청말(淸末)의 교육개혁에 대한 일고찰 : 국민교육론의 정책화 과정을 중심으로

장의식 고대사학회 1986 사총 Vol.30 No.-

淸末의 同文館 天文·算學館 증설 논쟁 : 정통과 非정통의 충돌 正統和非正統的충突

장의식 대구사학회 2005 대구사학 Vol.78 No.-

同治5年11月(1866年12月)因總理衙門要在同文館里增設天文算學館而引起的論爭常被指摘爲中西方文化沖突的最佳例子. 對天算館設立的抵抗戱劇性地展現了反對接受西學的中國人的保守主義, 作爲一個好例子, 也展示了中國爲什마不能能動地對處近代世界的重要問題的解答. 總理衙門的提案意味着西學觀念從制造槍포的技術擴展到以數學爲代表的自然科學. 영外, 還意味着承認數學, 自然科學作爲技術的基굴是富國强兵的有用手段. 天文館的學生和從前同文館學生資格겁爲不同, 是承認以擧人貢生及途出身到五品以下京外各官爲對象的西歐的軍事技術根据一定的原理, 由非純粹的匠人而是知識層參與的專門的學問的過程. 對此計화的初期批判論的核心是把天文算學貶低爲術學, 學這個非儒者之爲, 把敎習洋人的事情看做是師法洋人的差恥之事. 隨後, 此論爭학實作中西文化的沖突開始的一大側面. 由此總理衙門也直接面對這樣的批刺, 西學實際上在中國已有了開端, 就用所謂的“西學中原說”來對應. 此倫理不僅是爲了受容西學的“知的僞裝”, 同時也是鄙視或者忽視中國也存在這충學問的事資的“知的誤解”. 是因爲天文數學所擁有的中國博統學問世界的非正統性忽待. 使對總理衙門提案初期內燃的批判論公開化的背景是在章程制定過程中擴大富初學生選拔計화, 以擧人貢生和此項人員及翰輪林院庶吉士, 編修, 檢討餘進士出身五品以下京外各官爲對象. 此後, 雖然公開性的批判論被提出, 但論爭的焦点却有所不同. 論爭的焦点漸次轉向科擧出身的士人或是官員們認爲有需要學習像天文算學的學問. 在這一過程中儒者也應理所當然근得天文算學的上諭內容是不再把這種學問看成西學的觀點的重大修正. 這충觀點也曾是是西學出現在中國的修正說的一충說法. 當然, 拜洋人爲師的敎習主體問題一直存在, 但問題的核心聚集了這些學問是否只能由科擧出身士人或官員門所爲的間題. 現在, 不是天文算學是不是西學的問題而是正統還是非正統的問題成爲核心. 于是, 批判論也轉變爲能否容忍一般人學習這一學問. 因此, 這一論爭在數學방佛爲西學的象征狀況下, 中西文化沖突的性質倂沒有完全消失, 而是轉變成正統和非正統的沖突. 這충正統和非正統的沖突雖然都承認自强的必要性, 却反映了進取方向不同的路線. 批判論者們展現的自强是脫離儒敎正統的方向選擇過于追求功利, 非正統方向. 所以, 論爭也可謂是想克服初期軍事技術中心的初步性水准的有關改革方向的最初反洋務的批判活動. 所以, 這一論爭的背景强調同禮儀人心一樣的儒敎的德目, 批判依据非正統方法的功利改革的淸議言論活躍起來. 總理衙門方面也感知到了這一点, 說這是"聚黨私議', 倂加以批判, 但實際上他們他想糾集洋務勢力將批判論平息下去. 西太后雖然偏초政治對手恭親王, 向批判論的先鋒倭仁施加侮辱, 但那倂不意味倭仁而是意味着贊同恭親王的策화和倫理. 有關對倭仁的侮辱是在這一論爭之前倭仁論說皇帝的敎育政策時, 西太后本身有被倭仁批評的背景. 卽使對政治對手恭親王的權威有所損傷的批判與論的先鋒倭仁一派發現了牽制恭親王的潛在力量, 但也想학認不管是都不能非難他們. 熊而, 西太后不只是對倭仁進行侮辱, 對恭親王也施加了一定的制約. 雖然?雜的政治算計鋪天蓋地, 却不能无視士大夫公論認爲恭親王的策화是非正統的, 那些與不得不强調"正統"的西太后的所謂攝政的位置不能說沒有關系. 因此, 就不能忽視此論爭所擁有的政治背景. 然而, 論爭本身雖然基本上是從中西文化沖突中發端的, 却漸次被所謂正統非正統的沖突側面占前, 而且, 那還是-個常重要的側面. 此論爭展示了在中國近代史上作爲中西文化沖突所看到的衆多事案, 實際上是中國現實社會的正統和非正統的沖突.

