플라즈마 중합법에 의한 스티렌 박막의 분자 구조 및 분자량 제어에 관한 연구

김종택(Jong-Taek Kim),최충석(Chung-Seog Choi),박종관(Jong-Kwan Park),임응춘(Eung-Choon Lim),이덕출(Duck-Chool Lee) 한국진공학회(ASCT) 1997 Applied Science and Convergence Technology Vol.6 No.3

본 연구에서는 내전극 정전결합 유동가스형 반응장치를 이용하여 플라즈마 중합 스티렌 박막을 제작하고 적외선분광스펙트럼, 열분해가스크로마토그래피, 시차주사열량계 및 겔투과성 크로마토그래피의 분석을 통하여 중합조건이 분자구조 및 분자량 분포에 미치는 영향을 조사하였다. 위의 결과로부터 개시 모노머의 화학적 특성과는 다른 고도로 가교된 박막이 생성되었으며, 방전압력, 방전전력 및 가스의 유량 등의 중합조건 조절에 의해 분자구조, 가교도, 분자량 분포 등의 제어가 가능함이 판명되었다. 따라서 내전극 정전결합 유동가스형 반응장치에 의해 수행된 플라즈마중합법은 중합조건의 조절에 의해 센서의 감지막, 광도전성 소자 및 포토 레지스트 등에 응용가능한 기능성 유기박막의 제작에 좋은 특성을 나타내는 것을 알 수 있었다. The plasma polymerized styrene films were prepared by using an inter-electrode capacitively coupled gas-flow-type reactor, and the effects of plasma polymerization condition on the molecular weight distribution were investigated by Fourier Transform Infrared (FT-IR), Pyrolysis Gas Chromatography(PyGC), Differential Scanning Calorimetry(DSC) and Gel Permeation Chromatography(GPC). From the above results, the very cross-linked films different from chemical characteristics of the starting monomer were taken out, and it is realized that the molecular structure, cross linking density, and molecular weight distribution could be controlled by changing the parameters such as deposition pressure, deposition power and gas flow rate. Accordingly, it is suggested that plasma polymerization method performed by inter-electrode capacitively coupled gas-flow-type reactor has good characteristics for manufacturing the functional organic thin films which can be applied in sensors, opto-electric device, photo-resist by changing the polymerization parameters.

알제리아 베르베르문제 -까빌라족을 중심으로-

이종택 ( Jong Taek Lee ) 한국외국어대학교 중동연구소 2001 중동연구 Vol.20 No.-

시리아 국내갈등 원인에 관한 연구

이종택(Lee, Jong Taek) 한국중동학회 2011 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.32 No.1

This article attempts to devise the analysis of continuous ethnic minority rule over hostile majority. A synthesis of the cultural, psychological approach and theory of rational choice to study of ethnic conflicts provides the grounds for explanation of the ways in which the identities of the minority and majority were shaped throughout modern Syrian history and why Alawi become politically salient. On this basis, it is possible to understand why Alawi minority seek political power. In case of Alawi, the ability to attain power is primarily dependent on dominating army, usually French colonial legacy. Alawi to maintain rule over sunni majority relies on an authoritarian and oppressive government structure, and the ability of the regime to legitimize itself primarily by decreasing the saliency of the distinct. Alawi minority regime manipulates various needs of identities, political participation, social justice and personal security from political oppositions by rational choice. So Alawi don't carry out credible commitment of various needs of them and protracted social conflicts happen. Alawi identity and hostility, and creating a unified identity for regime security. Factionalism within the armed forces was the key cause of instability in Syria in the past. After 1970 Hafiz Asad gained a position of unquestioned supremacy over the military and security forces.

