학개서의 연구 동향

기동연(Ki, Dong-Youn) 개혁신학회 2010 개혁논총 Vol.15 No.-

The book of Haggai is a short prophetic book, with only two chapters, that had a great influence on the post-exilic believing community. Only a few scholars have been interested in the study of the book, and their studies are divided in two directions. One is the traditional critical study, the other is the study of the main theological topics of the book of Haggai. As regards for the main topics, scholars have focused their studies on the messiah, temple, eschatology, and exodus. Usually, the messianic topic is related to Hag 2:7 and 2:23, and eschatology is related to Hag 2:6 and 21. The exodus motif is related to Hag 2:5-7, 21-22. Critical scholars employed for their study textual criticism, historical criticism, form criticism, and redaction criticism. The textual debate is focused on Hag 1:15, historical criticism is on the military expressions in Hag 2:20-22. Redaction study is often connected to the historical criticism and eschatological expressions. Since 1990, scholars have employed the rhetorical approach and text-linguistic approach for their studies. The rhetorical studies have contributed to see the book as a whole, while textlinguistic to reveal the exact meaning of the text.

칼빈의 구약 성경 해석 방법

기동연(Ki, Dong-Youn) 개혁신학회 2009 개혁논총 Vol.11 No.-

John Calvin is the most significant theologian and his interpretive method may provide a good model for the pastors who interpret and preach the Bible. For the understanding of the Old Testament, Calvin thought that the interpreters of the Bible need the guide of the New Testament. He followed the typological interpretation of the disciples, and applied Jesus’ essential and inclusive application of the Torah to the Old Testament. He regarded the simplicity as the significant principle of his interpretation. In order to grasp the right meaning of the text, he studied the etymology of a word which he attributes to the God. Calvin knew very well the Hebrew grammar, and applied it to his interpretation. When he felt difficulty to settle a meaning of a word or a sentence, he very often referred the Jewish interpreters, since he regarded them as experts of the Hebrew grammar. Calvin also considered the immediate context of a text, and searched the usage of a word both in the Old and the New Testament, showing the typical principle of the sola scriptura. Calvin significantly considered the original context and the original audience of the text in his interpretation. He very often quoted and referred to the content of the Greek historians like Herodotus and Xenophon.