청말(淸末) 중국(中國) 주재(駐在) 서양(西洋) 선교사(宣敎師)의 과거(科擧) 및 교육(敎育) 개혁론(改革論)

장의식 ( Jang Ui Shik ) 중국사학회 2018 中國史硏究 Vol.113 No.-

Western missionaries in China constantly asserted the reform in the late Ch'ing China. They especially emphasized the reform in the state examination system and the education in various ways, even suggesting reform programs. Not only they directly claimed the reform, but indirectly created a favourable atmosphere for it, introducing various books on the Western educational institutions with a little exaggeration. They did not persisted in the abolition of the state examination system until the Chinese-French war, but preferred a partial reform of it, maintaining the improvement in the method of the examination and the introduction of the Western disciplines in education. This shows us that they are confused in their recognition of the examination system. As Calvin Mateer shows, though the state examination system had a huge problem, the social position and influence, and the positive side of it was not ignorable. Instead, a proposal to select government officials through the school system was suggested. This was an effective proposal to promote the educational system without abolishing the state examination system and at the same time to make the reform of the state examination system possible. It was an initiative form of the Examination-School Integration theory. The establishment of the three-grade(or two grade) school system, the performance of the national education and the financial preparation for the educational expense through donation were suggested for the performance of the reform. It was Timothy Richard, the secretary of the Society for the Diffusion of Christian and General Knowledge(廣學會), that proposed the most effective reform plan in the age from Sino-French war to Sino-Japanese war. In 1889 he presented his reform plan to Lee Hongzhang, insisting on the establishment of the three-grade school system, the establishment of an official educational department, the financial preparation for the education, the addition of the western disciplines to the state examination and etc., making a comprehensive allowance for school, newspaper and library all together. In April 1894, when he insisted that the affair of the educational department(廣學部) should be discussed with Robert Hart, the inspector general of the Chinese maritime custom house, he exposed his imperialistic nature. Thus even Timothy Richard, the most radical educational reformist, did not persisted on the abolition of the state examination system. The abolition of the state examination had never been discussed up to this stage. After Sino-Japanese war, they proposed a new opinion that the university supposed to be established in the capital should have the two functions as that of a national university and as that of the governmental educational department, which was a new strategy aiming at two effects, setting up a school system and establishing an educational department. Jing-shih-tahsieh-t'ang, the Imperial University of Peijing established after 1897 Reform Movement really had functions like this. The imperialistic invasion which began to be shown in the Timothy Richard's reform plans became conspicuous after Sino-Japanese war. Timothy's imperialistic tendency is well manifested in his "New Policy" published in Oct. of 1895, which contained the perspective to make China a protectorate. Young Allen also had the same attitude. After Sino-Japanese war, the missionaries began to really present their reform programs to the Chinese high officials or to the Board of Foreign Affair(總理衙門), often taking advantage of their personal relationship, which was a new feature of this time in China. Missionaries also introduced the modern educational ideals of the West, the ideal of the national education enabling every class of people to be commonly educated without any segregation, and an obligatory educational system to China, which enabled the Chinese intellectuals to recognize more concretely the modern educational ideals and the educational systems of the West. Though it is certain that the reform of the state examination system and the education from the late 19^th century to 20^th century was performed by the Chinese intellectuals’ active leadership, it was sure to be affected by the missionaries’ reform plans which had been created responding to change in the Chinese inner and outer situations. Especially the reform plans proposed by the missionaries during the period of reform movement after Sino-Japanese war must have provided the Chinese reformers with inspiration and vision. The reform plans, whether suggested by 1897 reformers or promoted by the government which had frustrated the former reformers, were generally similar with the missionaries’. My fundamental concern about this issue is not the mutual affects between them, but why the missionaries were so indulged in the reform of the state examination state and the educational reform in China. This will provide a good example which will be helpful for the understanding what the missionary’s motives to make them contend the performance of reforms in their different regions(mainly in colony) in the age of imperialism. The missionaries' imperialistic ideals exposed explicitly after the Sino-Japanese war have been a good ground for the blame that they represented the imperialistic policy of their own state. But it should also be reconsidered that they were mostly interested in the educational reform and the reform of the state examination system, not in either politics or economy. Perhaps they might be too much eager for the enrichment of China, or intend to produce a favourable atmosphere for the expansion of European civilization and for the Christian mission, by the fundamental change in the Confucian system through the reform. However, whatever it may be, their devaluation on the Chinese civilization is sure to be the effect of the orientalism. In 1897 Timothy Richard suggested to the British minister of foreign affair that the Britain agree to the raise of customs rate by 1 %, and invest the surplus custom revenue cause by the raise of customs rate to the Chinese education. He added that this policy would make the future Chinese leaders study in England, which would be again advantageous for the trade. This way of thought indicates many things. America allowed a part of the recompense for the Boxers’ Rebellion to be invested for the Chinese students' educational expense studying in America. This policy is similar with Timothy's proposal. The relationship between them is to be investigated more.

