노동법상 사용자 적격성에 대한 검토

이희성(Lee, Hee-Soung),윤진식(Yun, Jin-Sik) 원광대학교 법학연구소 2012 圓光法學 Vol.28 No.1

As the number of non-regular employees has been increased sharply since 1997 when the financial crisis occurred, its scale in the public sector also has been increased rapidly. The portion of non-regular employees is over one third of whole wage earners nationwide now. Among those employees in the public sector, this study focuses on the school employees. The purpose of this study is to analyze problems of those school employees as they are covered by different kinds of employers; the parties to employment contracts applied by the Labor Standard Act on one hand, and the parties to collective bargaining stipulated by the Trade Union and Labor Relations Adjustment Act on the other hand. It means that the term of ‘employer’ under both the Labor Standard Act and the Trade Union and Labor Relations Adjustment Act are stipulated as the same meaning, however, as its interpretations are different under different acts, this will definitely create a lot of confusion and it is worried to destabilize legal stability. Firstly, about the employer under the Labor Standard Act, both the Labor Relations Commission and courts of justice have almost the same opinion that the superintendents of education are recognized as the parties as employers to enter into employment contracts. On the contrary about the employers for collective bargaining, school principals are considered as the parties, it’s a problem. The employment contracts should be entered into by those employers and employees who are able to determine their own employment conditions. However, the judgement that school principals are parties to collective bargaining has not been made from close considerations because the employers as the parties of collective bargaining should have the power to determine conditions of employees collectively. After studying whether or not such judgment was appropriate, the conclusion is as it follows. Because the suitable party to collective bargaining of the school sector is the superintendent of education, the counterparty for collective bargaining offered by the trade union should be the superintendent of education. Furthermore, the matters what a school principal is suitable to be the party to collective bargaining should be restricted to the matters applied to the school individually. That is the scope that a school principal is qualified to be the party to collective bargaining. This theorizing will secure stable labor-management relationships, and will keep consistency for determining as employer under the Labor Standard Act. By theorizing eligibility of employer to collective bargaining with workers in the public sector including school sectors in the future, it is expected to have opportunities to show directions of relations between the labor and management.

복수노동조합 하에서 노동조합의 차별

이희성(Lee, Hee-Soung) 한양법학회 2014 漢陽法學 Vol.25 No.3

From July 1st, limit on establishment of multiple unions was unleashed, and the single bargaining channel system to secure the unity of labor conditions and efficacy of bargaining was executed in Korea. Thus, operation and management of unions can be practiced independently by each unions, yet independent actions of unions such as conclusion or dispute on multiple groups bargaining and agreement came to be limited to the range allowed by the single bargaining channel system. However, even after the practice of the single bargaining channel system until now, controversies on problems of current multiple unions are continuing, and diverse legal disputes are generating within and between unions, surrounding the bargaining process in managing multiple unions and practicing the single bargaining channel system. However, the revised union law and lower statues fail to involve clear interpretation surrounding these matters, and as a result, is generating serious tumult in applying the system. Currently, it is worried that some users might use such loopholes in managing multiple union system and the single bargaining channel system, to act hostile toward certain unions through selecting individual bargaining among multiple unions, and generate discrimination between unions using all the methods they can. Such conflict involves the danger of developing into the bigger conflict between union and users, and even into the conflict within whole Korean industrial society. If the users continue their hostile activity toward certain unions based on the logic of power, not on established trust between unions and firms, it would lead to the result of the single bargaining channel system for multiple unions in industry threatening the existence of certain unions. This would again reveal the limits of the single bargaining channel system itself, and might lead to the dispute on revising union law. In this terms, to recover trust on law and trust between union-firm relationship, users need to be cautious in utilizing the single bargaining channel system in individual bargaining agreements between multiple unions so that the original purpose of the system is not harmed. Moreover, in case which a majority of unions exist within bargaining unit, bargaining in group with confirmed representative union or bargaining between co-bargain representatives as encouraged by the single bargaining channel system would be an effective way to minimize or eradicate union-firm conflict and illegitimate labor behavior problems regarding relationship with certain unions in individual bargaining. Thus, except the case in which independent bargaining system is essential, such as union organization form, users should aim formation of group order by uniting the bargaining channel in one, as the original purpose of the single bargaining channel system stipulates, and avoid individual bargaining based on agreement by the users that generates conflict between unions and hostile relationship between users and unions. Also, in case of bargaining between minimal number of unions in which the group agreement is yet established, considering the purpose of the single bargaining channel system, admitting the appliance of expansion of the efficacy of group agreement is encouraged. The court should establish a precedent on it so that it can resolve problems of illegitimate labor activities, at least in regulatory aspects including labor conditions, which are generated from individual bargaining based on agreements of users. Putting all the above interpretational problems aside, the effort to go by the process of the single bargaining channel is required. The fact that the system is seriously threatened by the individual bargaining based on users" content is something to be worried. Thus, to resolve individual bargaining and illegitimate labor activities that cause many problems, active role of illegitimate labor activities system is required to set

