淸末의 同文館 天文·算學館 증설 논쟁 : 정통과 非정통의 충돌 正統和非正統的충突

장의식 대구사학회 2005 대구사학 Vol.78 No.-

同治5年11月(1866年12月)因總理衙門要在同文館里增設天文算學館而引起的論爭常被指摘爲中西方文化沖突的最佳例子. 對天算館設立的抵抗戱劇性地展現了反對接受西學的中國人的保守主義, 作爲一個好例子, 也展示了中國爲什마不能能動地對處近代世界的重要問題的解答. 總理衙門的提案意味着西學觀念從制造槍포的技術擴展到以數學爲代表的自然科學. 영外, 還意味着承認數學, 自然科學作爲技術的基굴是富國强兵的有用手段. 天文館的學生和從前同文館學生資格겁爲不同, 是承認以擧人貢生及途出身到五品以下京外各官爲對象的西歐的軍事技術根据一定的原理, 由非純粹的匠人而是知識層參與的專門的學問的過程. 對此計화的初期批判論的核心是把天文算學貶低爲術學, 學這個非儒者之爲, 把敎習洋人的事情看做是師法洋人的差恥之事. 隨後, 此論爭학實作中西文化的沖突開始的一大側面. 由此總理衙門也直接面對這樣的批刺, 西學實際上在中國已有了開端, 就用所謂的“西學中原說”來對應. 此倫理不僅是爲了受容西學的“知的僞裝”, 同時也是鄙視或者忽視中國也存在這충學問的事資的“知的誤解”. 是因爲天文數學所擁有的中國博統學問世界的非正統性忽待. 使對總理衙門提案初期內燃的批判論公開化的背景是在章程制定過程中擴大富初學生選拔計화, 以擧人貢生和此項人員及翰輪林院庶吉士, 編修, 檢討餘進士出身五品以下京外各官爲對象. 此後, 雖然公開性的批判論被提出, 但論爭的焦点却有所不同. 論爭的焦点漸次轉向科擧出身的士人或是官員們認爲有需要學習像天文算學的學問. 在這一過程中儒者也應理所當然근得天文算學的上諭內容是不再把這種學問看成西學的觀點的重大修正. 這충觀點也曾是是西學出現在中國的修正說的一충說法. 當然, 拜洋人爲師的敎習主體問題一直存在, 但問題的核心聚集了這些學問是否只能由科擧出身士人或官員門所爲的間題. 現在, 不是天文算學是不是西學的問題而是正統還是非正統的問題成爲核心. 于是, 批判論也轉變爲能否容忍一般人學習這一學問. 因此, 這一論爭在數學방佛爲西學的象征狀況下, 中西文化沖突的性質倂沒有完全消失, 而是轉變成正統和非正統的沖突. 這충正統和非正統的沖突雖然都承認自强的必要性, 却反映了進取方向不同的路線. 批判論者們展現的自强是脫離儒敎正統的方向選擇過于追求功利, 非正統方向. 所以, 論爭也可謂是想克服初期軍事技術中心的初步性水准的有關改革方向的最初反洋務的批判活動. 所以, 這一論爭的背景强調同禮儀人心一樣的儒敎的德目, 批判依据非正統方法的功利改革的淸議言論活躍起來. 總理衙門方面也感知到了這一点, 說這是"聚黨私議', 倂加以批判, 但實際上他們他想糾集洋務勢力將批判論平息下去. 西太后雖然偏초政治對手恭親王, 向批判論的先鋒倭仁施加侮辱, 但那倂不意味倭仁而是意味着贊同恭親王的策화和倫理. 有關對倭仁的侮辱是在這一論爭之前倭仁論說皇帝的敎育政策時, 西太后本身有被倭仁批評的背景. 卽使對政治對手恭親王的權威有所損傷的批判與論的先鋒倭仁一派發現了牽制恭親王的潛在力量, 但也想학認不管是都不能非難他們. 熊而, 西太后不只是對倭仁進行侮辱, 對恭親王也施加了一定的制約. 雖然?雜的政治算計鋪天蓋地, 却不能无視士大夫公論認爲恭親王的策화是非正統的, 那些與不得不强調"正統"的西太后的所謂攝政的位置不能說沒有關系. 因此, 就不能忽視此論爭所擁有的政治背景. 然而, 論爭本身雖然基本上是從中西文化沖突中發端的, 却漸次被所謂正統非正統的沖突側面占前, 而且, 那還是-個常重要的側面. 此論爭展示了在中國近代史上作爲中西文化沖突所看到的衆多事案, 實際上是中國現實社會的正統和非正統的沖突.