淸末 科擧制 改廢에 대한 各界의 반응과 舊科擧層 대책

張義植(Chang Ui-sik) 동양사학회 1988 東洋史學硏究 Vol.28 No.-

淸末의 科擧制 廢止過程 硏究

張義植 역사학회 1984 역사학보 Vol.103 No.-

上海 廣方言館과 중국 근대교육

張義植 대구사학회 2004 대구사학 Vol.76 No.-

Shanghai Guang-fang-yan-guan founded in 1863 by Li Hung-zhang(李鴻璋) was the symbol of the modern Western education, together with Bei-jing Tong-wen-guan (北京 同文館) set up in 1862. The main goal of this academy was to train students not for translators but for administrators capable to perform important national polices, and besides western languages, mathematics was valued highly, which were advocated by Li Hung-zhang. Opened with only one department of English of 40 students, Shanghai Guang-fang-yan-guan included later departments of French, German, Mathematics, and Astronomy. Unlike Bei-jing Tong-wen-guan, applicants were limited only to Chinese proficient in Classics, and the young people of the Eight Flags were excluded. To meet the trend of the Traditional Examination is above everything, the students were granted scholarships, but the number was around 40. The three-year term of study was not observed strictly, because the students still remained who had completed courses but been able to seek suitable jobs. Not only it oppressed the limited finance of the institute, but also made impossible the regular selection of new students. No organized curriculum and no concrete quality of education is said to be one of deficiencies of this Western-style school. Strict observance of various regulations was required of students, but they enjoyed considerable privileges. They were provided with scholar-ships and free tuition and free boarding. To make the matter better, they were given the degree-the qualification for Traditional Examination and the opportunity to hold offices in the government without applying for Traditional Examination.

논문(論文) : 청말(淸末) 경사대학당(京師大學堂) 진사관(進士館) 1기생(期生) 진사(進士)들의 행로(行路)

