Differences in the panoramic appearance of cleft alveolus patients with or without a cleft palate

Fujii Takeshi,Kuwada Chiaki,Kise Yoshitaka,Fukuda Motoki,Mori Mizuho,Nishiyama Masako,Nozawa Michihito,Naitoh Munetaka,Ariji Yoshiko,Ariji Eiichiro 대한영상치의학회 2024 Imaging Science in Dentistry Vol.54 No.1

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to clarify the panoramic image differences of cleft alveolus patients with or without a cleft palate, with emphases on the visibility of the line formed by the junction between the nasal septum and nasal floor (the upper line) and the appearances of the maxillary lateral incisor. Materials and Methods: Panoramic radiographs of 238 patients with cleft alveolus were analyzed for the visibility of the upper line, including clear, obscure or invisible, and the appearances of the maxillary lateral incisor, regarding congenital absence, incomplete growth, delayed eruption and medial inclination. Differences in the distribution ratio of these visibility and appearances were verified between the patients with and without a cleft palate using the chi- square test. Results: There was a significant difference in the visibility distribution of the upper line between the patients with and without a cleft palate (p<0.05). In most of the patients with a cleft palate, the upper line was not observed. In the unilateral cleft alveolus patients, the medial inclination of the maxillary lateral incisor was more frequently observed in patients with a cleft palate than in patients without a cleft palate. Conclusion: Two differences were identified in panoramic appearances. The first was the disappearance (invisible appearance) of the upper line in patients with a cleft palate, and the second was a change in the medial inclination on the affected side maxillary lateral incisor in unilateral cleft alveolus patients with a cleft palate.

낯선 귀환 : <역사>를 교란하는 유희

FUJII Takeshi 영남대학교 인문과학연구소 2007 人文硏究 Vol.- No.52

In the era of globalization, people of diaspora, people who scattered to four comers of the world, are returning to their homeland. A work written by Lee Yang-ji is a good example of what possibility lies in these unfamiliar returns, a post-colonial phenomenon that may be called the reverse diaspora. In order to escape the reality of zainichi or Koreans residents in Japan, a sedimentation of history and memories of colonial domination, Lee Yang- ji chooses to return to South Korea. But initiated by the death of her brother, the return is expressed as a projection toward homeland as a netherworld negating the reality of zainichi. However, she finds out her life in South Korea homeland, is also that of a stranger. Later on, she actively takes on the dichotomy imposed by South Korean society in an attempt to escape <History> by paying attention to performative time. By underscoring the 'present' which always becomes the past, Lee Yang-ji undoes the seams of time that makes history possible. Soon the suppressed memories flood the seamless time and the death of brother becomes dead brother once again. Recollecting the memories of her dead brother she accepts the identity of zainichi as a stone that eventually falls to the ground even if it wishes to fly like a bird. This acceptance of zainichi as a stone, however, should not be understood as a resignation. On the contrary, a stone that dreams of becoming a bird is another name for 'becoming' outside <History>. A play of such becoming is a trilogy titled You-Hee, a Korean word for play. In this trilogy, Lee Yang-ji confronts <History> that tries to identify her as a minority by becoming a Japanese man, a Japanese girl, and a Korean women. A zainich Lee You-Hee becomes a play of snatching the 'cane of language' from the Korean narrator, thereby, escaping from <History> that forced Koreans to become Koreans. The work of Lee Yang- ji shows that the return of diaspora is never a repetition of identity but an event that disturbs <history>. 전지구화 시대 속에서 과거 세계 각지로 흩어진 디아스포라들이 되돌아오기 시작했다. 디아스포라의 역류라는 '탈식민적' 상황에서 그 낯선 귀환이 지닐 수 있는 가능성을 보여준 작가가 이양지이다. 피지배의 역사-기억이 퇴적한 재일 조선인의 신체에서 벗어나기 위해 그가 선택한 것이 한국으로의 귀환이었는데, '오빠의 죽음'이 깊이 각인된 그 귀환은 재일조선인이라는 현실을 부정하고 저승으로서의 '우리나라'를 향한 기투로서 형상화되었다. 하지만 실제 한국에서의 생활은 '우리나라'에서도 이방인인 스스로를 발견하게 한다. 한국사회가 강요하는 그 분열을 이양지는 오히려 적극적으로 활용해서 <역사>로부터의 탈주를 시도하는데, 그때 그가 주목한 것이 수행적 시간이었다. 항상 이미 지나가버리는 '현재' 를 부각시킴으로써 이양지는 역사를 가능하게 하는 시간의 이음매를 풀어버린다. 그렇게 이음매가 풀려버련 시간 속에서 억눌렸던 기억들이 넘쳐나면서 '오빠의 죽음'은 다시 '죽은 오빠'로 되돌아 온다. '죽은 오빠'의 기억을 되살리면서 그는 새가 되어 날아가려고 해도 결국 떨어질 수밖에 없는 돌로서의 재일조선인을 받아들이게 된다. 하지만 이양지에게 '돌로서의 재일조선인'을 받아들이는 것은 결코 체념이 아니었다. 오히려 새가 되는 꿈도 꿀 수 있는 돌은 <역사> 바깥에 있는 '생성'의 별명이기도 하기 때문이다. 그러한 '생성'으로서의 '유희'를 시도한 것이 단행본 『유희』로 묶어진 3부작이다. 여기서 이양지는 일본인 남성, 일본인 소녀, 그리고 '본국인' 여성으로 생성변화하면서 스스로를 '소수자'로 고정시키려는 <역사>에 맞선다. 재일조선인 '李由熙'는 '이 遊嚴'가 되어 본국인 화자의 손에서 '말의 지팡이'를 빼앗아감으로써 '본국인'을 '본국인'으로 만든 <역사> 바깥으로 탈주하게 만든다. 이양지가 남긴 작품들은 디아스포라의 귀환이라는 것이 결코 동일성의 반복이 아니라 <역사>를 교란하는 사건임을 보여준다.