사이버근로자의 노동법적 지위

이희성 ( Hee Soung Lee ) 한국법정책학회 2001 법과 정책연구 Vol.1 No.-

근로의 권리의 보장에 대한 노동법적인 새로운 인식

이희성 ( Hee Soung Lee ) 한국법정책학회 2003 법과 정책연구 Vol.3 No.2

노동분쟁해결제도의 개선을 위한 노동법원의 도입정책의 필요성과 방안

이희성 ( Hee Soung Lee ) 한국법정책학회 2005 법과 정책연구 Vol.5 No.2

각국의 직업선택의 자유와 실질적 보장에 관한 노동법상 고찰

이희성(Lee Hee-Soung) 한국비교사법학회 2004 비교사법 Vol.11 No.4

  In the modern capitalistic countries that pursue the idealistic state of welfare, the freedom of occupational options is considered a right for survival that is required to security the substantial freedom beyond any formal or abstract perception of it under the near-modern civil law system. Moreover, it is also recognized as a basic right of workers to satisfy their ego by developing and sharpening their aptitude and capacity through job and to achieve their demands and goals to improve their environment by upgrading the social and economic status. The occupation or job in this sense shall not be confined only to certain kinds that have been traditionally accepted by society but should be comprehended as that which is, despite the socio-environmental changes, continuously requested to earn means for mental as well as physical sustenance without sacrificing public interests. Such freedom of occupational options is guaranteed by statutes in countries like Korea, Germany and Japan. Even in the USA and Canada where no security of freedom for occupational options is provided in a statutory form, it is regarded as one of inherent rights that are generally guaranteed.<BR>  Today, there are still disagreements as to significance and detailed contents of the freedom of occupational options in view of labor-related features among scholars specializing in labor law. Majority of them, however, stand for the view that "the freedom of occupational options should be so extensively and comprehensively interpreted that it may encompass free decisions of workers to select, perform and change occupation, their free choice of vocational training place, free secession from working place, holding concurrent posts and standing in competitive position". In such interpretation, the freedom of business may also be categorized as a sort of freedom to perform job. On the other hand, employers who own and utilize production means are deemed to have the legal choice to employ workers with the right of management. In this situation, it is essential for labor and management to agree to unite production means and working force in compliance with the capitalistic legal system.<BR>  The labor law of the modern welfare countries has the top priority to realize the freedom of occupational options by providing whole citizens with jobs to improve their economic status and realize social justice. The government should be able to offer to members of the nation job opportunities that may security certain level of working conditions and help them choose jobs that suit their aptitude and improve their ability. It must be assured further that workers can transfer to all upgraded position in return for their laborious work.<BR>  It may be concluded that the freedom of occupational options, together with the national policy for realization of full employment, conforms with the legal obligations of the nation toward the labor right. It is, thus, imperative to detail the concept and contents of the right to work and prepare criteria for interpreting the positive laws by reformulating the freedom of occupational options under the contemporary paradigm.