하산 알반나(Hasan al-Banna)의 이슬람원리주의사상

이종택(Lee Jong-Taek) 한국중동학회 2006 韓國 中東 學會 論叢 Vol.26 No.2

  The Islamic political thought of Hasan al-Banna reflects not only his growth process but also how he perceived the regional and local political situations of that time as well as how he wanted to solve the problem he faced. Those include the domination of the Western imperialism, invasion of western values, the World War I and the World War II, and impoverished socio-economic situation.<BR>  Islamic fundamentalism would refer to "modernized oppositional political movement and ideal that aim to build Islamic nation, modeled from Muslim community organized in the early Islamic days(622-661)." If it follows Shari"ah and Shura, that is necessary and basic elements for building the nation, various models of nation would emerge diversely regardless of its political ideology.<BR>  Al-Banna had grown under the influence of his father who had strong religious belief in the family, and has trained mental discipline and learnt cooperation and obedience thorough various Islamic group activities in schools. He was also an activist who practiced Rida"s Islamic fundamentalism.<BR>  According to Al-Banna"s perspective on history and the current situation, Islamic nation has not followed Islamic doctrines since after the age of Muhammad and the following era of the Four Kalifas. He argued disruption, lavishness, and dissipation that prevailed within the Muslim community led the invasion of the Crusades, the Mongol empire, and the Turks in the past. Therefore, the domination of non-Muslims and apathy of practical science among Muslims has finally led the invasion of European imperialism. Egypt tried to cope with the situation that the nation was suffered by economic exploitation of British imperialism and the invasion of corrupted culture. He argued that returning to the original orthodox Islam was the only answer for independence of the nation and national progress. It is because Islamic Totality and salafiyyah is the only way to solve the worldly affairs.<BR>  Al-Banna tried to achieve political, economical, social, and cultural reform through Islamic Totality. His initial reform, missionary activism, based on reformism had been transformed to Islamic political movement as the influence of Islamic Brothers grew its power. He also tried to form political power within the existing political system that sought Islamic militant as the last means.<BR>  The political thought of Al-Banna is political practicalism that takes advantages of secularism to overcome the current situation and it includes western democracy that is based on Shari"a, distribution principles of socialism, army system of Nazism in which the superior orders and the inferior obeys. The political thought of Al-Banna had made an influence on Nasserism and its political policy in the past, and today, it appears as a common phenomenon among the current Islamic fundamentalists.