`이승만`이라는 표상 ―이승만 이미지를 통해 본 1950년대 지배 권력의 상징 정치―

후지이다케시 ( Fujii Takeshi ) 역사문제연구소 2008 역사문제연구 Vol.12 No.1

In order to understand the true nature of the Syngman Rhee regime, which assumed the form of a modernized political power, it is necessary to examine not only Syngman Rhee as an individual but also the regime`s inside mechanism which operated as a system based upon the image and existence of an individual named Syngman Rhee. Examined in this article, which employed the above-mentioned perspective, is for example what kind of changes the emblem of Syngman Rhee had gone through, since 1948 and through 1960. And also analyzed in this article, is the nature of the political power that ruled the time, which was displayed through a series of symbol-based politics. The task of presenting and emphasizing Syngman Rhee`s existence and character had continued since the foundation of the South Korean government. Yang Woo-Jung, who was a converted Socialist and also the head of the Yeonhap newspaper company played an important role in that task, by authoring a book called the 『president Rhee`s Political Idea for Founding of the Nation』. Prime minister Lee Bum-Suk wrote the foreword for this book, so we can presume that this book, written by Yang Woo-Jung, indeed reflected the position and opinion held by the ruling power of the time. The `Syngman Rhee~ way and position presented here was in fact one of Social democracy, and at this stage Rhee`s way and position even exhibited a certain level of `Third world` quality, which intended to resist and struggle with not only Communism but also Capitalism. Yet, after the so-called `Jokchung-gyae` faction which included Lee Bum-Suk was removed from power, with the cease-fire agreement in 1953, the image of Syngman Rhee changed significantly. Biographies of Syngman Rhee started to be published since 1954, and these biographies all emphasized Syngman Rhee`s pro-U.S. nature, while downsizing his Nationalist nature. Also, in order to present Syngman Rhee to the public in literally very visible terms, the government`s efforts continued. We can see that from the fact that the government issued orders to create portraits of Syngman Rhee everywhere in the country. And in 1955, in commemoration of Syngman Rhee`s 80th birthday, a large celebration ceremony was arranged, and the project of erecting Syngman Rhee`s statue was promoted there as well. In the latter half period of the 1950s, Syngman Rhee became almost a mythicized figure. As we can see from descriptions referring to him such as `the Korean Christ sent from God`, Syngman Rhee`s life were being described in religious, Catholic, God-related terms. This kind of mythifying of a person reached its peak right before the presidential election in 1960. Such phenomena was originated out of the Liberal Party`s desperate attempt to have Lee Ki-Poong, who did not have any kind of presentable philosophy whatsoever, elected as vice president to assist Syngman Rhee. As a result, later Syngman Rhee` s statue became a target of rallies during the April 19th revolution. In other words, Syngman Rhee`s image changed again, and became an object to be attacked as well.

