공산주의 이론비판-종속이론을 중심으로

신규성 창원대학교 통일문제연구소 1986 통일논총 Vol.1 No.-

韓國社會經濟史의 時代區分에 관한 硏究

愼奎晟 東亞大學校 1969 東亞論叢 Vol.6 No.-

It is commonly recognized that the development of socio-economic history in Korea falls into a number of epochs, characterized by different structure. But there are divergences of opinions on the epochs of socio-economic history in Korea. That is due to establishing categories on socio-economic epochs and due to the mecanical dogmatism by which some has sophistically applied to Korean socio-economic history the classic slavery which developed in ancient Greece-Rome. I think it is impossible to interpret a history without historical categories, and the categories should be ones that contribute not only to analyzing and systematizing a history but to symbolizing it. Nevertheless, misinterpretation of a history or distortion of historical events on account of persistence of the categories based on a priori premise, have often been observed. This article is outlined as follows. In chapter 2, the theories on the epochs of Korean socio-economic history were critically inquired and the common problem in the theories was presented. The point lies in establishing the categories in the theories. In chapter 3, the article examined the conditions of slavery which contain the increasing productivity of the society the development of money economy and the expanded marine trade, and critically examined the propositions that a primitive society shoull necessarily be transformed either into a slavery or a feudal society. Then I concluded that another catagory of socio-economic structure needs to be builded in order to interpret a history. The category is characterized as follows. In that society, there are a despotic monarch and village communities in which nearly perfect self-sufficient economy prevails and it's members have equally occupied the arable lands The despotic monarch takes the whole surplus of the products in the village communities in a country. So the society is named as a society of despotic monarch-village communities. The article analyzed the transforming process of the society of despotic monarch-village communities into the private landlords. In chapter 4. the article attempted to find such a transformatiion in the middle age of the Koryo Dynasty.

經濟的 角度에서 본 大學生의 使命意識

愼奎晟 東亞大學校 學生生活指導硏究所 1981 學生硏究 Vol.10 No.-

日本經濟發展의 特殊性에 關한 小考

愼奎晟 東亞大學校 1972 東亞論叢 Vol.9 No.-

To echo Schumpeter's comment on the trade cycles, every case of economic development is a 'historical individual' and had better be treated as such. Extream emphasis on historical individual and rejection to natural economic laws is found in the German historical school. But we have found general aspects in the development of capialism. Therefore we must try to unify the peculiarity and generality in the study of economic history, because we can not understand the peculiarity of the development in any country without the generality of capitalistic developmet. So the thesis examined Japanese capitalism in the right of the development of capitalism in Western Europ, especially England. The conclusions are as followings. 1) In the historical background, old Japanese cities, large though they have been, were essentially deffered from the European town. They were not autonomous, independent corporations, also, their inhabitants did not conceive of themselves as members of legally and economically seperate and indendent entity. Recently, Japanese scholars have found that between the fourteenth and the sixteenth centuries, something like the European free city appeared briefly in Japan. But in Tokugawa era Japanese cities were controlled by the feudalistic government. Even in Europe at early modern era cities were also controlled absolute mornarchy. But the absolute monarchy was built on the rise of bourgeoisie. Tokugawa government was purely peudalistic. The material basis of old Japanese cities was the feudalistic rent which was exploited from the peasants who were controlled feudalistic government. However the peculiar aspect of Japanese feudalism is the insititution of sankin kotai(alternate residence) that symbolized the character of Tokugawa government that had controlled the feudal lords. The sanki nkotai and castle building owing to the change of weapons had contributed urbanizaton, the development road system and commerce. Eventually money penetrated into rural area and the peasants were differentiatel and the tenancy between peasants and putting-out system develped. But as a rule the chonin, bourgeoisie, was financial and commercial agents of the daimyo and Shogun. In short the peculiarity of Japanese development was the Tokugawa seculusion policy. 2) It was the samurai of lower rank from the outside clans who initiated the revolt and played the major role weaving both political and the economic fabic of new Japan. The chonin as financial and cmmercial agents of feudal classes had the interests in the old regim. Until the last decades of nineteen century the resorces for capital accumulation came from agriculture, and national ecnomic growth was schieved mainly within the trad tional sectors, notably agriculture. The momentum attained here by modest but pervasive innovations in technique during the early decades provided in turn the resources and stimuli to sustained the growth of industrial, trading and financial enterprise in the modern sectors. But After Sino-Japanese war, the foreign capitals were introduced on a lareg scales. Especially beginning about 1905, the forces of expansion came to enter more and more in the modern sector, while in agriculture sector given the traditional forms of cultivation, Japanese agriculture had reached diminishing returns in terms of the rate of growth. Complex structural problems appeared in the differntial progress of the traditional and modern sectors; in particular, a widening gap apeared in technical advance, productivity, and wages. It contributed to the economic dislocations of the twenties and perhaps also to the political disorders that eventuated in World War Ⅱ. 3) Despite the dualism of tradionalism and modernity the main momentum of economical development, as G.C. Allen said, laid in frequent and severe fluncuations, that is, 'boom andbust'. The explanation may be sought in the structure of the economy, particularly, the small-scale trades and the wage system. 4) During the twenties, as Allen said, it seemed reasonable to expect that material transformation would sooner or later lead to fundamental changes in social and political ideas, and that, in politics, Japan might gradually proceed by way of a senatorial parlamentary system to democracy and representative government. In economic development tha government played the major role and the semi-feudalistic social relation remained rural areas. The dualism of traditionalism and modernity and the peculiar wage system has checked the normal movement of labours. Above circumstances and the great depression resulted in the economic and political disorders.