장의식 ( Ui Shik Jang ) 중국사학회 2015 中國史硏究 Vol.95 No.-

The students who first entered the Jinshi-guan that opened in May 1904 were mainly composed of the Jinshi who had passed the capital examination in 1903, while it was opened to Jinshi who had passed the two former capital examinations. How large was the number of the first students ? The number of Jinshi-guan students who attended a graduation examination was 106, among which 85 were the Jinshi of 1903, 3 the Jinshi of 1895, 9 the Jinshi of 1898, 6 the Jinshi of 1884 and 3 were unknown. If we consider all of these the first Jinshi-guan students, the number of the first students was at least 106. And there might be students who stopped studying on the way or could not attend the graduation examination. Therefore, 85 1903-Jinshi among 106 must be the least number. And it is proved that total 102 Jinshi of 1903 capital examination entered Jinshi-guan. When we consider all of these the first students of the Jinshi-guan though it is possible that some entered the Jinshi-guan as the second student, the rate of 1903 Jinshi who entered Jinshi-guan becomes around 32%. If we suppose that all of these 102 Jinshi were the first Jinshi-guan students and only 85 of them took the graduation examination, with 17 not taking the examination, the number increases to at least 123. Enen if we suppose all of 102 were the first students of Jinshi-guan, the number of Jinshi that entered the Jinshi-guan just occupied 1/3 of all 1903 Jinshi. It is surprising, considering their entrance was obligatory. What was the reason ? This is significant because it shows us what the response of the 1903 Jinshi to the Jinshi-guan was. While 9 of the best 10 Jinshi of 1903 capital examination entered the Jinshi-guan, none of the lowest grade Jinshi entered. Among 102 Jinshi of the 1903 capital examination who entered the Jinshi-guan, all of the three first grade Jinshi and 76 of the 138 second grade Jinshi entered Jinshi-guan, meanwhile only 23 of the 174 third grade did. The lower the grade was, the lower the rate of entrance was. The reason that the third grade Jinshi was not inclined to enter the Jinshi-guan was mainly because they were appointed to the local administration posts rather than capital government offices. In fact, those appointed to the local administration offices had no way to enter the Jinshi-guan. The third grade Jinshi appointed to the capital government office was able to enter the insitute, which is proved by the fact that 19 of the third grade Jinshi who took the graduation examination all had occupied capital government posts. Another reason that many of the 1903 Jinshi did not enter the Jinshi-guan was higher age. Jinshi over 35 years old did not have to enter the Jinshi-guan. As Jinshi was older, he is inclined to try to take local administration post rather than the capital government offices, because waiting lists for the capital government office was too long. And for them to stay in boarding house was also a difficulty. Besides this, considering that there was no tuition, and boarding house was freely provided, and large amount of stipend was supplied, with 240 liang(兩) to Hanlin(翰林) and Zhongsu(中書), and 160 liang to Zhushi(主事), we can confer that the response of the 1903 Jinshi to Jinshi-guan would not be so bad. 100% of the first top three(1甲), and 55% of the second grade(2甲) Jinshi entered Jinshi-guan. Although the obligatory boarding house life and their resistance against new learnings could influence their decision a little, the low rate of entrance into Jinshi-gaun was mainly because only a small number of the third grade(3甲) Jinshi entered Jinshi-guan, the most important reason of which was that most of the third grade Jinshi were appointed to local administrative offices and were of higher age. Jinshi-guan encountered the large difficulty of the abolition of state examination system(科擧) in September, 1905. It lost personnel resources to fill with. Consequently the change of management for Jinshi-guan was inevitable. It decided to send the second students in a large scale to Tokyo Hosei University(東京法政大學) in Japan in October, 1906. However, because the first students were scheduled to graduate in the end of that year, they were decided to keep on studying in Jinshi-guan. The number of the students who took the graduation examination in January 1907 was 106, among which those who had stayed in boarding house(內班) were 77, and those who had stayed at home(外班) were 28, and one was student who had returned from oversea study. Generally students who had stayed in the boarding house earned far better achievements in the examination than those who stayed outside. Students` achievement was classified in 4 grades such as "excellent(最優等)", "good(優等)" "plain(中等)" and "inferior(下等)". And among the 77 boarding-house students, 38 were valued as "excellent", 21 as good, 16 as "plain" and 2 as "inferior". On the contrary, outside staying students were composed of 0 excellent, 11 goods, 17 plains and 0 inferior. Boarding house life might be helpful for their study. And it is also confirmed that excellent students in state examination also won better scores. Authority provided promotions for 90 among 106 Jinshi students who had taken the graduation examination in April, 1907. Providing promotions for new school students or students having studied abroad was government policy to encourage new education. There was no discrimination in promotion between boarding house students and outside staying students in the case of the first Jinshi-guan graduates. Considered criteria were the state examination(朝考授職) and the graduation examination(成績等級), among which the state examination achievement was decisive. However good score they got in the graduation examination, they were not able to overcome the grade in the state examination. For example, those who became Zhushi or Zhongshu in each department were not able to enter the National Academy(Han-lin-yuan), however excellent score they got in the graduation examination. Generally two official ranks promotion was allowed. For example, the second grade(2甲 )or the third grade(3甲) Shujishi(庶吉士) could get the two ranks higher posts like Hanlinyuan Pienshu(編修) or Jiant`ao(檢討). All the graduates except one unknown were composed of 54 Hanlin, 48 Zhushi, 3 Zhongshu, with the rate of Hanlin 51%, Zhushi 46% and Zhongshu 3%. Among 54 Hanlin 53 stayed in boarding house with one exception. And Among 77 boarding house students, 53 were Hanlin, 22 were Zhushi, one was Zhongshu and one was classified as ``unknown``, with the rate of 70:29:1 %. The rest were outside staying students. 6 of 40 Zhushi won the "excellent" grade, all of whom were boarding house students. One of three Zhongshi got the "excellent" grade and he was also a boarding house student. We can see here that boarding house students were better in examination than outside staying students. 54 Hanlin were made up of 57 % excellent, 26% good, 15% plain, and 2% inferior. And 40 Zhushi were composed of 13% excellent, 60% good, 27% plain, and 0% inferior. Zhongshu were composed of 33% excellent, 67% good, 0% plain and 0% inferior. Hanlin`s have got better grade in graduation examination than Zhushi or Zhongshu`s. On the whole, it could be said that what was more decisive in their achievement in the examination was whether they stayed in boarding house or not, rather than whether they had belonged to Hanlin or not. However, analyzing the examination achievements of the boarding house students only, we can have another conclusion. Among 76 boarding house students except one unknown case, Hanlin students were composed of 58% excellent, 26% good, 13% plain and 2% inferior, while Zhushu students were composed of 27% excellent, 45% good, 27% plain and 0% inferior. Generally Hanlin students` achievements were better than Zhushi students, though 2 inferiors were included among Hanlin students. Hanlin students not only had won better grades in the capital examination, but also in the graduation examination of the Jinshi-guan.