청말(淸末)의 교육개혁에 대한 일고찰 : 국민교육론의 정책화 과정을 중심으로

장의식 고대사학회 1986 사총 Vol.30 No.-

청말 중국의 근대 육군 군사학당과 그 교육

장의식 명청사학회 1997 명청사연구 Vol.7 No.1

淸末 改革의 축소판운동기의 京師大學堂

장의식 대구사학회 2007 대구사학 Vol.88 No.-

]The new education system, which is an western style education system, was introduced since 1860' in order to improve the Chinese education system. However it did not significantly impact on the reform of the existing Chinese academic system because it only contributed to resolve the urgent education reform desires. In spite of these circumstances, these education reform movement provided the opportunity to improve considerably the Ching dynasty education system.Gongissangsu(公車上書) in 1895 and Lee Duanfun(李端 )'s Proposal on the education system reform, which are issued due to the defeat of Ching-Japan War, required the fundamental reform of social system but its result was only the reform of education regime, which only resulted in the building of a new university of Beijing(京師大學堂), in spite of the severe dispute among social power groups. Furthermore the building of this a new university of Beijing also were interrupted by the power elites of bureaucratic organization. And then the education institute building process was not progressed due to the several resistant groups on the social reform in spite of the continuous effort of Gwangsi Emperor(光緖帝). Consequently the reform movement of 1898 eventually intended to reform fundamentally the social system and also to restrain the power elite groups even though its goals is to educate the talent students. Therefore the reform movement of 1898 and the building of University of Beijing is one of the most representative cases of social reform in the end of Ching Dynasty.

