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이어폰 및 헤드폰의 정자기장이 인공심장 박동기 및 이식형 제세동기에 미치는 영향
정재원,최수범,박지수,김덕원,Chung, J.W.,Choi, S.B.,Park, J.S.,Kim, D.W. 대한의용생체공학회 2015 의공학회지 Vol.36 No.1
In this study, we evaluated the effects of static magnetic fields of earphones and headphones on pacemakers and implantable cardioverter defibrillators(ICDs). Five pacemakers and three ICDs were subjected to in-vitro test with three headphones which were an in-ear earphone, clip-on headphone, and closed-back headphone. Each implantable device was placed in close proximity(within 3 mm) to the ear-pad of each of the earphone and headphones for 3 min. As a result, no effects were observed on the pacemakers for the earphone and headphones during the test, but an effect was observed on one ICD for the clip-on and closed-back headphone during the test. When the ICD was placed in close proximity to the headphones, the ICD temporarily suspended functions of tachyarrhythmia detection and therapy. The effect was not observed in this study when the headphones were at least 2 cm from the ICD. Based on these findings, patients with ICDs should be advised to keep earphones and headphones at least 2 cm apart from their ICDs.
정재원,Chung, Jae-won,Rogers, J. David 대한토목학회 2014 대한토목학회논문집 Vol.34 No.6
Probabilistic liquefaction hazard map is now widely needed for engineering practice. Based on the Liquefaction Potential Index (LPI) calculated from liquefied and non-liquefied cases, we attempted to estimate probabilities of liquefaction induced ground failures using logistic regression. We then applied this approach for the regional area. LPIs were calculated based on 273 Standard Penetration Tests in the floodplains in the St. Louis area, USA and then interpolated using cokriging with the covariable of peak ground acceleration. Our result shows that some areas of $LPI{\geq}5$, due to soft soil layers and shallow groundwater table, appear probabilities of ground $failure{\geq}0.5$.
러시아 시민사회의 변화: 신자유주의 세계 경제와 권위주의 국가와의 관계
정재원 ( Jae Won Chung ) 서울대학교 러시아연구소 2013 러시아연구 Vol.23 No.2
In general, civil society is defined as the sphere situated between the state and the market which can serve as a promoter of democratic values, provide models of active participation of citizen and temper the power of the state. And after the fall of socialist system, some scholars of democratic transitions became to regard civil society as an important factor of democratization. In the 1990s, however, the concept of civil society became central to a new vision of development that was driven by beliefs organized around the twin poles of neoliberal economics and liberal democratic theory. The goals, agendas, and projects of NGOs that had received assistance from Western organizations had shifted over time to reflect the interests of the West and (neo)liberal values rather than domestic needs. The neoliberal ideology, driven by the West, on the one hand, have made Russian civil society to be subordinated to it, and on the other hand, have given Russian authoritarian state the pretext to surpass on civil society. Russian authorities were constructing hybrid system of state-civil society relations in which independent civic organizations have been allowed to exist, but where they compete with state-sponsored groups on a highly unequal basis. Nevertheless, despite the Kremlin`s encroachments upon the existing domains of civil society, independent grassroots movements that have been formed and financed domestically rapidly multiply in numbers and entrench their positions across the country. These organizations are prepared to face the state in defense of their interests.