저출산 해결을 위한 법정책 일하는 엄마를 위한 근로관계법적 시각에서의 접근

이희성 ( Hee Soung Lee ) 한국법정책학회 2010 법과 정책연구 Vol.10 No.1

The modern society`s low birth rate has risen as a serious social problem which causes decrease in producing population and increase in aging population that eventually leads to the aging population`s burden on the producing population. In Korea, problems arising from low birth rate are considered as social problems that bring many negative effects socially and economically thus a national solution is urgently needed. There seems to be several factors causing low birth rate which has become a serious social danger, but the major cause of decreasing birth rate is believed to be financial burden that occurs while raising children. Therefore, it is speculated that the way to overcome our society`s critical situation involving low birth rate is to guarantee married women`s economic activities and their stable income. Many advanced countries that suffered from law birth rate before Korea did, has implemented diverse kinds of policies encouraging increase of birth rate. In other words, the government is making efforts to encourage birth and protect working moms with various programs and systems such as cash support, tax reduction, childcare support, flexible work hours, maternity leaves, child allowance system, flexible work hours and place (working at home) and part-time hours and to balance working mom`s work and family by enacting laws to provide flexible working hours. It is urgent that Korea needs to review and review the current law on the related issues in order to encourage birth, improve quality of life and strengthen the national competitiveness. Upon systems established to protect working moms in Korea such as the labor standard law, employment insurance law, equal employment law, Act on Equal Employment of Support for Work-Family Reconciliation, infant care act, and labor relations law, are analyzed in depth, good programs and systems should continue to be well implemented but the ones that need improvement should be corrected or revised so that these systems will be harmoniously integrated and balanced with other policies of the nation. Also, it is essential to reorganize related labor relations laws to establish culture of labor market with gender equality, keeping pace with the current trend of increasing rate of Korean female`s participation in economic activities. In order to make it happen, each laborer`s healthy civic awareness that protects working mom`s rights, need to be established in society along with strategic support from the nation and the society.

사무지원 파견근로자의 파견법 위반사례 방지를 위한 법정책적 방안

이희성 ( Hee-soung Lee ),이세주 ( Se-joo Lee ) 한국법정책학회 2020 법과 정책연구 Vol.20 No.4

파견근로자 보호 등에 관한 법률(이하 “파견법”이라 한다)은 근로자파견대상 업무에 해당하지 아니하는 업무에 대해 파견근로자를 사용하는 경우 사용사업주로 하여금 해당 파견근로자를 직접 고용하도록 의무를 부과하고, 파견대상 업무에 해당하지 않는 업무에 대하여 근로자파견사업을 한 자와 그로부터 근로자파견의 역무(役務)를 제공받은 자 모두를 처벌하도록 벌칙규정을 두고 있다. 그런데 파견법은 어떤 업무가 근로자파견대상 업무인지를 파견법령에서 직접 규정하지 않고, 통계청에서 2000년도에 고시한 한국표준직업분류(통계청고시 제2000-2호)를 준용하는 방식을 취하고 있는바, 위 한국표준직업분류(통계청고시 제2000-2호)에는 서로 다른 분류번호 사이 중첩되는 영역이 있어 기업의 인사담당자 입장에서 어떤 업무가 근로자파견대상 업무인지를 정확히 알아내기가 어렵다는 문제가 있다. 한국표준직업분류(통계청고시 제2000-2호)상 ‘사무지원 종사자’의 업무에 종사하는 파견근로자는 근로자파견대상 업무에 종사하는 파견근로자 중 가장 그 수가 많은데, 파견대상 업무인 ‘사무지원 종사자’의 업무와 파견대상 업무가 아닌 ‘계수사무 종사자’의 업무 사이의 중첩적인 영역 문제로 기업에서 실제 파견법 위반으로 처벌된 사례가 있다. 그런데, ‘사무지원 종사자’의 업무와 ‘계수사무 종사자’의 업무 사이 존재하는 중첩적인 영역의 문제는 파견법이 최신 한국표준직업분류(통계청고시 제2017-191호)를 준용할 경우 어느 정도 해소가 된다. 