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      • KCI등재

        약속문의 내포 불가능성에 대한 의미론적 제안

        허세문 한국언어정보학회 2016 언어와 정보 Vol.20 No.2

        The main goal of this paper is to shed light on the issue of why Promissives resist embedding unlike Imparatives and Exhortatives in Korean. Recently, it has been argued that these sentences constitute a unified clausal type, called ‘Jussive’ (Zanuttini et al. 2012). If so, however, it raises a non-trivial question of why only the Promissives cannot be embedded. To explain this, we first argue that the ‘internal logophoric anchoring (Bainchi 2003)’ is one of the key conditions on the Jussive embedding in Korean. Given the idea that it should be accompanied with the subjunctive mood, we then propose that the mood selection of the embedded Jussives plays a crucial role to understand the unembeddability of the Promissives. Many recent analyses have argued that a mood of an embedded clause is determined along with several aspects of modal information which are varied with respect to the types of the embedding attitude predicates. And it is also pointed out that the modal meaning of the promise type predicates favors an indicative complement whereas the other Jussive related predicates select a subjunctive one (Portner & Rubinstein 2012). Based on these facts, we argue that (i) the indicative mood is also required for the proper interpretation of the embedded Promissives, (ii) but such a semantic requirement conflicts with the licensing condition on the Jussive embedding in Korean

      • KCI등재

        접미사 ‘들’의 복수성에 대한 연구 — ‘자기’의 국부적 결속 관계를 중심으로

        허세문,강은지 사단법인 한국언어학회 2019 언어학 Vol.0 No.85

        The main goal of this paper is to shed light on the nature of plurality induced by the –tul marker in Korean. To avoid the optionality issue with common nouns, we concentrate on local binding relations between a plural antecedent and caki(-tul): For the first, it is discussed that (i) the co-valuation between the antecedent-reflexive pair can be satisfied differently according to the way in which the number is interpreted: e.g., singularity vs. plurality (collectivity, cumulativity or distributivity), thereby (ii) the resulting interpretation can vary: e.g., reflexive, reciprocal, or a mix. Given this, we specify what this means for a number mismatch in local binding relations; a plural-singular mismatch can be allowed only if the distributive reading is forced. Taken together, it is demonstrated that unlike the previous analyses argued, the plurality conveyed in the –tul marker cannot be confined to the distributivity or anti-collectivity. Lastly, caki and the mandarin Chinese ziji are briefly compared to reveal a novel contrast in a pronominal paradigm in terms of the number marking.

      • KCI등재

        ‘자기’의 인칭 제약과 그 함의에 대한 소고

        허세문 한국언어정보학회 2020 언어와 정보 Vol.24 No.2

        Semoon Hoe. 2020. A Study on the Person Restrictions on caki and Its Implications. Language and Information 24.2, 51-76. The main point of this paper is to shed light on the nature of the various types of person related restriction on anaphors. For the first, it is demonstrated that such restrictions reflect the way in which binding relations are established; (i) the 1st/2nd person constraint on long distance caki stems form the logohpricity, and (ii) the 1st/2nd person blocking effect on Chinese anaphor ziji is best analysed in terms of empathic hierarchy. Given this, it is discussed why caki does not exhibit the 1st/2nd person blocking effect; thereby, unlike previously proposed, it cannot be identified as an empathic anaphor. To do so, several diagnostics are presented, especially focusing on the interactions between the two restrictions. Concomitantly, it is shown that the 1st/2nd person constraint on local caki has nothing to do with the logophoricity. Instead, it is proposed as a sort of presupposition failure: local caki is a 3rd person reflexive; hence the 1st/2nd person antecedent incurs a person mismatch. This point is supported by the fact that it can be obviated where the presupposition of the person feature can be weakened. Finally, some theoretical implications are discussed regarding the parametric variation among the East Asian anaphors.

