제시어에 대한 내포성분 이동(SubMove) 분석의 문제

홍용철 한국생성문법학회 2011 생성문법연구 Vol.21 No.4

There are two incompatible analyses concerning the original position of sentence-initial non-Case-marked NPs (henceforth, NCNP), which are referred to as ‘ceysie’ by the traditional Korean gran1mar: base-generation analysis (김영희 1989, Ahn 1999, 홍용철 2004) and SubMove analysis (Ahn & Cho 2006). The former claims that NCNPs are base-generated in the sentence-initial position, while according to the latter, they are derived by SubMove, a special case of movement. SubMove analysis is essentially based on two assumptions: (ⅰ) an NCNP originates in a doubling structure whose head position is functional and occupied by an (overt/covert) pronoun resuming the NCNP; (ⅱ) it lacks a theta role within the doubling structure, and then, always moves to the sentence-initial position to get a theta role. This paper provides three types of problematic examples related to these assumptions: examples where the stranded element resuming the NCNP is a lexical phrase, examples where the stranded element is overt and the NCNP remains in situ, and examples where the NCNP does not have any original position in the following clause. The first type is counter-examples to the doubling structure that Ahn & Cho posits for NCNPs, the second type to the obligatory movement of NCNPs, and the third type not only to the doubling structure but also to the obligatory movement. The third type also provides an argument in favor of base-generation analysis.

명칭 결정 알고리즘과 한국어의 격 표지

홍용철 한국언어학회 2017 언어 Vol.42 No.4

Hong, Yong-Tcheol. 2017. Labeling and Case Markers in Korean. Korean Journal of Linguistics. 42-4, 989-1006. 홍용철(1994) has proposed a generalization regarding the distribution of Case markers in Korean, according to which a Case marker is obligatory on arguments in a specifier position while it is optional on arguments in a complement position. This paper claims that this generalization should be attributed to the special manner of labeling in Korean; in this language, labeling by feature sharing is done not with ϕ-feature, but with Case feature. Given this manner of labeling, a specifier argument with Case feature enables the phrase resulting from its merge with its Case checker phrase to be labeled by Case feature sharing, while a specifier argument without Case feature does not. This is why a Case marker, which is a reflection of Case checking, is obligatory on arguments in a specifier position. As for complement arguments, there are two ways of labeling. When a complement argument is merged with its Case checker V, the resulting phrase can be labeled by Case feature sharing or by search of the closest head. The complement argument must have a Case feature for Case feature sharing, but it does not need a Case feature for search of the closest head. This is why a Case marker is optional on arguments in a complement position. (Sungshin University)

Synthesis of titanium dioxide in O_2/Ar/SO_2/TiCl_4 microwave torch plasma and its band gap narrowing

홍용철,노태협,이봉주,Han Sup Uhm,권오필,이석현 한국물리학회 2011 Current Applied Physics Vol.11 No.3

Titanium dioxide (TiO_2) nanoparticles were synthesized directly by injecting gas-phase titanium tetrachloride (TiCl_4) bubbled with a mixture of Ar and SO_2 into a 2.45 GHz microwave torch plasma operated in O_2 gas at atmospheric pressure. The absorption edge of the as-produced TiO_2 powders in the UV―Visible spectrum shifted from 457 nm to 483 nm as the SO_2 gas content in the mixture gas carrying the TiCl_4 was increased. According to X-ray photoelectron spectroscopy (XPS) and UV―Visible spectroscopy,the band gap narrowing was due to the incorporation of sulphur (S) species from the Ar and SO_2 mixture in the oxygen microwave torch plasma into the O site of TiO_2.

한국어 명사 외곽 수식어들의 어순과 명사구 구조 (pp.27-50)

홍용철 한국생성문법학회 2010 생성문법연구 Vol.20 No.2

This paper describes the distibution of peripheral nominal modifiers in Korean and explores the noun phrase structure accounting for this distibution. There are four nominal modifiers which can be separated by adjacent nominal modifiers from the noun that they modify. We call these modifiers 'peripheral' and these are demonstratives "i/ku/ce", quantifiers like "motun" (all), relative clauses and noun phrases combiend with genitive Case marker "uy". They form two different classes in terms of distributional property. One class is composed of demonstratives and quantifiers, which can occur only one time within a noun phrase, and the order of which is fixed in the order of 'demonstrative > quantifier'. The other is composed of relatives and noun phrases with "uy", which can occur more than one time within a noun phrase, and the order of which is free in the way that they can occur before a demonstrative, between a demonstrative and a quantifier, or after a quantifier. Based on their distributional properties, we claim that demonstratives and quantifiers are specifiers, specifier of DP for the former and specifier of NumP for the latter, whereas relatives and noun phrases with "uy" are modifiers and they are base-generated adjoined to DP, NumP or NP. As for the noun phrase structure, assuming the structure proposed by Hong (2006) where NP, NumP, PEP (Postpositional Element Phrase) and KP form extended nominal projections, we add to it one more extended nominal projection DP between NumP and PEP. One remarkable property of this supplemented structure is that DP constitutes a projection separated from KP and generated below it. generated below it.