최신 한국표준직업분류(통계청고시 제2017-191호)는 직업을 조금 더 세분화·구체화하여 분류하고, 서로 다른 분류번호 사이에 중첩되는 영역을 최소화하고자 노력하였기 때문에 2000년도의 한국표준직업분류(통계청고시 제2000-2호)를 준용할 때보다 어떤 업무가 근로자 파견대상 업무에 해당하는지 알아내기가 쉽게 되었다. 그리고 2000년도의 한국표준직업분류(통계청고시 제2000-2호) 보다 현재의 국내 노동시장 직업구조 특성을 더 잘 반영한다는 장점이 있다. 본고는 파견법령이 파견대상 업무와 관련하여 그 준용대상을 최신 한국표준직업분류(통계청고시 제2017-191호)로 변경하는 것을 사무지원 파견근로자의 업무범위 명확화 방안으로 제안한다. 또는 직접적으로 파견법(시행령) 자체에 어떤 업무가 근로자파견대상 업무에 해당하는지 좀 더 세분화·구체화하여 알아내기가 쉽게 개정·보완하는 방안도 제안한다. 그 밖에 추가적으로 보완해야 할 점이 무엇인지 살펴 현행 파견법이 사무지원 파견근로자의 업무범위를 보다 명확히 할 수 있도록 그 개선방안을 제시해보기로 한다. 이를 통해 파견법이 헌법상 ‘처벌법규의 명확성 원칙’을 충족하고, 실무에서도 파견대상 업무범위에 대해 명확한 판단을 내릴 수 있게 되어 결과적으로 파견법 위반 사례를 방지하는데 도움이 되기를 기대해본다. Act on The Protection, Etc. of Temporary Agency Workers(hereinafter dispatched worker act) is to impose obligation of directly hiring dispatched workers on user company if the user company uses temporary placement of workers for jobs that do not involve Jobs permitted for temporary placement of workers, and to punish both those who did workers dispatch business and those who were provided with service of the business. Nevertheless, this dispatched worker act does not regulate what jobs are permitted for temporary placement of workers directly, but takes the method of observing Korean standard classification of occupations(National Statistical Office No. 2000-2), which has overlapped areas between different classification numbers, so it is difficult for human resources officers to find out jobs permitted for temporary placement of workers exactly. Under the Korean standard classification of occupations(National Statistical Office No. 2000-2), the number of dispatched workers engaged in the work of "office support workers" is the largest among dispatched workers, and there are cases in which companies have been punished for violating the dispatched worker act due to overlapping areas between the work of "office support workers" and the work of "counting office workers" who are not dispatched. However, the problem of overlapping areas between the work of 'office support workers' and the work of 'counting office workers' is somewhat resolved when the dispatched worker act applies to the latest Korean standard classification of occupations(National Statistical Office No. 2017-191). The latest Korean standard classification of occupations(National Statistical Office No. 2017-191) fragments and specifies jobs further and tries to minimize the overlapped areas between different classification numbers. Therefore, it is easier to find jobs that are permitted for temporary placement of workers. In addition, the latest Korean standard classification of occupations(National Statistical Office No. 2017-191) reflects the characteristics of current domestic labor market's job structure better. Thus, this study suggests the dispatched worker act should observe the latest Korean standard classification of occupations(National Statistical Office No. 2017-191) instead of the one in 2000. In addition, this paper will propose a plan to revise or supplement the Dispatched Workers Act(Enforcement Decree of the Dispatched Workers Act) so as to make it easier to know what the tasks are subject to dispatch workers. And this paper proposes further improvement plans to clarify the scope of work of the office support dispatched workers. By doing this, the dispatched worker act can satisfy the 'Clarification rule of punishment laws' and can make definite judgement on jobs permitted for temporary placement of workers, so it is expected to reduce cases of violating the dispatched worker act.