이슬람과 국가와 정치

이종택 ( Jong Taek Lee ) 사단법인 한국교수불자연합회 2009 한국교수불자연합학회지 Vol.15 No.2

이슬람국가 개념은 622년 건설된 도시국가 (메디나 모델)가 역사를 통해서 어떻게 변화되었는 가를 밝히고 있다. 이슬람국가는 유일신 알라에 대한 믿음과 무함마드의 언행(순나) 과 이슬람법(샤리아)을 통해 이룩된 종교공동체가 점차 정치적 특징을 갖게 됨으로서 정교일치의 공동체성격을 갖게 되었다. 이슬람 국가의 주권과 권위의 원천은 알라이며 이슬람법은 인간생활의 모든 것을 규정하고 있다. 632년 무함마드는 후계자 문제를 남겨놓고 사망함으로써 공동체 합의에 의해 칼리프제도가 채택되었다. 정통4대 칼리프 (계승자, 쉬아파의 이맘, 632-661)는 선거에 의해 선출되었으며, 이들은 이슬람, 법에 따라 국가를 통치하면서 정복을 통해 대제국을 건설했다. 쿠데타정권인 우마이야 왕조(661-750)는 아랍우월주의 정권으로 이슬람의 평등주의계율을 어기면서 칼리프선거, 자문회의(슈라)를 형식적으로 받아들이고 세습제를 택했으며 정치의 종교지배기로 세속주의 정권으로 단정 지을 수 있다. 압바스왕조(750-1258) 시기에 중앙정부의 통치력이 광대한 지역에 미치지 못하고 권위가 약화되자 쿠데타에 의한 지방군주국가들이 등장했다. 이와 같은 움마와 칼리프의 단일성 붕괴에 직면하여 이슬람법학자들은 이슬람국 가개념과 칼리프제 이론을 재성함으로써 이러한 정치현상을 합리화 시켰다. 즉, 성공한 쿠데타도 이슬람계율을 지키면 정통성을 갖는다는 논리였다. 이러한 정치문화가 이슬람권 민주주의 발전에 큰 장애요인이 되었다. 이슬람에는 국가형태나 기구들에 대한 내용들이 없다 따라서 정통칼리프시대 칼리프 선출을 둘러싼 갈등은 움마를 분열시키는 원인이 되었고 이러한 분열은 현재도 순니-시아간 갈등을 낳고 있다. 중세 이후, 칼리프제 이론은 다양하게 해석됨으로써, 이슬람국가형태는 정해져있지 않고 다양하게 나타났다. 그래서 다양한 이슬람국가 모델들이 주장되고 있고 진정한 이슬람국가-움마 모델이 존재하지 않는다. 이것이 현재 이슬람지역에서 정교갈등을 겪고 있는 이유이다. 이슬람과 서구 민주주의 간 양립성 문제에 대한 담론들 역시 다양하게 나타나고 있다. 그러나 양립성을 절대부정하는 과격 이슬람 원리주의는 일부 과격주의 학자들에 의해 만들어진 담론에 불과하며 이러한 담론의 원인은 국정운영의 총체적 실패와 그에 따른 절망 폭력에 의한 돌파구 추구 그리고 미-이스라엘의 중동패권주의에 대한 저항으로 나타나고 있다 따라서 알라의 주권이 대리인인 인간에 의해 행사된다는 점에서 볼 때, 이슬람과 민주주의 간 화해는 가능하며 이러한 실례는 터키를 위시한 여러 나라의 이슬람정 당들에서 나타나고 있다. Muhammad established the first Islamic polity as the spiritual and temporal head. He led public prayers, commanded the army, acted as a judge and formulated public policies. But Muhammad did not established a particular blueprint for the organization of any entity to be known as an Islamic state. The rightly guided caliphs who headed four successive polities, emulated him every detail. They as leaders of the community, executed Sharia, defended the religious doctrine and maintained its purity. There is unanimity among scholars that the political system established in Medinah is a model for all muslim societies to adopt and follow. With the emergence of the Umayyads, however, there ever ensued a new variant in Muslim history- dynastic rule which sometimes degenerated into unbridled monarchy. The Umayyad period also saw the emergence of a decisive sectarian schism with the emergence of the shi`i Islam. The Umayyad rulers had lost sight of the egalitarianism, austerity and humility at core of Islam and Rashidun period model(Medinian Model) of ``good governance``. The Abbasid caliphs based much of their authority on claims of greater religiosity and the re-Islamization of governance, but they did little alter the essentially imperial and monarchical structure of the Umayyad bureaucracy. The Abbasid period was also characterized by considerable political fragmentation Pakistan, Iran or Saudi Arabia represent forms of Islam there is no doubt. But whether they represent Islamic states as a particular form of state is doubtful. No one knows exactly what an Islamic state looks like; We simply know of state that are Muslim. That there is an actual state in the form of an Islamic state is problematic and controversial. The relationship between Islam and democracy is strongly debated among the people from the late ninetieth to twentieth century. Islamic reformists tend to be more receptive to new ideas, practices, and institutions. Reformists stress the need for continuity of basic Islamic traditions but believe that Islamic law(sharia) is historically conditioned and needs to be reinterpreted in light of the changing needs modern society. Some radical fundamentalists like Qutub and Osama Bin Laden argue simplistically that in Islam sovereignty comes from Allah, whereas in democracy it comes from human beings. On this basis many fundamentalists will argue that human beings can not pass legislation that infringes on the moral principles of Islam and its tradition. Muslim Secularists look to the experience of the secular west as models in an effort to promote their countries` development. Scholars of Islamic political thought agree that the principle of shura, or consultative decision-making, is the source democratic ethics in Islam. And the second perception is that Islamic tradition is inherently democratic due to its derivation from ijtihaad(independent judgement), ijmaa``(consensus), and bay`` ah(pledge of allegiance). But a great deal more refelction is required to clarify the relationship of shura and other terms to democracy. Are Islam and democracy compatible? A large Literature has developed arguing that Islam all the ingredients of modern state and society. Many Muslim intellectuals seek to prove that Islam enshrines democratic values, But rather than lead the debate.

