1950년대 후반 전국노동조합협의회 결성과 4월혁명기 노동운동

임송자 한국민족운동사학회 2006 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.49 No.-

Foundation of The National Council of Trade Unions(Jeonkook nohyeop) in late 1950s and Labor movement during the period of the April revolutionYim, Song Ja 1950년대 후반 전국노동조합협의회 결성과 4월혁명기 노동운동임송자

1970년대 한국노총의 공장새마을운동 전개양상과 특징

임송자 한국근현대사학회 2010 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.52 No.-

The purpose of this study is to discuss the development and characteristics of Factory Saemaeul Movement(Factory new village movement) in the era of Park Chung-Hee administration. President Park intended to spread Saemaeul Movement in urban and rural areas for the purpose of maintaining his Yushin Regime. The focus of the movement was put to boost productivity in its early stage. Factory Saemaeul Movement aimed to make special labor relations for Koreans by fulfilling the rationalization of management and cooperation of capital and labor. So-called ‘special labor relations for Koreans’ was invented ideological device to dilute the conflict between capital and labor. Factory Saemaeul Movement was launched in June, 1973, which was controlled by the government. It was performed according to President Park’s advocacy to spread Saemaeul Movement across the nation in February and March of 1972. Federation of Korean Trade Unions(FKTU) already began to promote Factory Saemaeul Movement one year earlier than the government-led movement. FKTU turned its back on labor’s interests under the slogan of harmony between labor and capital. It resulted in paralyzing labor movement of FKTU. In addition to that, FKTU strengthened the Yushin Regime by implanting firm solidarity for the state, internalization of Yushin ideology, and strong sense of national securty in worker’s mind in the Factory Saemaeul Movement education. Meanwhile, there was conflict between FKTU and religious missions regarding the promotion of Factory Saemaeul Movement. Some trade unions, which had connection with religious missions including Urban Industrial Mission(UIM), had no adequate policy toward Factory Saemaeul Movement until the middle of 1970s. It seemed that they indicated critical stance around Factory Saemaeul Movement after the middle of 1970s. As a result, it seemed that the opposition and conflict between two forces deepened around that time. FKTU gradually began to point out the problems in Factory Saemaeul Movement in the latter part of 1976. It intended to correct the troubles by presenting ‘Essential Points for Promotion’ in 1977. However, FKTU intended to solve the problems, by adopting some mpderate policy, like suggestion of petition instead of united struggle. Therefore, FKTU failed to motivate workers in general. Also FKTU couldn’t protect workers from being forced to sacrifice in Factory Saemaeul Movement, which was resulted from structural defects of the movement. FKTU followed state corporatism so unconditionally, which was inherent in the ideology of Factory Saemaeul Movement, that it couldn’t function as the central organizations among trade unions to figure out the confrontational industrial relations. It proves that FKTU made labor movement helpless as the Park regime intended to dilute the discontent of working class by subordinating labor movement to Factory Saemaeul Movement. The purpose of this study is to discuss the development and characteristics of Factory Saemaeul Movement(Factory new village movement) in the era of Park Chung-Hee administration. President Park intended to spread Saemaeul Movement in urban and rural areas for the purpose of maintaining his Yushin Regime. The focus of the movement was put to boost productivity in its early stage. Factory Saemaeul Movement aimed to make special labor relations for Koreans by fulfilling the rationalization of management and cooperation of capital and labor. So-called ‘special labor relations for Koreans’ was invented ideological device to dilute the conflict between capital and labor. Factory Saemaeul Movement was launched in June, 1973, which was controlled by the government. It was performed according to President Park’s advocacy to spread Saemaeul Movement across the nation in February and March of 1972. Federation of Korean Trade Unions(FKTU) already began to promote Factory Saemaeul Movement one year earlier than the government-led movement. FKTU turned its back on labor’s interests under the slogan of harmony between labor and capital. It resulted in paralyzing labor movement of FKTU. In addition to that, FKTU strengthened the Yushin Regime by implanting firm solidarity for the state, internalization of Yushin ideology, and strong sense of national securty in worker’s mind in the Factory Saemaeul Movement education. Meanwhile, there was conflict between FKTU and religious missions regarding the promotion of Factory Saemaeul Movement. Some trade unions, which had connection with religious missions including Urban Industrial Mission(UIM), had no adequate policy toward Factory Saemaeul Movement until the middle of 1970s. It seemed that they indicated critical stance around Factory Saemaeul Movement after the middle of 1970s. As a result, it seemed that the opposition and conflict between two forces deepened around that time. FKTU gradually began to point out the problems in Factory Saemaeul Movement in the latter part of 1976. It intended to correct the troubles by presenting ‘Essential Points for Promotion’ in 1977. However, FKTU intended to solve the problems, by adopting some mpderate policy, like suggestion of petition instead of united struggle. Therefore, FKTU failed to motivate workers in general. Also FKTU couldn’t protect workers from being forced to sacrifice in Factory Saemaeul Movement, which was resulted from structural defects of the movement. FKTU followed state corporatism so unconditionally, which was inherent in the ideology of Factory Saemaeul Movement, that it couldn’t function as the central organizations among trade unions to figure out the confrontational industrial relations. It proves that FKTU made labor movement helpless as the Park regime intended to dilute the discontent of working class by subordinating labor movement to Factory Saemaeul Movement.