高麗時代農民의 社會經濟的 性格에 관한 硏究

愼奎晟 東亞大學校 1975 東亞論叢 Vol.12 No.2

A history may be divided in to many epochs. It means that we should understand a history as evolutionary one. In Korean socio-economic history, however, there are many divergent opinions even to the socio-economic conditions of the peasant in Koryo Dynasty. Some scholar claim that the peasant is not feudalistic but antiquity, and some other claim adversely. The reason why there are so many opinions about the socio-economic conditions of the peasans of that period is following. First, there is no general theory of socio-economic history all over the world. Second, until now the socio-economic historians used only the frame work of the history of Western Europe. Third, there is no frame of reference to divide a history into many epochs. Last, there are many different interpretation of the historical materials. The process of the socio-economic development in any country, I think, would be very different according to the geographical conditions, the relations between neighboring countries, and the character of the people. Therefore, we must consider the circumstances of the socio-economic history of the specific country, and then should deduct the category of socio-economic history from each country in comparing with other countries. By doing so, we can induce a theory of the socio-economic history. We should establish the correct concept of socio-economic history, particularly feudalism. By the results of studing Western European history, feudalism and manorial system is very different from each other. "Though an essential element in feudal society, the manor was in itself an older institution, and was destined to last much longer. In the interests of sound terminology it is important that two ideas should be kept clearly separate." In socio-economic history, essential element is manorial system. In manorial system the landlords exploited peasants by feudalistic land tenure, but the peasants also had the rights of holding their land. Historically the process of production would be evolved as following: primitive production by common work, individualistic production of each peasant's household, and large scale production of capitalistic society. According to above the process the land tenure would be changed. As we see, in feudalistic society land system has dual character. So we should have two different view on the land system. One is the view of the possession by self-working, other is the view of alienated worker. In historical perspective, the land possession by self-working had been developed by rejecting the feudalistic land system. The socio-economic conditions of peasants has been regulated many aspects, for example, land tenure, social status and the organization of agricultural production. In the middle period of Koryo dynasty, the land system called 'chon-shikoa' began to collapse. So the scop of this thesis is limited to early Koryo Dinasty. In chapter Ⅱ, I have viewed the preceding works on the socio-economic conditions of the peasants in Koryo dynasty and made a criticism on them. In chapterⅢ, the study on the socio-economic conditions of the common peasants has been made; in positive aspects it is necessary to appreciate completely the concept chong(丁) for understanding the socio-economic history of Koryo dinasty. 'Chong' means not only an adult man but an established area of arable land or arable land itself. And it an essential element to understand the chong on which socio-economic and military institutions have been established. From a comparative view of socio-economic, 'chong' is similar to 'virgate' or 'Hufe' which is a typical holding of villein mediaval society of Europe. The state had given a typical household of common peasants one 'chong', that is, an established area of arable land, Full 'chong' was seventeen kyol which is equal to about thirty acres. Comparing with about two acres of average landholding of present peasant, full 'chong' is too large to think it as a typical holding of common peasants in Koryo dynasty. At that fimne, the method of the land use was different from present one. On account fo the lack of manure the land should be followed in one year or two yeas for the recovery of land fertility. It is similar to the medieval western Europe in which the use of land was three field system. However, it is important for us recognize the fact that the fallow of land is not to mean simply to dispose land in natural state. The peasants should reserve the land in culture for recovery of land fertility. Also the land productivity was much lower than the present, about three times, On the other hand the labor productivity was very very lower than the present, about nine times. And natural catastrophe was very severe. In such situation, the paternal extended family system and village community could secure the living and production of the peasants. And then the dynasty had utilized both systems mentioned above for collecting feudal land tax. But the unit of agricultural production was the paterna extended family. Therefore the nature of productive process is individualistic one. In Koryo dinasty a common peasant, 'chongho' was received 'min-chon', 'folk land', from the state on the condition of the contribution of some services and land tax. 'min-chon' was called otherwise 'kong-chon', 'public Land', but in fact the cultivator of 'min-chon' is a peasant proprietor. They were the fundamental elements of Koryo dinasty. However, all the peasants were not 'chong-ho'. Some of them were 'baek-chong' who were not received 'min-chon'. They can hold of arable land by eclaiming waste land. Some of them were sharecroppers of 'sa-chon' which have been given the nobility. They also had to contribute a labour services to the state. In chapterⅣ, the socio-economic conditions of specific peasants of early Koryo dinasty has been studied, thhre were 'no-bee' who were slave in social status. Especially the administrative districts were divided according to the social status. Therefore there were many titles of districts, for example, 'chu', 'gun', 'hyn', hyang', 'so', 'bookok' 'cheo' 'and' 'chang'. Among them 'chu', 'gun', and 'hun' were common administrative districts. 'So' was the region of the handicraftmen who had to contribute their products to the ruler of them. 'Bookok' and 'hyand' were humble districts in social status. Their origin was the penalty of the rebellion by someone of the administartive districts. It is supposed that the men of that district were not mobilized as soldier, so that their labor services to the state was very severe. Of course the peasants of 'bookok' had to pay land tax. 'Cheo' and 'chang' wete similar to the manor in medeval Europe, and they were subijected to king' a palace, Buddhistic temples, and nobility. The peasants of them had to contribute land tax, labor services and other contributions. As said above, here were so many different social status in the peasants, but in socio-economic aspects we can find a common factor which is essential in feudalistic society. In feudal society, the landlords exploited a direcr producer through the possession of land and by non-economic power, that is, a feudalistic land system. The reason why Koryo dynasty had divided the country into the minor administrative districts according to the social status is that the dynasty aims to govern the people seperately for efficient administration purpose. Similar phenomenon were in Japanese premodern society. In historical perspective, the increase of land productivity and labor productivity through the change of the method of land use, the paterial extended family system had transformed to the nuclear family system, and the village community had been changed in the nature. In the Reform of Land at the end of Koryo dynasty and the beginning of Lee dynasty, the private land property had been settled by the growth of peasant proprietorship. In short, from the middle period of Koryo dynasty the state feudalistic society had changing to the private feudalistic society.