한국어에서의 예외격(ECM) 구문과 자동 주격 분석

홍용철 한국생성문법학회 2014 생성문법연구 Vol.24 No.3

Hong, Yong-Tcheol. ECM Constructions and Default Nominative Case in Korean. This paper deals with case phenomena shown by Korean ECM constructions. In particular, we try to answer the following questions: Why is nominative-accusative alternation allowed on the subject of an embedded clause? Why is it not allowed when the predicate of an embedded clause is a stage-level predicate? Why is it not allowed on the second subject of multiple subject constructions? Our answers are essentially based on the claim that the nominative case in Korean is a default case. So, through our analysis we offer not only an explanation of case phenomena in Korean ECM constructions but also an argument in favor of default nominative case analysis.

관계화와 섬제약

홍용철 한국 프랑스어문교육학회 1996 프랑스어문교육 Vol.4 No.-

Depuis que Ross(1967) a propose plusieurs contraintes sur le deplacement, etablies essentiellement avec les donnees anglaises, considerees comme plus ou moins universelles, Kuno(1973) en a mis certaines en cause: en examinant les donnees japonaises, il a observe des exemples qui n'obeissent pas a la Contrainte du SN Complexe, la Contrainte du Sujet Phrastique ou la Contrainte de la Proposition Adverbiale. Comme la langue japonaise est a peu pres identique a la langue coreenne au moins en structure des exemples en question, l'observation de Kuno pourrait etre perinente egalement pour le coreen. c'est-a-dire, la langue coreenne n'obeirait pas non plus aux trois contraintes ci-dessus. Or, il nous semble que Kuno a eu tort de negliger le fait que ces deux langues utilisent massivement "pro", pronom invisible, et la construction a sujets multiples. Notons que les exemples observes par Kuno contiennent toujours "pro" ou la construction a sujets multiples. La prise en consideration de ce fait nous permet de proposer une analyse tout a fait contraire a celle de Kuno:en realite, le coreen, probablement le japonais aussi, obeit parfaitement aux trois contraintes mises en cause par Kuno. Par ailleurs, les exemples coreens que nous examinons sont des exemples relativises. Puisqu'ils sont soumis a la Contrainte sur les ilots, qui est une contrainte sur le deplacement, nous pouvons en conclure que la relativisation en coreen se fait par deplacement. Cette conclusion n'est pas gratuite dans la mesure ou dans cette langue, contrairement a des langues comme le francais ou l'anglais, le pronom relatif n'est pa visible.

한국어의 상대 높임법

홍용철 한국생성문법학회 2022 생성문법연구 Vol.32 No.1

It is well known that in Korean, the position of politeness markers on the sentence final endings varies according to formality: the politeness marker yo occurs just after the informal sentence final endings, while one of the formal politeness markers supni, o, i occurs within the formal sentence final endings. A question that arises naturally is what this positional difference is due to. We argue, in this squib, that the informal sentence final enders, most of which come from connective enders, don't have a selectional feature for the formal politeness markers. This is why a different politeness marker, i.e. yo, is used for the informal sentence final endings, and occurs not within, but after them. We also argue that every politeness marker, regardless of whether formal or informal, is base-generated in the head of CP with an uninterpretable politeness feature, and that it has a different morpho-phonological form as a result of feature-checking with a vocative in Spec, SAP.

한국어의 격조사 탈락과 격조사 부재

홍용철 한국프랑스어문교육학회 2004 프랑스어문교육 Vol.18 No.-

한국어의 관계절 표지

홍용철 한국언어학회 2012 언어 Vol.37 No.4

주제어와 연결된 대명사로서의 영 논항

홍용철 현대문법학회 2020 현대문법연구 Vol.106 No.-

We claim in this paper that null arguments are a pronoun linked to a topic in their minimal CP domain. This claim is basically a unification of the following three existing proposals accounting for null argument phenomena: flexible null topic analysis that null arguments are bound by a flexible topic, pro analysis that they are a pronoun, and a proposal that pronouns are linked to CP edge. We show that this unified analysis nicely deals with distribution and interpretation of null arguments in Korean.