중부·동남부 유럽 탈사회주의 국가들에서의 사회민주주의 정치세력의 발전과 분화
정재원(Jaewon Chung) 비판사회학회 2013 경제와 사회 Vol.- No.98
1990년대 공산화 이전 시장 경제와 의회민주주의 정치의 경험이 풍부했던 중부 유럽 국가들의 공산당들은 사회민주주의적 정당으로의 변신에 일정정도 성공함으로써, 역사적 사회민주주의 정당과의 경쟁에서 승리하고, 국가사회주의 체제의 붕괴를 주도한 자유주의 우파의 집권 기간 동안의 신자유주의적 체제전환 정책에 대한 대안 세력으로 거듭나면서, 체제 전환 이후 불과 수년도 지나지 않아 집권에 성공하기도 하였다. 반면, 공산화 이전 산업화와 민주 정치의 경험이 적었던 발칸 반도의 국가들에서는 역사적 사회민주주의 세력들은 매우 미약하거나 이행 국면에서 반공산주의적 자유주의-민족주의 진영에 합류하는 등 영향력 확대에 실패하면서 스스로 약화의 길을 자초하였고, 공산주의 후계정당들은 공공연한 사회민주당으로의 변신 선언과는 달리, 국가마다 다양한 상황 변화를 맞으면서 당내 보수적-민족주의적 분파가 주도권을 장악하여 구래의 현실 사회주의식(후견주의식) 사회경제정책을 유지하거나, 반민주적이고 민족주의 정당과 구별되지 않는 정당으로 변질되기도 한다. 이러한 탈사회주의 동유럽 국가들에서의 사회민주주의 세력들의 다양한 분화, 발전 과정과 그 한계는 근본적으로는 공산화 이전의 민주주의 정치와 시장경제의 경험의 유무, 공산화의 자발성 여부와 기간, 그리고 지역별 역사적, 종교적, 문화적 전통의 차이 등에 기인한다고 할 수 있다. 그러나 이러한 원인들과 더불어 간과하지 말아야 할 것은 이러한 차이와 분화는 신자유주의 세계화 과정 속에서 중심부 국가와 자본의 이해와 필요에 따라 선택적으로 세계자본주의 체제 속으로 편입되는 과정에서 강제된 결과이기도 하다는 것이다. 본 논문에서는 이러한 한계를 극복하고자 사회민주주의 세력의 분화를 역사적, 문화적 지리적 차원에서뿐 아니라, 세계자본주의 체제 속에서 파악하여, 특히 신자유주의 세계화 속에서 서구 국가와 자본의 분업 전략에 따른 이 지역 국민들의 다양한 적응과 저항의 기제가 사회민주주의 정치세력의 분화와 변질의 중요한 토대임을 밝혀내고자 한다. With the rise of globalization and the diffusion of neoliberal economic reform throughout the world, the relevance of partisanship for economic reform has become the subject of much controversy. After the fall of socialist system, countries in Central and Eastern Europe faced global economic pressures, but, they simultaneously needed to construct a market economy. In this situation, the social democratic parties in the region worked out cognate strategies of deciding the tasks in countries, where inhere beside the authorities or form a powerful opposition, combining the measures of market economy and of raising a cost-performance with the active social policy. In this context, author insists that the history of revival and prospects of parties of social-democratic orientation in the region is deeply related to the historical roots of dependences and the economic marginalization enforced by the core of capitalism in the West in the era of neoliberal globalization. Undoubtedly, it was found that historical and cultural factors were related to the emergence of post-communist-nationalist political cooperation or post-communist leftist-neoliberal combination. It, however, also has to be considered that the external power has played amount role in setting and enforcing political agendas for the states of the region and influenced domestic political outcomes. The present economic relations between Central and Southeastern Europe and the West are still patron-clientele or core-periphery relations. In Southeastern European countries, the patrimonial communist regimes produced communist successor parties which emerged as conglomerate parties with a very weak social democratic component, largely because the social democrats began in a very weak position. In Central Europe, however, communist successor parties were provided with organizational resources and a pool of political talents which enabled them to quickly adopt characteristics akin to a modern West European social democratic parties. Insofar as former communist regime parties reformed and adopted a social democratic platform, they won easy victories over historical social democratic parties. In this context, author analyses the criterion of typology of social-democratic parties in the region, the history of revival of these parties and the programs and some results of social democratic parties. The external factor forced post-communist countries to be integrated selectively into the world-capitalist system and make the social democratic parties become quite different. whatever the case, the support of statism, socialism, nationalism and (neo)liberalism mixed in together is likely to remain an important part of post-communist politics in the region.
