s vasal celebrated Chinese emperor’s holiday from a distance. Kept in mind the fact that performing Yoha(遙賀) ritual held in the Mongol subjugation period in conjunction with Choha(朝賀) ritual held in empire was unprecedented in East Asia, I argued for the fact that Yoha(遙賀) ritual was first performed at Sungchul(聖節) in August, the 14<sup>th</sup> year of King Wonjong’s reign(1273). Also, I explored why the unprecedented Yoha(遙賀) ritual appeared at this time and examined changes of Yoha(遙賀) ritual in the form of the rite under the conditions of the Mongol subjugation period. In particular, the changes of Yoha(遙賀) ritual in the form of the rite were taken into account by considering the changes in the Koryo-Mongol relationship and considering the variable, Jeongdong Haengseong Provincial Governor(征東行省丞相) to match its importance.

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