5ㆍ18 광주민주화운동 피해자의 보상에 대한 사회법적 고찰

이희성(Lee Hee-Soung) 한국법학회 2007 법학연구 Vol.27 No.-

5ㆍ18광주민주화운동이 우리 역사에서 민중민주운동으로서 갖는 의의와 역할은 매우 크다. 5ㆍ18광주민주화운동에 의한 광주시민의 희생은 수많은 희생 중에서도 국가가 위기에 처했을 때 고귀한 생명을 바쳐 국가를 수호한 희생이므로 가장 숭고한 것이다. 이와 같은 국가수호를 위한 희생은 존엄한 가치로 영원히 존중되어야 하며, 그에 관한 국가적인 차원에서의 보훈정책이 수반되어야 한다. 이러한 보훈복지정책은 현대 복지사회에서의 다양한 사회보장제도에 우선하는 정책이 되어야 한다. 또한 국민은 그들의 희생정신과 애국정신을 계승하여 국가를 수호하고 발전시켜 나가야 할 책무가 있다고 본다. 이에 따라 5ㆍ18민주화보상법과 5ㆍ18민주유공자예우법 등 관련법들이 제정되어 민주화운동관련자의 희생을 보상하고 명예를 회복시켜줌으로써 관련자와 그 유족들의 생활안정과 복지향상을 도모하고 국민화합과 민주발전에 이바지하고자하였다. 5ㆍ18광주민주화운동의 피해자들의 보상문제를 사회법적인 측면에서 볼 때, 국가는 개인을 희생의 원인이 되는 상황에 처하도록 강요하였다는 의미에서 적어도 추상적으로는 어떠한 형태로든 국가가 희생에 대한 책임을 완전히 면할 수 없다. 또한 특별히 공동체 전체에 책임이 귀속되는 인적 피해에 대해서 국가에게 보상 책임이 반드시 있어야 한다고 본다. 이러한 5ㆍ18광주민주화 운동관련자의 보상을 위하여, 우선. 5ㆍ18광주민주화운동의 기간을 어떻게 볼 것인가의 문제를 해결하기 위하여 정확한 기간을 법규정에 명문화할 필요가 있다고 본다. 이어서 5ㆍ8광주민주화운동의 관련자들에게 어떠한 처우를 하여야 할 것인지의 문제를 해결해야 할 것이다. 이를 위해서 무엇보다도 염두에 두어야 할 것은 다른 민주화운동관련자 및 국가유공자들과 통일한 처우를 하여야 한다는 점이다. 또한 5ㆍ18광주민주화운동의 관련자들에 대한 보상이나 처우도 국민의 의식 수준에 부합되게 점진적인 방법으로 행하는 것이 이행기적 현실에서는 불가피한 것으로 보아야 한다는 것이다. 더 나아가 5ㆍ18 광주민주화운동 피해자 보상에 관련된 법률들의 근본적인 제정취지가 민주화운동 관련자들에게 유족보상과 상이보상. 의료지원금, 생활지원금 및 기타 지원금 등을 지급함으로써 생활안정과 복지향상을 도모하고자 하는 것이라면 사회법적인 의미에서의 사회보장에 해당되는 것이라고 해석하여야 한다. 또한 5ㆍ18민주유공자예우법에 의한 교육지원, 취업지원, 의료지원, 대부 및 기타지원 등의 실질적인 지원을 통하여 영예로운 생활이 유지ㆍ보장되도록 하는 것을 목적으로 한다면 사회법적인 의미에서의 사회보장 차원 에서 다루어져야 할 것이다. 법리적으로 5ㆍ18민주화보상법의 보상은 민주화보상법에서의 보상처럼 국가 의 위법한 행위에 대한 국가배상적 성격을 갖는 것이라고 보는 것이 일반적이다. 그러나 이 경우의 보상은 특별한 형태의 국가배상으로 이해하여야 할 뿐만 아니라 사회적 조정급부를 제공함으로서 민주화운동관련자의 생활안정과 복지향상을 도모한 급여로 보아야 할 것이다. 이와 같은 사회보상을 기능적 측면에서 보아 피해를 입은 모든 사람들에게 인간다운 생활을 보장하는 사회 법적인 사회보장의 기능을 수행하는 사회보장급여라고 해석하여도 문제가 없다고 판단한다. 따라서 사회법적인 면에서 법제도를 정비함으로써 5ㆍ18광주 민주화운동 피해자들의 사회적 생활안정과 복지향상을 도모하며 민주주의를 발전시키는 방향도 고려할 가치가 있다고 본다. The May 18th Gwangju Democratization Movement can be said to have played an extremely significant role in the Korean history. The sacrifice of Gwangju citizens during the movement should be regarded as the loftiest of all as it may be compared to one of those that are devoted to protecting a nation in an imminent danger of extinction. Such sacrifice must be remembered eternally as a respectable value the merit for which should be rewarded as a part of national policy. The merit and welfare policy in this regard should have priority over various social security systems in the present welfare society. Besides, people should be ready to assume the responsibility to inherit the spirit of self-sacrifice and patriotism for the protection and development of the nation. Consequently, the law of compensation for the victims of the May 18th Democratization Movement and the law of honorable treatment for persons of merit at the May 18th Democratization Movement were legislated in a bid to stabilize life and improve welfare of the bereaved families who were sacrificed in connection with the democratization in Gwangju by compensating their sacrifices and recovering their honor for the ultimate contribution to national harmony and democratic progress of the country. In view of social law, the nation can't be entirely free from obligation to compensate at least in an abstract form for the victims of the May 18th Gwangiu Democratization Movement in the sense that the government at that time drove individuals to the condition that caused such sacrifice. In particular, the nation is liable to compensate for the loss of life for which the community as a whole should take responsibility. With respect to compensation for the people associated with the May 18th Gwangju Democratization Movement, it is most vital to clearly define the concerned period in the law in a move to exclude the possible dispute as to the term in issue. Besides, it is also imperative to determine how to treat the people related to the movement. In this connection, the first thing to keep in mind of all is that the victims of the Gwangju Democratization Movement should be treated same as those of other movements and merits. In other words, it should be seen as essential in an interim period to improve step by step the compensation or treatment for the victims of the May 18th Gwangju Democratization Movement in compliance with the extent of national consensus. Furthermore, it may be understood as national security from the viewpoint of social law when the real purpose for legislation of the laws concerning the May 18th Gwangju Democratization Movement is to stabilize the life of the victims and improve their welfare by providing the bereaved families with compensation for families and the wounded, medical aids, provisions for life and other subsidies. And if the law of reward for the May 18th Democratization Movement purports to offer practical supports to the persons of merit by means of aids for education. medical care. job finding. financial loan and others in an attempt to guarantee or maintain their life with dignity for them. such compensation should be dealt with at the dimension of social security from the perspective of social law. Out of the juristic standpoint, it is common to see the compensation by the law of compensation for the May 18th Democratization Movement as that of compensation by the government for its illegal acts in accordance with the law of compensation for democratization. In this instance, however, such compensation should be considered as national compensation of special form or social readjustment and payment for stabilizing life and increasing welfare of the persons associated with the democratization movements. Therefore, it may be no exaggeration to say that such social compensation is a sort of grant for social security that functions as social law guaranteeing the social security from the point of social law. At this