정재원(JaeWon Chung),김영주(YoungJu Kim),최병습(ByoungSeub Choi),이상현(SangHyun Lee),홍대성(DaeSung Hong),안효원(HyoWon An) 대한토목학회 2009 대한토목학회 학술대회 Vol.2009 No.10
1979년 준공된 수도권 광역상수도 1단계 시설은 상당한 노후화가 진행되었을 것으로 예상되며, 또한 향후 한강하류권 용수공급계획이 예정되어 있어 내부부식 및 관로손상부 개량의 시급성이 제기되었다. 이에 따라 직경 2,800~800㎜의 초대구경 도수관 53.9km의 개량을 위한 사업이 추진되었으며 시공성, 환경성, 경제성 등의 여러 항목에 대한 검토 결과 신개념 녹색공법인 비굴착식 건식일체형 공법이 최종 선정되었다. 그동안 기존관 개량공사에서 주로 사용되었던 굴착공법이 굴착에 따른 공기지연, 소음 · 분진 · 악취 등의 환경오염, 전구간 굴착에 따른 공사비 증가 등 많은 문제점을 안고 있는 것에 반해, 동사업에서 채택된 비굴착공법은 관로내에서 작업이 이루어지므로 공기단축, 환경오염 최소화에 따른 민원발생 최소화, 작업구만 굴착함에서 오는 공사비 절감 등 상대적으로 훨씬 우수한 것으로 평가된다. 동공법에 따르면 관내부 갱생공사는 ‘배수 및 잔류토사 제거’→‘관내 건조’→‘표면처리’→‘프라이머도장’→‘본도장’의 순으로 진행된다. 일체형 장비에 의한 이와 같은 초대형관의 자동화시공은 세계에서 처음 적용되는 것이다.
정재원(Chung Jaewon) 한국슬라브유라시아학회 2015 슬라브학보 Vol.30 No.2
Xinjiang Province in China is the most important region and the corridor to the West where the Chinese economy makes a new leap forward and the reservoir of energy, where clear the way for the prosperous future of China. In this respect Chinese government has pushed forward the ‘Great Development Strategy of Western China’ in order not only to develop the western part of China, especially Xinjiang, but also to weakened the independent movement of Uyghur people. 5 independent states came into being with the collapse of the Soviet Union in Central Asia. Some of the newly independent states share a border with Xinjiang and Growing economic ties have further developed relations and boosted trade and investment between Xinjiang and Central Asian Countries. However, it could be an risk rather than opportunity for China because most of the people of Central Asian countries are the Turkic-Muslims who share common history, language, and culture. The appearance of new independent brethren nation has a strong influence on Xinjiang where indigenous Uyghur people have been fighting Chinese rule for decades. The paper examine the current interchange between Xinjiang and Central Asian countries and the history and the present of migration, integration, and conflicts of Uyghur people who has played leading role in Eastern Central Asia together with neighbouring Turkic brethren nations.
한국2,30대 여성의 체중조절행위가 골밀도에 미치는 영향
정재원 ( Chae Weon Chung ),이숙정 ( Suk Jeong Lee ) 한국여성건강간호학회 2013 여성건강간호학회지 Vol.19 No.1
This study identified the effects of body weight control behaviors on bone mineral density (BMD)in Korean women aged 20 to 39 years. Methods: A secondary analysis of the 5th Korean National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey was conducted. Asian-Pacific criteria of BMI (Body Mass Index)and BMD were calculated for 1,026 women selected. The effects of body weight control behaviors were assessed using binary multiple logistic regression analysis while controlling for BMI. Results: Osteopenia and osteoporosis rates were 32.8% and 2.0%, respectively. About 69% of women performed weight control behaviors, and a combination of diet/exercise(22.7%)and drug added methods(10.9%)for weight control. Women who performed both diet control and exercise had a lower possibility to have abnormal BMD than those who did not try weight control (OR=0.67, CI=0.45~0.98, p=.039). Further weight control behaviors did not influence abnormal BMD. Conclusion: Body weight control should include proper diet and exercise in accordance with each woman`s BMI level.
정재원(Chung ChaeWeon),황은경(Hwang EunKyung),황신우(Hwang ShinWoo) 대한종양간호학회 2009 Asian Oncology Nursing Vol.9 No.2
Purpose: The study was aimed to investigate the levels of marital intimacy and quality of life (QOL) among women with breast cancer. Methods: As a descriptive study, a total of 67 married women with breast cancer was recruited via convenient sampling from a breast clinic in an university hospital. A structured, self-reported questionnaire was administered to the participants. Results: The most participants were housewives in their 40s and 50s, and were in high socioeconomic status. Two thirds of women perceived the marital intimacy with their spouse were increased after the diagnosis of breast cancer. Women’s marital intimacy significantly differed by their levels of education. The level of cognitive intimacy was the highest among the subscales, whereas, sexual intimacy was the lowest. The family factor of QOL showed the highest score, and there were differences in QOL by employment status and cancer stage. The QOL and marital intimacy were not correlated significantly. Conclusion: Further research on the couples with breast cancer and intervention for increasing their marital intimacy are needed in the future.