      • KCI등재

        지각자의 성격에 대한 소고 - 화행구와의 상호작용을 중심으로

        허세문 경희대학교 인문학연구원 2022 인문학연구 Vol.- No.51

        본 논문은 지각구의 구조적 특성을 소개하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 지각자는 발화내용 및 다양한 시점 요소들을 평가하는 주체라고 논의되어 왔다. 본 논문은 화행구와의 통사적 상호작용에 주목하여 지각자의 기능과 역할 을 논의한다. 이를 위해 먼저 지각자를 시점 중심에 대응시켜 인칭 제약의 다양한 측면 을 설명하는 이론을 간략하게 소개한다. 특히 지각구와 화행구 사이에 형성되는 통사 의 존관계에 중점을 두고 지각자의 결정에 대해 다양한 관점에서 논의한다. 그러나 기존이 론이 인칭 제약을 설명함에 있어서 보이는 몇 가지 단점을 밝히고 이를 설명하기 위해서 는 화자의 개입성과 청자의 개입성 간의 상호작용까지 고려해야 한다는 점을 보인다. 그 리고 이를 통해 다양한 인칭 제약을 통합적으로 설명할 수 있는 방법을 모색한다. 또한 몇 가지 관련 현상들을 정리하여, 지각자와 화행구의 연관성을 이용한 연구들의 논쟁점 들을 논의한다.

      • KCI등재

        재구조화를 통한 ‘-고 싶-’ 구문 분석에 대한 소고

        허세문 한국언어정보학회 2023 언어와 정보 Vol.27 No.1

        It has been argued that the case alternation observed in the –ko siph– construction is attributable to the optionality of the restructuring. Given that the predicate siph– in the non-restructuring variant amounts to a subjective psych- predicate, however, this squib shows that there remains several puzzling properties regarding the vP structure building procedure in the restructuring variant: Specifically, it is asked how an experiencer introducing vP can be construed from a bouletic restructuring predicate, while retaining the person constraint triggered in the non-restructuring counterpart. Three major analyses on restructuring are carefully reexamined to clarify this point and it is concluded that they are all insufficient to adequately explain the unique properties of the –ko siph– construction.

      • KCI등재

        재귀적 결속 관계의 수 (불)일치에 대한 소고

        허세문 사단법인 한국언어학회 2023 언어학 Vol.- No.95

        This paper discusses various patterns of number (mis)match in reflexive binding relations, focusing on the Korean reflexive caki. By providing novel data, it is claimed that (i) various aspects of number interpretation in reflexives is (partly) attributable to the presence/absence of plural markers in Korean (e.g., -tul and -ney), and (ii) in terms of semantic (in)compatibility, the semantic markedness of number plays a crucial role in specifying environments where a binding pair can be covalued with each other. Especially, it is discussed why, despite the symmetric nature of covaluation, the plurality in the antencedent[sg]-reflexive[pl] pair should amount to the associative plural reading while that of antencedent[pl]-reflexive[sg] one cannot. Taken together, the distinctive nature of the unmarkedness in a number domain is reexamined to clarify why a reflexive is required to bear a more unmarked feature to give rise to a (genuine) number mismatch in a binding relation.

      • KCI우수등재

        보어 유형의 의미와 분포: 명제태도 술어와의 관계를 중심으로

        허세문,김건희 한국언어학회 2023 언어 Vol.48 No.4

        This paper analyzes discourse properties of 5 complement types in Korean. To this end, we first choose 4 types of attitude predicates with respect to the way in which the content of the complement is updated to the common ground. Given this, it is discussed why a certain type of complement is compatible only with limited types of attitude predicates. Especially, we propose that unlike English where the way of updating the common ground is mainly attributable to the attitude predicate types, each complement type in Korean conveys specific information regarding the common ground updating, and thus its distribution is determined by the interaction between the selectional properties of the attitude predicates and the context updating nature of each complement type. In this line of reasoning, we put forth a way to explain the distributions of the completement types in Korean. Accordingly, it is also discussed (i) when the factivity of the content in the complement should arise, (ii) why a certain completement type can be used only when their content amounts to a new information, while the other complement type requires that its content should be directly imposed to the common ground, (iii) why some of these complement types can be used only in a very restrictive environment while some other types exhibit a relatively free distribution, and so on.

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