1950년대 중·후반 대한노총 중앙조직의 파벌대립 양상과 그 성격

임송자 한국근현대사학회 2005 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.35 No.-

미군정기 우익정치세력과 우익학생단체의 문해ㆍ계몽운동

임송자 한국민족운동사학회 2014 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.0 No.79

This article aims to examine the enlightenment and literacy campaign by the right wing political force and right wing students’ organization under the U.S. military government and to understand how their activities worked on the foundation of separate government by South Korea only. The U.S. army military government in Korea(USAMGIK), right wings, and right wing students’ organization developed the enlightenment and literacy campaign in close relationship. The literacy campaign by the USAMGIK was carried out to fulfill policy goals; the USAMGIK intended to strengthen the U.S. position, transplant of the U.S. education, increase anti-communist ideology, establish capitalist market economy in South Korea. The force of Syngman Rhee and Korean Democratic Party took advantage of the right wing students’ organization as the vanguard on the purpose of enlarging and strengthening their political base in the enlightenment and literacy campaign. They conducted those campaigns in earnest to increase their power against the left and to implant anti-communist ideology since the American-Soviet Joint Commission was suspended. After the September general strike and October struggle in 1946, the left wing in South Korea shrank and its power became weak. The rightists’ connected activities with foundation of the election law for the South Korean Interim Legislature in this situation. They conducted the campaigns in a bid to establish the separate government, with emphasizing enlightenment for the election, since the second American-Soviet Joint Commission was failed and the Korean question was transferred to the U.N. by the U.S. The right wing’s works can be reviewed that they had an important role to achieve foundation of the separate government by South Korea only. 미군정기 문해ㆍ계몽운동은 문맹 대중에게 국문을 깨우치는 데만 목적이 있었던 순수한 의미의 운동이 아니었으며, 정치ㆍ경제ㆍ사회ㆍ문화적으로 긴밀하게 결부되어 있었다. 이 논문은 미군정기 우익정치세력과 우익학생단체의 문해ㆍ계몽운동을 살펴보고, 그 활동이 남한만의 단독정부 수립 과정에서 어떠한 기능을 하였는지 파악하는 것을 목적으로 하고 있다. 미군정­우익세력­우익학생단체는 긴밀한 연관관계를 형성해 나가면서 문해ㆍ계몽활동을 전개하였다. 미군정이 성인교육으로 운영한 공장학교는 공장노동자들을 전평세력으로부터 견인하여 반공이데올로기를 주입시키고 우익세력에 순치하도록 기능하였다. 재소자학교도 좌우대립이 낳은 산물로써 좌익 수감자를 순치시키기 위한 방편으로 운영되었다. 미군정의 문해정책은 미국의 입지 강화, 미국식 교육의 한국 이식, 반공이데올로기 확산과 자본주의 시장경제체제 구축을 위한 기반 형성이라는 미군정 정책 목표를 실현하기 위한 일환으로 실시되었다. 우익세력 특히 이승만ㆍ한민당세력은 정치적인 기반을 넓히고 다지기 위한 목적으로 문해ㆍ계몽활동에 우익학생단체를 행동전위대로 활용하였다. 우익세력의 문해ㆍ계몽운동은 1946년 5월 제1차 미소공위 휴회 이후 좌익과 대결하여 세력을 확장하고 반공의식을 주입하기 위해 본격적으로 전개되었다. 9월 총파업, 10월 항쟁 이후에는 좌익세력이 위축되고 세력이 약화되는 가운데 남조선과도입법의원 선거법 제정과 연계시켜 나갔다. 그리고 제2차 미소공위가 결렬되고 한국문제가 유엔으로 이관된 시기 이후에는 단독정부 수립을 위한 활동의 일환으로 선거계몽에 치중하여 활동을 벌여나갔다. 이러한 우익세력의 활동은 남한만의 단독정부 수립을 성사시키는 데 커다란 역할을 하였다고 평가할 수 있다.