프랭크從屬理論의 批判的 檢討

愼奎晟 동아대학교 부설 사회과학연구소 1984 사회과학논집 Vol.2 No.-

Andre Gunder Frank was to initiate one of the most important lines of analysis within the dependency school, with his article in the Monthly Review (1966) and later in a more elaborated form in his well known study of the development of chile and Brazil (1967) In these works he insisted that underdevelopment in Latin America is not an original or traditional state of affairs but the necessary product of the contradiction ridden process of the capitalist development. The intention of his works was to emphasize the internal structure of the satellite colony, seen as the historical product of the complex of its relations with the imperialist power and to expose the limitation of the development policies of the nationalist bourgeoisie. And then he concluded that for the people of Latin America, a policy of real development requires a revolutionary strategy and socialism. As Geoffrey Kay indicated, he does not recognize the law of value but is an electric combination of orthodoxe conomic theory and revolutionary phraselogy For the propositions that A. G Frank concluded he had to explain the reason why Argentina's historical process was different from that of Australia which had achieved an independent economy. But he failed to explain it. Also his use of the notion of historical categories is inexact. For example, what he really understands by the notion of 'mode of production' is 'techniques' or 'organization' of production, and not social relations of production. Frank's direct contribution to the understanding of the process of Latin American development is largely limited to his critique of dualist models for Latin America. But many of the shortcomings in his theory arise from the manner in which it criticised orthodox dualism. So keen was he to show that capitalism was responsible for underdevelopment, that in arguing that the whole underdeveloped World was caught up in the world Capitalist economy, he claimed that production in the underdeveloped world was everywhere capitalist production In doing so he confused commodity production with capitalist production. In short, his theoretical frame work is the combination of F. List's 'the National System of Political Economy' and Baran's concept 'economic surplus' and spiced with Marxian phraselogy. As a result he conclded unrealistic strategy of socialistic revolution. Therefore even Marxists criticized his unrealistic revolutionary strategy and denounced his non-Marxistic nature.