일반논문 : 청말 중국 전통교육의 근대적 전환 - 그 지향에 대한 검토 -

장의식 ( Ui Shik Chang ) 대구사학회 2002 대구사학 Vol.69 No.-

淸末 水師學堂의 근대 해군 교육

張義植(Chang Eui-Shik) 역사교육연구회 1997 역사교육 Vol.61 No.-

청말(淸末) 양무운동기(洋務運動期)의 기술학당(技術學堂)

장의식 ( Jang Ui Shik ) 중국사학회 2018 中國史硏究 Vol.116 No.-

Modern industrial enterprises and management which started with the government-supervising commercial company such as China Merchants Steam Navigation Company, Limited was extended to the realm of civilian industry beyond the military realm in the early 1870s. As this trend affected the new education in the same period, the education for western sciences was added besides the foreign language education in Tongwen Guan(foreing language college), and various technical schools were set up. Technical schools were built especially to train and rear technical experts for the basic industries of state like ship-building, electric wire, rail road, mine and medical science. The education in the technical school of this period had some important characteristics. First, if though there was diversification in the field of technical education, it was not clearly divided according to military purpose or civilian purpose. Even though one among two purposes was considered more important in a school, the other aim was never excluded completely. Attaching a Rail-road school to Nanjing Military School in 1896, Zhang Zhidong said, "A railroad is closely connected not only with the national interest but the military affair of the state.", which is a good evidence. Though Northern Medical School(Tianjin Medical School) was primarily a military medical school established for military sake, treatment for civilians was never ignored. It was at first established to cope with military demand in the national emergency, but in reality tended to take care of civilian patients more and more. Technical schools, in fact most of Yangwu schools, had the nature of foreign language school as one outstanding characteristic, as the Front School of Fujian Ship Administration School was called the French School, and the Rear School as The English School. Because proper Chinese words for the modern scientific & technological terms were not established yet and its education had to depend on the western teachers, they should learn foreign languages first. Consequently they preferred the children who had studied western languages in Shanghai, Hongkong and Guangjou for years in technical schools. Though Zhang Zhidong emphasized the Chinese traditional learning as an educational element, it had just the meaning of proclamation, which sometimes impeded the development of Yangwu schools. Most of the schools were financially pressed due to the high wages of western teachers, which as a result hindered the extension and the establishment of Yangwu schools. Another important feature of technical schools was that they supplied for the students not only inhabitation and food but paid living expenses and prize money depending on their achievements in examinations. This policy was a desperate attempt to attract students to overcome peoples' hostility on the western schools. It resulted in the situation that schools were filled with low-levelled poor students aiming at the government supply, which again obstructed the development in long term light. Students were forced extremely restrictive and complex rules and suffered from the oppressive atmosphere of school. Restrictions and incentives were exchanged. The number and scale of technical schools were trivial at first, compared with the size and population of China, but increased and extended gradually. For example, Shanghai Telegraph School started with 20 students in 1882, but the students' number increased to 300 in 1891, which was caused by the increase in the demand for the telegraph. Railroad school started later than telegraph school, which was the reflection of the Chinese peoples' resistance against the construction of railroad. The alumni of Yangwu schools played significant roles for the society as well as made personal success, on the basis of new knowledge and skills in drastically changing China, though they had been looked upon as heretics in the traditional society. Yian Fu(嚴復) who had entered fabrication major in Fujian Ship Administration School as a top talented student among the first term students became the president of Tianjin Navy School, after studying in England Navy School. Shen Yuch'ing(沈瑜慶) and Jiang Chaoying(蔣超英) became the president of Nanjing Navy School later, some others took the president of Guangdong Navy School. Before 1911 Revolution the alumni who majored in fabrication were 143 for 7 terms, those who majored in navigation 241 for 17 terms, and those who majored in engineer 126 for 11 terms. These total 510 alumni made a tremendous contribution to the warship building and the development of the navy in modern China, though at the same time they left a harmful effect on politics by organizing a closed group called "Mintang(閩黨)"in the bureaucracy. And Tinjin Medical School produced 218 army doctors for 37 years until 1933. Other technical experts who graduated from different technical schools must have opened their new futures on the basis of their knowledge and technologies learned in the school, leaving significant achievements in modern China.