분화 및 옥상 녹화용 내건성 자생화 선발

서종택(Jong-Taek Suh),유동림(Dong-Lim Yoo),이현숙(Hyean-Suk Lee),이희경(Hee-Kyeang Lee),송정섭(Jeong-Seob Song),류승열(Seung-Yeol Ryu),남춘우(Chun-Woo Nam) 한국원예학회 2004 한국원예학회 학술발표요지 Vol.2004 No.5

과학사 과목의 전통 천문의기 학습을 위해 필요한 학습 요소 및 관련 성취기준 위계성 분석

이종택 ( Jong-taek Lee ) 한국과학교육학회 2020 한국과학교육학회지 Vol.40 No.6

본 연구에서는 고등학교 과학과 진로선택과목 중 하나인 과학사 과목에 대한 학생들의 선택률이 낮은 문제 상황을 개선하기 위해 과학사 과목의 한국의 전통 과학 단원에서 다루는 전통 천문의기 9종과 관련한 학습 요소 및 성취기준을 분석하여 내용의 적합성과 위계성을 분석하였다. 이러한 분석 결과를 토대로 학년군을 달리한 과학과 교육과정에서 각각의 천문의기를 교수·학습에 활용할 수 있는 방안을 제안하였다. 본 연구의 결과를 출발점으로 하여, 전통 천문의기와 관련된 구체적인 성취기준 또는 탐구 활동을 개발하는 후속 연구가 이루어질 수 있다면 한국의 전통 과학문화에 대한 학생들의 인식을 제고할 수 있고, 더 나아가서 과학사 과목에 대한 학생들의 선택률을 높일 수 있을 것으로 기대된다. In this study, we analyzed the learning elements and achievement standards, and explored the appropriateness and hierarchy of content were analyzed related to the nine types of traditional astronomical instruments presented in the traditional science unit of the History of Science course to improve the problematic situation in which students show low selection rates for the History of Science, one of the elective courses in high school science. Based on the results of this analysis, we suggested ways to utilize each astronomical instrument for teaching and learning in science curriculum with different grade bands. Using the results of this study as a starting point, if a follow-up study that develops specific achievement standards or inquiry activities related to traditional astronomical instruments can be conducted, students’ awareness of Korean traditional science culture can be improved, and furthermore it is expected to increase the student’s selection rate for the History of Science course.

慶北 琴湖江産淡水魚類를 中間宿主로 하는 吸蟲類에 關한 硏究

李鍾澤(Jong Taek Lee) 대한기생충학열대의학회 1968 The Korean Journal of Parasitology Vol.6 No.3

화분크기 및 관수방법이 자생화 생육에 미치는 영향

서종택(Jong-Taek Suh),이현숙(Hyean-Suk Lee),이희경(Hee-Kyeang Lee),유동림(Dong-Lim Yoo),남춘우(Chun-Woo Nam),류승열(Seung-Yeol Ryu) 한국원예학회 2004 한국원예학회 학술발표요지 Vol.2004 No.5

흰가루병 저항성이면서 고품질 다수성 곰취 품종 ‘쌈마니’ 육성

서종택(Jong Taek Suh),유동림(Dong Lim Yoo),김기덕(Ki Deog Kim),이종남(Jong Nam Lee),권영석(Young Seok Kweon),김원배(Won Bae Kim) 한국원예학회 2012 한국원예학회 학술발표요지 Vol.2012 No.5