청말 중국 전통교육의 근대적 전환

장의식 대구사학회 2002 대구사학회 Vol.69 No.-

중국 최후의 과거(科擧) 합격 진사(進士)와 신학문(新學問)의 대면(對面) -경사대학당(京師大學堂) 진사관(進士館)의 신교육(新敎育)-

장의식 중국사학회 2014 中國史硏究 Vol.89 No.-

The Jinshi Academy(進士館) of the Imperial University(Jing-shi da-xue-tang), opened in May 26th 1904 according to the sudden order of the court in December 1902, was a symbol of the change of time. The highest elites who had succeeded in the final State Examination was forced to learn modern studies different from traditional studies, which was a new and strange attempt and was enough to be regarded as a symbol of change of time. It was a contraction of the time, the study on it is significant. The Jinshi Academy was at first just like the Institute for the reeducation of newly advanced Jinshi, as we can see from ``the regulation of the Jinshi Academy`` proclaimed in January 1904. However, from 1903 newly advanced Jinshi was obliged to complete the 3-year course of all the curriculum composed of new studies. Their entrance and graduation of the Jinshi Academy was obligatory. Jinshi who was appointed to county magistrate(知縣) because he was over 35-years old was also required to learn modern studies in Shi-xue Guan(仕學館) or Ke-li Guan(課吏館), which indicates that the court of Ching Dynasty emphasized very much newly appointed officials`` learning of new studies. Here we can understand that the further research on Shi-xue Guan(仕學館) or Ke-li Guan(課吏館) in each province is another historical task in the future. Shi-xue Guan which was reopened after the Righteous Rebellion succeeding to the Shi-xue Yuan(仕學院) which had first opened in the Imperial University became obscure in its meaning of existence due to the opening of the Jinshi Academy. Both of them were similar in their natures. Though it is said that Shi-xue Guan was incorporated into the Jinshi Academy, in fact it was not complete integration. Just the students of Shi-xue Guan was moved to the Jinshi Academy. It remained a different and independent course, with its own independent curriculum. Complete incorporation was impossible, because the status of students were different between these two groups. ``The Imperial school regulation`` was rectified in September 1904, just 4 months after the opening of the Academy, which indicates that there were not a few problems in the early Jinshi Academy. These newly advanced Jinshi who had succeeded in the final state examination came to have complaints about the coercive dormitory life and the compulsion of the new studies. So students were classified into two groups, a group of living in dormitory and another group of commuting to Academy, according to the ``rectified regulation``, which might be the result of the complaints of the Jinshi. Hanlim Jungshu were classified as inner group who were supposed to live in the dormitory, and executive officials were classified as outer group who could commute to academy. ``The Rectified Regulation`` pointed that some were not observing the academy rules and ordered a thorough obedience, which also indicates that the highest elites had complaints, feeling strange and uncomfortable about living in community and learning unfamiliar studies different from traditional studies. And ``the Regulation`` also commanded that heterogeneous opinions concerning the state system should be strictly cracked down, which also indicates that while living together for study, Jinshi shared critical opinions about state system and dynasty. The permission of Jinshi`s study-abroad at his own expense was significant in the sense that it symbolized change of time. What did study-abroad mean and why was it necessary to Jinshi who had aready reached its peak in academic level And what did the permission of study-abroad mean At this time Ching authority does not seem to have permitted Jinshi to study abroad by its own will but because of the Jinshi`s demands. A ``policy of abolishing the state examination 10 years later``, which was decided together with "the Imperial School Regulations" of January 1904, has been attended to as a background of increase in the number of students studying abroad. Students who were studying in the Jinshi Academy demanded the permission of study-abroad, not only due to their complaints aout living in dormitory and studying studies which were strange to them, but also in the expectation that larger freedom and promising future would be secured through studying abroad. On the other hand this indicates that Ching government and the elites literati class recognized the backwardness of China and the ineffectiveness of the education of the Jinshi Academy. However, as the government policy to abolish the state examination 10 years later changed to that of immediate abolition in September 1905, the future of the Jinshi Academy was pessimistic, because there was no other entrance of the new Jinshi students any more. One year later, in August 1906, a change in the management of the Jinshi Academy and the dispatch of them to foreign nations were determined, which means that Ching government confessed that the establishment of the Jinshi Academy had been reckless in itself. By this government determination, the Jinshi Academy was proved not to have well settled down until that time, so the large scale of the Jinshi student who entered in the second year was decided to be dispatched to ToKyo Hosei University in Japan. As the expense for the conduct of the Jinshi Academy was changed to the expense for the study-abroad, Jinshi were able to depart to study abroad not at their own expense but by the state financial support. The relation between the government`s permission of the Jinshi Academy students to study abroad in September 1904 and the highest fever of study-abroad in 1906 is a subject of future research. It is true especially because this fever of study-abroad provided the Chinese history with the energy for the revolution. As situation changed, the Jinshi Academy got separated from the Imperial University being an independent educational institute, the Capital College of Law and Politics, which was opened in spring 1908. The Jinshi Academy lost its meaning completely at this stage of historical development. The number of the first students of the Jinshi Academy was at least over 108 out of 1903`s 315 Jinshis, for the number who took the graduation test was over 108. 34.3% of 1903`s 315 Jinshis were enrolled. Rest of them went out to counties as magistrates and others did not attend the Academy due to different reasons. Most of the Jinshi students who had entered in the first year were inner group who stayed in the dormitory. And the second group of the Jinshi Academy students composed of the 273 Jinshi members of 1904 mostly graduated by passing through the test for students studying abroad, and the total 150 students are confirmed to have graduated this way. All the enrolled 150 students were the second group of the Jinshi Academy was about 54.9% out of 273 which were higher than first group. Thcourse of the Jinshi Academy was composed of 15 curriculums under the large three classification of traditional Ke(果) Da(達) Yi(藝), and each of these curriculums was again subdivided into several subjects. This system was different from the general practice dividing studies into the Chinese Study and the West Study, which indicates that new integrated study system transcending the distinction between the Chinese Study and the West Study. was being pursued. Especially the fact that the constitution of each nation was placed for study under the curriculum, ``the study of law`, indicates many significant things, since the state structure and the political system of China would naturally be studied in comparison with those of the West while those of the West were being learned. The Jinshi Academy students went out in a large scale to foreign nations to study, because the expense for study-abroad was paid by government. This made the bad educational situation of the Jinshi Academy worse. As a result, the second group of two inner students and 40 outer students who stayed in the country was required to study for themselves without attending the classroom. The educational situation of the second group of students was sharply compared with that of the first group of students who were on the point of graduating in January 19 after having completed the whole 6 semesters. The Jinshi Academy students composed of newly advanced Jinshi not only had many rules and regulation to observe, but enjoyed not a few privileges. They didn`t have to pay tuitions. They were provided with free dormitory and food supply, and also paid some allowance beyond scholarships. They were able to study abroad by the financial support of government. When getting a good grade in the graduation test, they could be rewarded with higher government offices. The Jinshi Academy at first established as a desperate measure to consolidate the imperial system perished away for this and that reason. The variation of the Jinshi Academy seems to have been a symbolic change of time, containing various meanings and abstracting changes of time.

중국 근대 교육사에 대한 최근의 연구 동향

장의식 한국중국학회 1999 中國學報 Vol.39 No.1

淸末의 科擧制 廢止過程 硏究

張義植 역사학회 1984 역사학보 Vol.103 No.-

淸末 科擧制 改廢에 대한 各界의 반응과 舊科擧層 대책

張義植(Chang Ui-sik) 동양사학회 1988 東洋史學硏究 Vol.28 No.-

청말(淸末) 중국(中國) 주재(駐在) 서양(西洋) 선교사(宣敎師)의 과거(科擧) 및 교육(敎育) 개혁론(改革論)