병사가 된다는 것, 그리고… - 통구웅일, 『전시하 조선의 민중과 징병』, 총화사, 2001

후지이다케시 ( Fujii Takeshi ) 수선사학회 2002 史林 Vol.18 No.-

[서평]'지도자의 역사'를 넘어서기 위한 첫 걸음_『이승만의 정치이데올로기』(서중석, 역사비평사, 2005)

후지이 다케시(FUJII Takeshi) 역사비평사 2005 역사비평 Vol.- No.71

양우정의 사회주의운동과 전향

후지이 다케시(Fujii Takeshi) 역사학연구소 2011 역사연구 Vol.- No.20

YANG Woo-Jung, an epic poet, was also known as to be a communist (YANG Chang-Joon) and an anti communist (YANG Woo-Jung). In this paper I investigate to comprehensively capture this person with three different faces, with his conversion being the center of my argument. Epic poet YANG Woo-Jung’ first started making sentimental poems in his hometown Haman, expressing the sorrow of the farming family which was collapsing under colonial rule. By the end of the 1920’s, as he started building relationship with KAPF, the proletarian art group, his work’s emphasis gradually shifted to the subjectivity of farmers through a class-oriented viewpoint. In Seoul, YANG Woo-Jung was assigned to publish “Kungi”, practically the official journal of KAPF. Eventually he was expelled from KAPF because he rebelled against the headquarter of KAPF in relation to the tug of war being fought in the movement of Korean communist party reconstruction. After coming back to Haman, YANG Woo-Jung participated in the Red Farmers Union activism, but got arrested. After a few years of imprisonment, he announced his conversion. In his announcement of conversion, quoting Rousseau, he rejected communism and reemphasized the importance of family. Unlike in Japan, in Korea, the conversion to family values did not mean could not be construed as adaptation to the colonial rule, and therefore, YANG Woo-Jung was rearrested a few years after he had been released. After Korea’s liberation, YANG Woo-Jung once again became active as a left-wing activist, but in response to the issue of the trusteeship at the end of 1945, he turned into an anti-communist who supported Syngman RHEE. However, his anticommunism was not a criticism of the doctrine of communism itself rather, his criticism was nationalistic, condemning communism as an anti-national ideology. This inclination became clear as he systematized the One Nation Principle(一民主義), a national policy by Syngman RHEE, after he had established the ROK government. Under the massive clamp down and conversion campaign, YANG Woo-Jung criticized communism and capitalism from a nationalistic standpoint referring to Rousseau once again as if to repeat his own past conversion. But this time, unlike his previous conversion where he had emphasized family, he put home as the foundation of his argument. In the past, he could not complete his conversion because family was the allegory of nationals, but home could serve as an allegory for nation and thereby could accomodate his adaptation to the establishment. Family was his starting point, but by replacing it with home, YANG Woo-Jung’s conversion was finally completed.

조선민족청년단의 기원에 대한 재검토

후지이 다케시(Fujii, Takeshi) 역사학연구소 2012 역사연구 Vol.- No.23

‘코민테른 권위주의’ 성립에 관한 한 시론

후지이 다케시(Fujii Takeshi) 역사학연구소 2006 역사연구 Vol.- No.16

제1공화국의 지배 이데올로기

후지이 다케시(Fujii Takeshi) 역사비평사 2008 역사비평 Vol.- No.83

Discrepancy between Clinician-rated and Self-reported Depression Severity is Associated with Adverse Childhood Experience, Autistic-like Traits, and Coping Styles in Mood Disorders

Risa Yamada(Risa Yamada ),Takeshi Fujii(Takeshi Fujii ),Kotaro Hattori(Kotaro Hattori ),Hiroaki Hori(Hiroaki Hori ),Ryo Matsumura(Ryo Matsumura ),Tomoko Kurashimo(Tomoko Kurashimo ),Naoko Ishihara(Nao 대한정신약물학회 2023 CLINICAL PSYCHOPHARMACOLOGY AND NEUROSCIENCE Vol.21 No.2

Objective: This study aimed to determine if the discrepancy between depression severity rated by clinicians and that reported by patients depends on key behavioral/psychological features in patients with mood disorders. Methods: Participants included 100 patients with mood disorders. First, we examined correlations and regressions between scores on the Hamilton Depression Rating Scale (HAMD) and Beck Depression Inventory (BDI). Second, we divided the participants into those who provided 1) greater ratings for the BDI compared with the HAMD (BDI relative- overrating, BO) group, 2) comparable ratings for the BDI and HAMD (BDI relatively concordant, BC) group, or 3) less ratings for the BDI (BDI relative-underrating, BU) group. Adverse childhood experiences, autistic-like traits, and coping styles were evaluated with a six-item short version of the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire (CTQ-6), the Social Responsiveness Scale for Adults (SRS-A), and the Ways of Coping Checklist (WCCL), respectively. Results: A significant correlation was found between HAMD and BDI scores. Total and emotional abuse subscale scores from the CTQ-6, and the self-blame subscale scores from the WCCL were significantly higher for the BO group compared with the BU group. The BO group also elicited significantly higher SRS-A total scores than did the other groups. Conclusion: These findings suggest that patients with adverse emotional experiences, autistic-like traits, and self-blame coping styles perceive greater distress than that evaluated objectively by clinicians. The results indicate the need for inclusion of subjective assessments to effectively evaluate depressive symptoms in patients deemed to have these psycho- behavioral concerns.