전향의 반공주체 형성과 동원-전라남도 지역을 중심으로

임송자 한국사연구회 2019 한국사연구 Vol.- No.185

Conversion has been so far studied around enacting the National Security Act and organizing the National Guidance Federation. These studies have breaking point to check the historical context which resulted in the unprecedented mass conversion or collective conversion after the ROK government establishment. It needs to increase the research space into the local area and take notice of central body who developed conversion maneuver to overcome the limits as above. We also must search for how ‘anticommunist subject’ and ‘anticommunist nation’ was formed and mobilized in the local area. This article examined the formation of ‘anticommunist subject’ and mass mobilization through analysis of the army and police’s placation maneuver in Jeonnam area and conversion statement. Furthermore, this research is the work to understand concretely the dark history of Jeonnam where was a semi-war state after the Yosun incident. It shows the reality of locals who were tied to mass mobilization system as well. Self-surrenderers and submissioners in Jeonnam area appeared in succession because of self-surrender, submission and placation maneuver by the army and police, and propaganda and enlightenment campaign by the army, police, the authorities and civilian. It is possible to confirm that the base of ‘anticommunist nation’ was formed and the local groundwork of anticommunist regime was solidified through collective conversion statement during this period. Also the locals were forced to participated in the mass mobilization in the extremely suppressed and horrible state of a ‘semi-war’. 지금까지의 전향 연구는 국가보안법 제정과 국민보도연맹 결성이라는 것에 초점을 맞추어 진행됐다. 이러한 연구는 정부 수립 후 대량전향, 집단전향이라는 유례없는 현상이 나오게 된 역사적 맥락을 짚어내는데 한계가 있다. 이러한 한계를 극복하기 위해서는 전향 연구의 탐색공간을 지역으로 확대하고 전향공작을 전개한 주체에 주목할 필요가 있다. 또한 지역에서 전개된 ‘반공주체’, ‘반공국민’의 형성과 동원 양상을 탐색하는 작업도 병행되어야 한다. 이 논문은 전남지역 군경의 선무공작 활동, 전향성명서 분석을 통해 ‘반공주체’ 형성과정과 대중동원 양상을 검토하였다. 이러한 연구는 여순사건 이후 ‘준전시’상태에 놓여 있던 전남지역의 암울했던 역사를 구체적으로 파악하는 작업이기도 하다. 또한 대중동원체제에 긴박된 지역민의 실상을 드러내는 것이기도 하다. 전남지역에서 군경에 의한 자수와 귀순공작, 선무공작, 그리고 군·경·관·민에 의한 선전계몽운동에 영향을 받아 자수자, 귀순자가 속출하였다. 이 시기에 나온 집단적인 성명서를 통해서 ‘반공국민’의 기초가 형성되고 반공체제의 지역적인 토대가 다져지고 있었다는 사실을 확인할 수가 있다. 또한 지역민은 ‘준전시’상태의 극도로 억압적이고 공포스러운 상태에서 대중동원에 강박적으로 참여하는 존재였다.