초고령화사회의 노인복지제도의 문제점 및 개선방안

이희성(Hee-Soung Lee),권순호(Soon-Ho Kwon) 한국비교노동법학회 2020 노동법논총 Vol.50 No.-

현대 사회는 고도의 발달된 의약산업과 문명의 혜택으로 평균수명이 늘어나고 있고, 인간의 생명연장의 한계에 까지 도전하고 있다고 보는 것이 과언이 아니다. 이러한 현상은 후진국들에 비해 선진국에서 더욱 뚜렷이 나타나고 있음은 또한 부인할 수가 없다. 우리나라는 2000년에 이미 65세 이상의 노인 인구가 전체인구의 7.2%(고령화 사회: Ageing Society), 2018년에는 14.3%(고령사회: Aged Society)에 진입하게 되었고, 2025년에는 노인인구가 20.3%를 차지함에 따라 초고령사회(Super-Aged Society)에 도달할 것으로 예상되어지고 있어 전 세계에서 유례를 찾기 힘들 정도의 급속한 고령화를 보이고 있다. 이처럼 우리나라는 경제협력개발기구(OECD) 회원국 중에서도 가장 빠르게 경제발전과 성장이 가장 빠르게 진행되는 반면에, 인구의 고령화 또한 가장 빠르게 진전되어 가고 있다. 현재 우리나라의 대부분 노인세대들은 매일 매일의 생활유지에 급급한 정도의 소득으로 궁핍했던 시기를 어렵게 보내 온 사람들이다. 또한 이 시대 노인들의 가치관은 자신들의 부모, 자식, 그리고 자신의 가문 등 대가족을 위한 물질적 희생은 자신들의 노후를 위한 대책을 마련하지 못하게 하였다. 이러한 세대들이 나이가 들어감에 따라 신체적 노화 현상 또는 정년퇴직으로 인하여 유일한 수입원인 직업을 상실하게 되고, 노년기에는 일반적으로 만성 질병에 따른 의료비의 지출부담이 증가하게 되어 심각한 경제적 어려움에 처하게 되었다. 따라서 우리나라 노인의 경우 65세 이상 노인의 55%가 수입원의 대부분을 자녀에게 의존하는 등 경제적으로 어려운 생활을 유지하고 있고, 노인의 약 87%가 치매, 중풍 등 만성질환을 앓고 있으며, 3.5%가 독립적인 일상생활이 불가능하게 되어 다른 경제협력개발기구 회원국들에 비해 노인들이 가장 늦게까지 노동시장에 참여 하고 있음에도 질 낮은 일자리로의 전전으로 인하여 노인빈곤율이 제일 높은 수준이라는 불명예스러운 상황과 노인자살율 또한 1위라는 심각한 실태에 노출되어 있다. 따라서 이러한 우리나라의 문제점들을 인식하면서, 향후 도래할 초고령 사회에서 지속 가능한 소득보장체계 구축을 통하여 현재 우리가 직면하고 있는 높은 노인빈곤률은 낮추면서도 세대 간 상생을 통하여 노인자살률을 낮추기 위하여 노인복지정책도 사회구성원으로서 노인개개인의 다양한 욕구를 충족시킬 수 있도록 노인의 경제와 건강의 특성을 감안하여 단계적으로 발전시켜 나가야 할 것으로 보인다. 이제는 정책의 방향도 노인복지정책의 한계점인 현재의 저소득층 중심의 정책에서 한 걸음 나아가서 노인들의 능력과 환경에 따라 최저생활의 보장, 일자리 마련, 여가활동 및 자원봉사활동 등의 기회 제공, 재가복지서비스의 제공 등 모든 소득계층 노인의 다양한 욕구 및 문제를 해결하는 방향으로 이끌어 가야 할 것이다. 또한 노인복지정책의 기본적 우선순위는 사회,경제적으로 어려운 처지에 있는 요보호 대상 노인 인구의 기초적 욕구의 충족과 예방적, 보편적 차원에서 전체 노인의 복지증진에 필요한 최소한의 기초적 욕구 충족에 두어야 마땅하다. 그리고 노후준비 지원사업을 통해 노후준비에 대한 상담과 교육서비스를 제공할 수 있는 노후준비 정보시스템 구축 등 주요 사업을 국가차원의 지속적인 관심과 대책마련이 필요한 상황이다. 본 논문에서는 우선 고령자와 노인의 정의를 명확히 구별하여 포괄적인 고령자보다는 퇴직한 고령자를 포함한 노인복지 정책을 위하여 선진국의 고령자와 노인복지제도를 고찰하여 중요한 제도적 정책적 시사점을 제시하고자 한다. The average life span has been increasing due to the advanced medical industry and civilization in the modern society. Moreover, it may be fairly said that we are challenging against the limit in prolonging human life. It can’t be denied that such phenomenon are more definitely observed in advanced countries than in developing countries. The elderly aged 65 and over accounted for 7.2% of total population in Korea in 2000(aging society) and reached 14.3%(aged society) in 2018. As the elderly is estimated to be 20.3% of total population in 2025, Korea will enter into the super-aged society. As such, Korea is rapidly changed to the aging society that is unprecedented in the world. While Korea has been making the fastest economic development and advancement in all OECD members, aging of the population is showing the fastest growth. Most of the elderly in Korea at present passed through the hardship with petty income only enough to maintain everyday life. Moreover, the value of the elderly at that time didn’t give them any opportunity to