The Putative Transcriptional Activator MSN1 Promotes Chromium Accumulation in Saccharomyces cerevisiae

황성빈,장광석,Jong Im Won,이미란,Chang Eun Lee,Kyongmin Hwang Kim,박귀영,김성기,June Seung Lee 한국분자세포생물학회 2003 Molecules and cells Vol.16 No.3

Yeast is a good system for studying molecular mechanisms of metal tolerance. Using a mini-Tn mutagenized yeast pool, we isolated a chromate-tolerant mutant, CrT9, that displayed metal-specific tolerance since it was only tolerant to Cr(VI), not to Cr(III), Cd, As, or Fe. The Cr-tolerance of CrT9 appeared to be due to reduced Cr accumulation as it accumulated only 56% as much as WT (Y800). Using IPCR (inverse PCR), we found that the mini-Tn had been inserted at nt 741 of the transcriptional activator, MSN1. MSN1 is a multifunctional protein involved in invertase activity, iron uptake, starch degradation, pseudohyphal growth, and osmotic gene expression. We found that there was only one mini-Tn insertion in CrT9 since MSN1 and mini-Tn probes hybridized to the same DNA fragment, and the MSN1 probe detected an enlarged MSN1 mRNA. When we over-expressed MSN1 in CrT9 and WT, both accumulated larger amounts of Cr. We conclude that Cr accumulation in S. cerevisiae is promoted by the transcriptional activator MSN1.

일본 신문업계의 디지털시대 대응전략

황성빈 관훈클럽 2007 관훈저널 Vol.- No.105

일본의 공중파 민영TV 산업 : 산업 구조와 프로그램의 제작, 유통의 실태에 관하여

황성빈 연세대학교 언론연구소 1993 언론 사회 문화 Vol.- No.3

넷우익과 반한류, 배외주의의 여론: 주요 언론의 담론 분석을 중심으로

황성빈 서울대학교 일본연구소 2014 일본비평 Vol.- No.10

Thousands of protesters in Tokyo and other major cities rallied against the use of nuclear power on June 11, 2011, three months after a devastating tsunami set off a nuclear crisis. The demonstration was remarkable not just because of its size, but because of the way in which it was organized. It was actually called upon by a famous blogger without organized support, thus many people in the crowd were protesting for the first time. Meanwhile, in that summer, there was another, a bit peculiar set of protesting rallies against Fuji TV airing “too many Korean dramas”. When a Japanese actor Takaoka Sousuke tweeted anti-Korean wave sentiments in 2011, his message had stirred up many attentions, especially on the biggest Internet bulletin “2 channel” and other online video distribution sites, which eventually led to several protest rallies. So-called Nettouyoku, a small but very vocal on the Internet that mostly have strong xenophobic views, have come out to the area such as Shin-Okubo, a mecca for fans of Korean Culture, in full support of the Zaitokukai(“Citizens Against Special Privilege of Zainichi-Korean residents in Japan”)I have examined how Japanese media have framed these protesting rallies by Nettouyoku with a special interest and how the protesting voices have been mediated by the media. The result is as following. First, both liberal and conservative newspapers have been indifferent to the rising of ultra-nationalism and xenophobic voices on the Internet. Second, there was no significant difference between the liberals (Asahi and Mainichi) and the Conservative (Yomiuri) in terms of how they framed those group’s activities. Yet, the difference between the conservatives, namely Yomiuri and Sankei, was more remarkable and unique. It has been pointed out that the recent rise of ‘Internet nationalism’ especially among younger generation in Japan might be an ‘unwanted child’, but it is also a logical consequence of sensational coverage of Japanese media regarding the conflict issues such as territorial disputes between Japan and neighboring countries.