장의식 ( Jang Ui Shik ) 중국사학회 2018 中國史硏究 Vol.113 No.-

Western missionaries in China constantly asserted the reform in the late Ch'ing China. They especially emphasized the reform in the state examination system and the education in various ways, even suggesting reform programs. Not only they directly claimed the reform, but indirectly created a favourable atmosphere for it, introducing various books on the Western educational institutions with a little exaggeration. They did not persisted in the abolition of the state examination system until the Chinese-French war, but preferred a partial reform of it, maintaining the improvement in the method of the examination and the introduction of the Western disciplines in education. This shows us that they are confused in their recognition of the examination system. As Calvin Mateer shows, though the state examination system had a huge problem, the social position and influence, and the positive side of it was not ignorable. Instead, a proposal to select government officials through the school system was suggested. This was an effective proposal to promote the educational system without abolishing the state examination system and at the same time to make the reform of the state examination system possible. It was an initiative form of the Examination-School Integration theory. The establishment of the three-grade(or two grade) school system, the performance of the national education and the financial preparation for the educational expense through donation were suggested for the performance of the reform. It was Timothy Richard, the secretary of the Society for the Diffusion of Christian and General Knowledge(廣學會), that proposed the most effective reform plan in the age from Sino-French war to Sino-Japanese war. In 1889 he presented his reform plan to Lee Hongzhang, insisting on the establishment of the three-grade school system, the establishment of an official educational department, the financial preparation for the education, the addition of the western disciplines to the state examination and etc., making a comprehensive allowance for school, newspaper and library all together. In April 1894, when he insisted that the affair of the educational department(廣學部) should be discussed with Robert Hart, the inspector general of the Chinese maritime custom house, he exposed his imperialistic nature. Thus even Timothy Richard, the most radical educational reformist, did not persisted on the abolition of the state examination system. The abolition of the state examination had never been discussed up to this stage. After Sino-Japanese war, they proposed a new opinion that the university supposed to be established in the capital should have the two functions as that of a national university and as that of the governmental educational department, which was a new strategy aiming at two effects, setting up a school system and establishing an educational department. Jing-shih-tahsieh-t'ang, the Imperial University of Peijing established after 1897 Reform Movement really had functions like this. The imperialistic invasion which began to be shown in the Timothy Richard's reform plans became conspicuous after Sino-Japanese war. Timothy's imperialistic tendency is well manifested in his "New Policy" published in Oct. of 1895, which contained the perspective to make China a protectorate. Young Allen also had the same attitude. After Sino-Japanese war, the missionaries began to really present their reform programs to the Chinese high officials or to the Board of Foreign Affair(總理衙門), often taking advantage of their personal relationship, which was a new feature of this time in China. Missionaries also introduced the modern educational ideals of the West, the ideal of the national education enabling every class of people to be commonly educated without any segregation, and an obligatory educational system to China, which enabled the Chinese intellectuals to recognize more concretely the modern educational ideals and the educational systems of the West. Though it is certain that the reform of the state examination system and the education from the late 19^th century to 20^th century was performed by the Chinese intellectuals’ active leadership, it was sure to be affected by the missionaries’ reform plans which had been created responding to change in the Chinese inner and outer situations. Especially the reform plans proposed by the missionaries during the period of reform movement after Sino-Japanese war must have provided the Chinese reformers with inspiration and vision. The reform plans, whether suggested by 1897 reformers or promoted by the government which had frustrated the former reformers, were generally similar with the missionaries’. My fundamental concern about this issue is not the mutual affects between them, but why the missionaries were so indulged in the reform of the state examination state and the educational reform in China. This will provide a good example which will be helpful for the understanding what the missionary’s motives to make them contend the performance of reforms in their different regions(mainly in colony) in the age of imperialism. The missionaries' imperialistic ideals exposed explicitly after the Sino-Japanese war have been a good ground for the blame that they represented the imperialistic policy of their own state. But it should also be reconsidered that they were mostly interested in the educational reform and the reform of the state examination system, not in either politics or economy. Perhaps they might be too much eager for the enrichment of China, or intend to produce a favourable atmosphere for the expansion of European civilization and for the Christian mission, by the fundamental change in the Confucian system through the reform. However, whatever it may be, their devaluation on the Chinese civilization is sure to be the effect of the orientalism. In 1897 Timothy Richard suggested to the British minister of foreign affair that the Britain agree to the raise of customs rate by 1 %, and invest the surplus custom revenue cause by the raise of customs rate to the Chinese education. He added that this policy would make the future Chinese leaders study in England, which would be again advantageous for the trade. This way of thought indicates many things. America allowed a part of the recompense for the Boxers’ Rebellion to be invested for the Chinese students' educational expense studying in America. This policy is similar with Timothy's proposal. The relationship between them is to be investigated more.