prepare for their later years due to material sacrifice for the extended family including their parents, children and family clans. As that generation got older, they lost jobs, the only source of their income, due to physical aging or regular retirement. Moreover, they generally face the serious economic difficulty as medical expenses increase due to chronic diseases. Accordingly, 55% of the elderly aged 65 and over in Korea has been suffering from economic difficulties including dependence on their children for most of income source. About 87% of the elderly has chronic diseases including dementia and stroke. 3.5% of the elderly can’t independently maintain a daily life. Although the elderly of Korea worked in the labor market to the oldest age among other member countries of OECD, most of the elderly work at poor labor market. Accordingly, Korea faces the dishonorable situation, the highest poverty ratio of the elderly and the highest suicide ratio of the elderly. Thus, the welfare policy of the elderly shall be gradually developed in consideration of the features of economy and health of the elderly to satisfy a variety of desires of each elderly as the member of society, reduce the suicide ratio of the elderly by win-win effort among generations as well as the high poverty ratio of the elderly we face now by implementing the sustainable policy enabling to secure income in the super-aged society coming close to us on the basis of the recognition on the current issues in Korea. The policy for the elderly shall be established to solve a variety of desires and problems of the elderly in all income classes, including securing the minimum standard of living depending on the ability and conditions of the elderly, providing jobs, providing the opportunity to have leisure and volunteer activities and providing the community-based welfare services out of the policies focusing on low-income bracket at present, the limit in welfare policy for the elderly. Furthermore, the priority in the welfare policy for the elderly shall be to satisfy the basic and minimum desires required for improving the welfare of the elderly by the preventive and general perspectives and for the frail elderly suffering from social and economic hardship. It is also required to establish the continuing state-level interest and plans for major projects including implementation of information system for the elderly to prepare for their later years to provide relevant counseling and education service through later years preparation project. This study aims to propose the important institutional and political implications by definitely classifying the definitions on the elderly and the extremely elderly and examining the welfare policy for the elderly and the extremely elderly in the advanced countries for the welfare policy for the elderly including the retired elderly rather than the general eld