韓流と反韓流の交差 ─ 日本人のアイデンティティと韓国認識

黃盛彬 동국대학교 일본학연구소 2011 일본학 Vol.33 No.-

좌담회-전후 70년의 일본사회

황성빈 국민대학교 일본학연구소 2015 일본공간 Vol.17 No.-

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일본의 우경화 : 일본의 언론은 어떻게 보고 있나

황성빈 언론중재위원회 2013 言論仲裁 Vol.128 No.-

NHK공공방송의 ‘정치적 독립 및 중립’을 둘러싼 일본 언론의 분극화현상에 관한 연구 - 주요 신문의 사설 분석

황성빈 국민대학교 일본학연구소 2015 일본공간 Vol.17 No.-

This paper analyzed how Japanese major newspapers have defined and discussed NHK=the public broadcaster’s norm and responsibility from 1980s now on. For this purpose, I have collected the editorials that included ‘NHK’ using the database of each newspaper, and carried out a discourse analysis on the editorials, focusing on the difference between the liberals(the Asashi and the Mainich) and the conservatives(the Yomiuri and the Sankei). From 1980s to 1990s, the main issue regarding NHK had been its organizational and channel expansion, while political independence and impartiality issue was not a hot-debated issue regardless of the ideological difference between the two camps. However, since late 1990s, some delicate but significant differences between the two camps became noticeable with regard to the public broadcaster’s responsibility on political impartiality and fairness in the Japanese public sphere. The liberal papers interpreted the doctrines based on the liberal model, but the conservatives had different perceptions of the same doctrine following the government model. Ironically enough, it has been around the historical issue, especially about ‘the comfort women system’ by the imperial Japanese army that the controversy became extensive between the two camps. When, the controversy around the public broadcaster’s political independence and impartiality became fierce in 2005, 2007 and 2013, the comfort women issue was in the background, or in the center.In other words, the history problem has occupied the central positions in the controversy about the public broadcaster’s norm and responsibility. The paper argued that “the culture war” erupted by the conservative side, which claims to “historical revisionism”, have also been imposed on the discussion about the norms and responsibility of the public broadcaster. In the vortex, the liberal definition of public broadcasting that have been formed after the war and have symbolized the postwar democracy of Japan became a mere façade. 이 글에서는 일본의 주요 신문의 사설에서 공공방송 NHK의 정치적 독립 및정치적 중립의 문제가 어떻게 논의되어왔는지를 검토했다. 이를 위해 각 신문의데이터베이스를 이용해 ‘NHK’를 포함하는 사설을 추출해 담론분석을 시도했다. 분석 결과는 다음과 같다. 1980년대부터 현재에 이르기까지 NHK를 둘러싼 문제는 꾸준히 주요 신문의관심의 대상이 되었지만, 그 문제의 대부분은 NHK의 경영을 둘러싼 것이었고, 공공방송으로서의 정치적 독립의 문제에 대해서는, 90년대 이전까지만 해도 각신문사의 입장 차이가 현저히 드러나지는 않았던 것을 알 수 있었다. 90년대 이전에도 리버럴신문과 보수신문의 사이에는 공공방송의 정치적 중립 등 방송법의조항에 대한 해석에서 미묘한 차이를 노정하기는 했으나, 그 차이가 전면화되어논쟁의 대상이 되지는 않았다. 이를 둘러싼 리버럴신문과 보수신문과의 입장 차이가 전면화된 것은 공교롭게도 ‘역사 인식’의 문제, 그것도 이른바 ‘위안부’ 문제, 즉 ‘전시 성폭력’의 문제를둘러싸고였다. 본문에서 살펴본 바와 같이 NHK의 정치적 중립, 공평을 둘러싼논의가 격화된 것은 2005년과 2007년, 2013년이었는데 모두 ‘위안부’ 문제를 둘러싼 대립이 그 배경에 있었다. 즉 다시 말해서 ‘위안부’ 문제는 공공방송 NHK와정치와의 관계를 둘러싼 논쟁에서 그 중심에 있었고, 보수신문 측은 ‘역사수정주의’의 운동을 전개하는 데 있어서 ‘위안부 문제’를 그 전위로서 활용해온 측면이있었던 것이었고, 전후 민주주의를 상징하는 제도로서의 공공방송=NHK는 ‘위안부 문제’를 전위로서 역사수정주의를 전개하는 보수, 우경화의 소용돌이 속에서그 자유주의적 성격이 형해화 되는 과정을 경험해왔다고 볼 수 있겠다.