왁스 주조에 관한 연구

임송자 중앙대학교 예술연구소 1998 中央大學校 藝術大學 創論 Vol.17 No.-

왁스주조에 관한 연구로 이태리 로마 플라미니오 주조공장 (Fonderia D'arte Flaminia)에서왁스주조 기법과 과정을 관찰하고 익혔다. 형틀에서 왁스작품 떠내기와 왁스로 작품 만드는 과정에서, 왁스 재료 배합과 소형작품을 실리콘 형틀에서 대형작품은 석고형틀에서 왁스작품으로 떠내는 작업과정을 다루었다. 왁스로 작품 만드는 것은 왁스 재료의 장점을 부각시키고 개성 있게 표현한 작품을 예로 들었다. 탕도, 가스 나가는 길, 내부 주형에서 가스 나가는 길 달기에서는 이러한 길을 다는 이유와 방법을 과학적인 측면에서 다루었다. 매몰 작업에서는 매몰재의 종류와 배합비율, 누또 만드는 과정, 작업의 결과가 주조에 미치는 영향을 알아보았다. 다듬기와 착색에서는 손작업으로 아름다운 주조체를 얻고, 순수 합금 비례와 작업과정에서 우아한 색을 만드는 방법을 다루었다. 왁스주조에 관한 연구가 우리나라 주물공장 기술을 향상시키고, 조각 재료의 영역 확대와 새로운 조각기법 발전에 한 몫을 하리라 기대한다. This is report on the method the process of wax casting, which I have acquired at the Flaminia in Rome, Italy. I have discussed over the wax casting process of small statues out of silicon mould and of big statues from wax mould. I have observed scientifically the canal, the gas outflow and found out the reason why it is necessary to make this process. I have also discussed the moulding materials and the ratio of moulding in the combining process of each material and it's effect on moulding. I have dealt with satisfying finishing by hand work and beautiful coloring in the mixing of metal materials. This Study of wax casting will enhance our moulding skill and expand the area of sculpture materials as will enhance our moulding skill and expand the area of sculpture materials as well as sculpture technique in the future.

제주4・3을 통해 본 제주도민의 귀순과 반공주체로서 순응

임송자 수선사학회 2022 史林 Vol.- No.81

This paper looked into surrender of islanders in the Jeju April 3rd Incident. One of the most notable phenomena from March 1, 1947 to the Jeju April 3rd Incident in 1948 was the very surrender. These phenomena were sluggish in the early stage of the incident, but later they escalated more in the suppression. The number of people who surrendered increased more and more as pacification maneuver was reinforced. It was especially pronounced in 1949. The state power pronounced that ‘Sansaram’(Mountain People), denoted as armed bands should be banished permanently from the territory of the Republic of Korea. Families and those connected or even might be connected to the armed bands were treated as they had to be excluded from the nation of the Republic of Korea. As pacification and submission maneuvers were unfolded with this idea, promises by the military and the police, agency of the state power, to treat defectors tolerantly were not kept. Most defectors were sent to prisons on the mainland after perfunctory trial. Inmates who were left in rehabilitation camps were released only when they submitted to the ‘anti-communist’ ideology of the government of Syngman Rhee. Those released from camp confinement were not free. They were mobilized into pro-government actions or forced to support the military and the police for pacification maneuvers. Additionally, they were watched in poor collective village and forced to adapt themselves to the ultra-right anti-communism system. .

美軍政期 大韓獨立促成勞動總聯盟의 組織에 대한 考察

任松子 成均館大學校 史學會 1993 成大史林 Vol.9 No.-

1961년 5·16 이후 국토건설사업과 국토건설단 운영 실태

임송자 한국근현대사학회 2013 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.67 No.-

This article aims to look at the national development project’s developing processand to examine the relation between national development and economicdevelopment. I focused on elucidating a few points in the study as follows;transformation of the national development project by the Democratic party’sregime in the period of military administration; change into the nationaldevelopment project by the national development corps; relation between thenational development and economic development; management of the nationaldevelopment corps and its dissolution. The military authorities continued carrying out the national development projectwhich had been launched under the Democratic party’s government and developedit with the new direction in 1962. But they failed because of many problemssuch as the internal conflict in the national development corps, outbreak of pleurisy,poor protection against cold, and inefficient work with primitive equipment. Themost serious problem was that they developed the project without thorough researchand study regarding the land. With this trial and error, the national development project was totally reviewedand the law of comprehensive national development program was established inthe October of 1963. The economic development project did not originated withthe military administration and the establishment of the law of comprehensivenational development program was only possible with the experience from thenational development project by the Democratic party’s government. The land development project in the 1960s was developed within the investmentfigure which was arranged in the economic development project. Therefore it is necessary to study the development project as well as the economic developmentproject, above all, in order to illuminate the relation between the land developmentand economic development. A clearer understanding of the economic developmentand growth in the 1960s will be possible through these efforts.

여순사건과 지리산 빨치산 활동 연구의 기초자료 - 김득중 외 엮음, 『여순사건 자료집』 I~IV, 선인, 2015.7 -

임송자 순천대학교 남도문화연구소 2017 南道文化硏究 Vol.0 No.32