『아담 스미스』의 근대시민사회의 전체상

신규성 동아대학교 부설 사회과학연구소 1998 사회과학논집 Vol.15 No.-

大學과 社會 : 學生指導를 中心으로

愼奎晟 東亞大學校 學生指導硏究所 1972 學生硏究 Vol.3 No.-

李朝後期經濟에 있어서의 資本主義萌芽問題에 關한 小考

愼奎晟 東亞大學校 1966 東亞論叢 Vol.3 No.-

It has been customary for some Korean and Japanese scholars to refer to he primitive nature of Korean economy before the period of the Japanese colonial role, and to treat the late Yi Dynaisty period as though it were an era of almost complete stagnation, and their stagnation theories that say there was no embryo of capitalistic relations in the period have prevailed among Korean scholars. Recent works by Korean scholars, however, shows that in the seventeenth, eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries important industrial and commercial developments took place and the works also insists that the embryo of capitalistic relations can be detected in the late Yi Dynasty. It has been found, however, that those who insisted on the former theory slighted a series of socio-economic changes in that period and could not link the changes with the process of capitalism, and that the recent works by Korean scholars are seperated from the historical materials. The errors that are found in both of the theories were principally caused by the methodology. The disintegration of the feudal mode of production had already reached an advanced stage before the capitalistic mode of production developed and this disintegration proceeded without any close association with the growth of the new mode of production within the womb of the old. There are the three stages in the development of capitalism, that is, the stage of petty production, the stage of manufacture and putting-out, domestic system, and the stage of industrial revolutions. And the embryo of capitalistic relation could be found in the petty production of the worker-owner, artisan or peasant. In the rise of well-to-do and middling-well-to-to farmers one can see a mode of production which won their independence from feudalism It has been concluded that the stage of petty production could be found in the Ti Dynasty through the detection of well-to-do-farmers (kluku) and urban handicraftsmen who had won their independence from feudalism.

한국인 정신분열병 환자의 HLA-DQA1,HLA-DQB1 HLA-DRB1 대립유전자 빈도

신규성,이민수,김영리,김영태,조윤정 대한신경정신의학회 2000 신경정신의학 Vol.39 No.4

연구목적: 저자들은 PCR-SSOP 방법으로 한국인 정신분열병 환자에서 HLA-DQA1, HLA-DQB1 및 HLA- DRB1과 정신분열병의 감수성과의 상관성을 밝히고자 하였다. 방법: DSM-IV 에 의거하여 정신분열병으로 진단된 환자군 128명과 정상대조군 160명에 대해 polymerase chain reaction-sequence specifc oligonucleotide probes(PCR-SSOP) 방법을 이용하여 HLA-DQA1, HLA-DQB1, HLA-DRB1 대립유전자의 빈도를 분석하였다. 결과: HLA-DQB1□04는 환자군에서 14.6%로 정상대조군의 8.2%보다 높은 빈도를 보였고 (p=0.028), HLA-DRB1□14는 환자군에서 11.8%로 정상대조군으 5.5%보다 높았으며 (p=0.01), HLA-DRB□15는 환자군에서 2.0%로 정상대조군의 7.1%보다 낮은 빈도를 보였고(p=0.007), HLA-DRB□16은 환자군에서 1.6%로 정상대조군의 4.8%에 비해 유의하게 낮았다(p=0.043). 결론: 한국인 정신분열병 환자에서 HLA-DQB1□04와 HLA-DRB1□14S는 질병 발생의 감수성 인자로 작용을 하고, HLA-DRB1□15와 HLA-DRB1□16은 방어적인 역할을 할 수 있다고 할 수 있으나, 다른 인종에 관한 외국의 연구자들의 결과와는 상이한 양상을 보였다. Objectives: The aim of this study was to investigate the correlation between HLA-DQA1,HLA-DQB1 and HLA-DRB! alleles and disease susceptibility in Korean schizophrenic patients. Methods: HLA-DQA1, HLA-DQB1, and HLA-DRB! allele typing were performed using polymerase chain reaction-sequence specific oligonucleotide probes(PCR-SSOP) method in 128 Korean schizophrenic patients diagnosed by DSM-IV criteria, who were not blood-related, and 160 normal blood bank donors. Results: The HLA-DQB1□04 allele frequency was 14.6% in schizophrenic patients, which was significantly higher than that of normal controls which was 8.2%(p=0.028). HLA-DRB1□14 allele frequency was 11.8% in patients, which was also more frequent than that of normal controls which was 5.5%(p=0.01). HLA-DRB1□15 allele frequency was 2.0% in patients, which was significantly lower than that of normal controls which was 7.1%(p=0.007) and HLA-DRB1□16 allele frequency was 1.6% in patients, which was also lower than that of normal controls which was 4.8%(p=0.043). Conclusion: Schizophrenia in Korea had positive correlation with HLA-DQB1□04 and HLA-DRB1□14, and negative correlation with HLA-DRB1□15 and HLA-DRB1□16. These findings support the association of the HLA-DQB1 and HLA-DRB1 with schizophrenia in Korean population, which was different from other study results in other different ethnic groups.