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이 논문은 촘스키(Chomsky 1980, 1981, 1984)의 결속이론(結束理論 : Binding Theory)에 입각한 한국어의 대용사(代用詞 : anaphor), 특히 재귀사(再歸詞 : reflexive)에 대한 분석을 다룬다. 동시에, 보편문법(普遍文法 : Universal Grammar)의 한 원리로 주장되는 촘스키의 결속이론이 한국어와 같은 언어의 대용사도 설명할 수 있기 위하여서는 어떻게 수정ㆍ보완되어야 할 것인지도 밝힌다. 특히 양동휘(1983)에서 제안된 무표 대용사(無標代用詞 : unmarked anaphor)와 유표 대용사(有標代用詞 : marked anaphor)의 구별과 유표 대용사를 위한 매개 변인(媒介 變因 : parameter)들을 수정ㆍ보완하여 제시한다. 이렇게 하여, 개별문법 현상인 한국어 대용사 현상이 어떻게 보편문법의 원리 속에서 설명되며, 또 그러한 개별문법 현상이 어떻게 보편문법에 공헌하는지 보이고자 한다.
This paper supports the phasal movement hypothesis (Chomsky 2005) by further motivating and extending the notion of EF‐movement. Six criteria of EF‐movement are proposed and motivated for the extended notion of EF‐movement. Specifically, clause‐internal scrambling is shown to be EF‐movement by claiming that EF‐movement may be induced by EF of a non‐phase head like T as well as by EF of a phase head like C, satisfying the six criteria of EF‐movement. This natural extension of the notion of EF‐movement not only solves some puzzles of scrambling but also contributes to the proper characterization of Agree. Criterion 4 of discourse effects for EF‐movement is motivated in depth in terms of the syntactic freezing phenomena, for which it is shown that the D‐Property Freezing Principle is motivated better than the existing syntactic freezing principles, the Criterial Freezing Principle (Rizzi 2004b) and the Inactivation Freezing Principle (Chomsky 2005). According to criterion 4, discourse effects rather than scopal effects are shown to be crucial property of EF‐movement.
Dong-Whee Yang. 2003. Optionality, Output effects and the EPP. Studies in Modern Grammar 32, 43-68. This paper claims that optionality is part of the `optimal design` for natural language in the sense that it is bound to induce some `effect on outcome` which should also be some necessary part of natural language. Specifically, it is argued that the optionality in the Korean Case system, an `imperfection` in the minimalist sense, is justified as an `apparent imperfection` in terms of output effects, or Int effects (Chomsky 2000), which are shown to be two types: A-type and B-type. The A-type Int effects are `week` like specificity, definiteness, thematicity, etc., being interpreted at the canonical Specs, whereas the B-type Int effects are `strong` like focus, specialized semantic function. etc., being interpreted at the non-canonical Specs. The A-type Int effects are claimed to be due to lexically-posited EPP-features whereas the B-type Int effects are claimed to be due to derivationally-introduced EPP-features. Lexically-posited EPP-features are either obligatory or optional whereas derivationally-introduced EPP-features are only optional. It is shown that the interface strategy in terms of output Int effects is superior to Hiraiwa`s (2002) ф-over-ф generalization in the accounts for obligatoriness of the EPP-feature.
Yang, Dong-Whee. 2010. A Markedness Theory of Movement. The Linguistic Association of Korea Journal. 18(2). 1-25. This paper proposes and motivates a theory of movement based on the notion of "unmarked" vs. "marked" internal merge (IM) in place of "A-/A'-movement." Unmarked IM is a consequence of the unmarked edge feature (EF) (Chomsky 2008) whereas marked IM is a consequence of the marked EF. The unmarked EF is the default EF for every lexical item (LI), which is "optionally deletable" (Chomsky pc), whereas the marked EF is the result of blocking the "optional deletability" of the default unmarked EF. Hence, unmarked IM should be a free optional operation triggered by an unmarked EF whereas marked IM should be an exceptional obligatory operation triggered by a marked EF. To conclude, movements across languages should be characterized as either a free optional "unmarked" IM or an exceptional obligatory "marked" IM according to the markedness theory of movement.
This paper discusses the non‐deterministic theory of movement based on the notion of edge feature (EF) (Chomsky 1995). It will be claimed that the theory of movement based on EF, i.e., the theory of unmarked vs. marked IM, is more explanatory than the deterministic probe‐goal checking theory of movement (Chomsky 2000, 2001). Specifically, the notion of unmarked IM is motivated as a movement that should be Agree‐free, whereas the notion of marked IM is motivated as a restricted obligatory movement. The unmarked IM is characterized as inducing the default semantic effect called "D‐effect", which is simply due to the optionality of the operation of unmarked IM itself (Fox 2000), whereas the marked IM is characterized as induced by blocking the "optional deletion" of the EF. It will be argued that interactions between unmarked and marked IMs account for various syntactic issues like intermediate links of successive‐cyclic movements. The notion of Agree independent of movement is motivated for the non‐deterministic theory of movement.
Yang, Dong-Whee. 2010. The Determinism Fallacy: Ambiguity of Interpretive Effects. Korean Journal of linguistics, 35-4, 969-988. This paper discusses the determinism fallacy of the probe-goal checking theory of movement (Chomsky 2000, 2001) with respect to ambiguity of interpretive effects and proposes an alternative theory of movement that overcomes the determinism fallacy, i.e., the non-deterministic theory of movement. This paper proposes and motivates a non-deterministic theory of movement based on the notion of edge feature (EF) (Chomsky 2008). It will be claimed that the theory of movement based on EF, i.e., the theory of unmarked vs. marked internal merge (IM), is free from the determinism fallacy of the deterministic probe-goal checking theory of movement. Unmarked IM is characterized as inducing a default semantic effect, called a "D-effect", which simply results from the optionality of the operation of unmarked IM itself (Fox 2000), whereas marked IM is characterized as inducing a marked semantic effect called a “Non-D-effect,” due to the lexical properties of the head inducing the marked IM and the phrase undergoing the marked IM---leading to a theory of non-determinism. (Seoul National University)