2002 월드컵과 한 · 일 관계

黃盛彬(황성빈) 관훈클럽 2002 관훈저널 Vol.43 No.4

연구논문 : NHK공공방송의 “정치적 독립 및 중립”을 둘러싼 일본 언론의 분극화현상에 관한 연구 -주요 신문의 사설 분석

황성빈 ( Seongbin Hwang ) 국민대학교 일본학연구소 2015 일본공간 Vol.17 No.-

이 글에서는 일본의 주요 신문의 사설에서 공공방송 NHK의 정치적 독립 및 정치적 중립의 문제가 어떻게 논의되어왔는지를 검토했다. 이를 위해 각 신문의 데이터베이스를 이용해 ‘NHK’를 포함하는 사설을 추출해 담론분석을 시도했다. 분석 결과는 다음과 같다. 1980년대부터 현재에 이르기까지 NHK를 둘러싼 문제는 꾸준히 주요 신문의관심의 대상이 되었지만, 그 문제의 대부분은 NHK의 경영을 둘러싼 것이었고, 공공방송으로서의 정치적 독립의 문제에 대해서는, 90년대 이전까지만 해도 각 신문사의 입장 차이가 현저히 드러나지는 않았던 것을 알 수 있었다. 90년대 이전에도 리버럴신문과 보수신문의 사이에는 공공방송의 정치적 중립 등 방송법의 조항에 대한 해석에서 미묘한 차이를 노정하기는 했으나, 그 차이가 전면화되어 논쟁의 대상이 되지는 않았다. 이를 둘러싼 리버럴신문과 보수신문과의 입장 차이가 전면화된 것은 공교롭 게도 ‘역사 인식’의 문제, 그것도 이른바 ‘위안부’ 문제, 즉 ‘전시 성폭력’의 문제를 둘러싸고였다. 본문에서 살펴본 바와 같이 NHK의 정치적 중립, 공평을 둘러싼 논의가 격화된 것은 2005년과 2007년, 2013년이었는데 모두 ‘위안부’ 문제를 둘러싼 대립이 그 배경에 있었다. 즉 다시 말해서 ‘위안부’ 문제는 공공방송 NHK와 정치와의 관계를 둘러싼 논쟁에서 그 중심에 있었고, 보수신문 측은 ‘역사수정주의’의 운동을 전개하는 데 있어서 ‘위안부 문제’를 그 전위로서 활용해온 측면이 있었던 것이었고, 전후 민주주의를 상징하는 제도로서의 공공방송=NHK는 ‘위안부 문제’를 전위로서 역사수정주의를 전개하는 보수, 우경화의 소용돌이 속에서 그 자유주의적 성격이 형해화 되는 과정을 경험해왔다고 볼 수 있겠다. This paper analyzed how Japanese major newspapers have defined and discussed NHK=the public broadcaster’s norm and responsibility from 1980s now on. For this purpose, I have collected the editorials that included ‘NHK’ using the database of each newspaper, and carried out a discourse analysis on the editorials, focusing on the difference between the liberals(the Asashi and the Mainich) and the conservatives(the Yomiuri and the Sankei). From 1980s to 1990s, the main issue regarding NHK had been its organizational and channel expansion, while political independence and impartiality issue was not a hot-debated issue regardless of the ideological difference between the two camps. However, since late 1990s, some delicate but significant differences between the two camps became noticeable with regard to the public broadcaster’s responsibility on political impartiality and fairness in the Japanese public sphere. The liberal papers interpreted the doctrines based on the liberal model, but the conservatives had different perceptions of the same doctrine following the government model. Ironically enough, it has been around the historical issue, especially about ‘the comfort women system’ by the imperial Japanese army that the controversy became extensive between the two camps. When, the controversy around the public broadcaster’s political independence and impartiality became fierce in 2005, 2007 and 2013, the comfort women issue was in the background, or in the center.In other words, the history problem has occupied the central positions in the controversy about the public broadcaster’s norm and responsibility. The paper argued that “the culture war” erupted by the conservative side, which claims to “historical revisionism”, have also been imposed on the discussion about the norms and responsibility of the public broadcaster. In the vortex, the liberal definition of public broadcasting that have been formed after the war and have symbolized the postwar democracy of Japan became a mere facade.