포로후기 선지서들의 언약의 저주

기동연 ( Dong Youn Ki ) 개혁신학회 2014 개혁논총 Vol.29 No.-

포로후기 선지자들은 자신들의 메시지에 레위기 26장과 신명기 28장에 기반을 둔 언약의 축복과 저주를 포로후기 백성들이 겪는 경제적 재앙에 적용하고 있다. 학개는 1:5-6과 9-11 그리고 2:15-19에서 포로후기 백성들이 현재 언약의 저주 아래 살고 있다고 한다. 스가랴는 8:9-17에서 언약의 저주 주제를 포함하고 있으며, 이 메시지를 통해 포로후기 백성들이 현재 언약의 저주 아래 있음을 밝히고 있다. 말라기는 2:1-9에서 포로후기 레위 제사장들이 현재 하나님의 저주를 받고 있다고 하였고, 3:7-12에서는 포로후기 백성들이 현재 언약의 저주를 받고 있다고 말한다. 세 선지자들이 언약의 저주를 현재적 개념으로 사용한 것은 매우 특별하다. 레위기 26장과 신명기 28장 그리고 이에 의존하여 하나님의 징벌을 선포한 선지자들이 하나님의 언약 저주를 미래 사건으로 묘사하고 있는데 반해, 포로후기 선지자들은 당대의 백성들이 현재 언약의 저주를 받고 있다고 말한다. 이런 언약 저주의 현재성은 포로후기 시대를 구속사적인 관점에서 어떻게 이해해야 하는지에 대한 중요한 단서를 제공한다. 언약 저주의 현재성은 비록 하나님이 포로후기 백성들에게 예루살렘 성전과 성벽 재건을 통해 하나님 나라 회복의 기회를 주었지만, 이들이 그 회복의 기회를 잡지 못하고 여전히 하나님의 진노와 저주 아래 살고 있음을 보여준다. 스가랴 8:14에서 말하는 것처럼 포로후기 백성들은 그들의 조상들의 죄 때문에 언약의 저주를 현재까지 겪고 있기도 하지만, 근본적으로 그들 자신의 문제 때문에 언약 저주를 받고 있다. 학개는 1:9-11과 2:15-19에서 포로후기 백성들이 언약 저주를 받고 있는 이유를 구약 제의의 중심지인 성전재건에 대한 무관심이라고 한다. 성전 재건에 대한 무관심은 하나님 나라 재건에 대한 무관심이다. 스가랴 8:9-10은 그의 학개 메시지에 대한 인용과 인유로 보건대 성전 재건에 대한 무관심이 언약 저주를 받게 된 이유로 제시하고 있다. 하지만, 이 본문의 배경이 되는 7-8장과 1:1-6의 메시지는 황폐한 성전에 대한 무관심에 더하여 언약의 규정에 근거한 공의와 화평과 사랑을 실천하지 않은 것을 그 이유로 제시하고 있다. 성전이 재건된 이후에 활동한 말라기는 포로후기 백성들이 언약 저주를 받는 이유를 부정한 제의와 제물을 통해 하나님을 기만한 것을 들고 있다. 그리고 말라기는 이에 더해 레위 제사장들이 백성들에게 정의를 가르치지 않고 불의를 행한 것과 그리고 백성들의 불의를 언약 저주의 원인으로 제시하고 있다. Post-exilic prophets apply the covenant curse and blessing found in Leviticus 26 and Deuteronomy 28 to the economic disaster that afflicted the post-exilic people. Haggai stated in 1:5-6, 9-11, and 2:15-19 that the post-exilic people were under the covenant curse. Zechariah also included the subject of the covenant curse in Zech 8:9-17. Malachi states that the post-exilic Levitical priests and people were under the divine curse in 2:1-9 and 3:7-12. It is very significant that the three post-exilic prophets employ the covenant curse as operating in their own era. While Leviticus 26, Deuteronomy 28, and the prophets who declare the divine judgment on the basis of the two always describe the covenant curse as future event, the post-exilic prophets say that their contemporary people were under the covenant curse. The present application of the covenant curse provides an important clue for how to understand the post-exilic age in the perspective of the salvation history. The current covenant curse shows that although God gave to the post-exilic people an opportunity to recover the kingdom of God, they did not make it their own and instead they lived under the rage and curse of God. As Zech 8:14 says, the post-exilic people had been under the covenant curse not only because of their fathers` sin but also because of their own sin. In Hag 1:9-11 and 2:15-19, Haggai regards their nonchalance to the rebuilding of the ruined temple, which was their cultic center, as the reason of their suffering under the covenant curse. By quoting and alluding Haggai`s message, Zech 8:9-10 also suggests the nonchalance toward the temple reconstruction as the reason of the covenant curse. However, Zechariah 1:1-6 and chapters 7-8, which is the background of Zech 8:9-10, provides another reason for their suffering; it is the disobedience of the post-exilic people toward the command of God to be just, peaceful, and loving. Malachi worked after the construction of the temple, therefore, he suggests as the reason for the covenant curse to be their contempt to the illegal cult and unclean offerings. In addition, Malachi suggests the injustice of the post-exilic levitical priests and people as another explanation.

구약시대의 공적인 형태의 신앙교육

기동연 ( Dongyoun Ki ) 한국복음주의신학회 2015 성경과신학 Vol.75 No.-

구약 시대에 이스라엘에는 공적인 신앙 교육이 있었을까? 서기관들의 활동과 알파벳의 존재 그리고 구약 정경을 비롯한 다양한 책들이 만들어 지고 보존된 것을 통해 알 수 있듯이 이스라엘에는 고대 메소포타미아와 이집트처럼 공적인 교육의 여건을 모두 갖추고 있었다. 메소포타미아와 이집트에서는 매우 제한된 사람들에게 서기관 교육을 시켰지만, 구약 성경은 모든 백성들에게 또는 최소한 메소포타미아와 이집트보다는 훨씬 더 포괄적인 대상에게 율법을 교육시키도록 하고 있다. 이런 율법 교육이 가정을 통해서도 이루어졌겠지만, 공적인 신앙 교육은 레위 제사장들과 선지자들을 통해 이루어졌다. 선지자들은 하나님의 예언을 기록하거나 당대의 중요 사건들을 기록하는 역할을 맡았고, 제자들과 함께 살면서 교육을 시켰고 또한 율법을 백성들에게 가르쳤다. 하지만 공적인 신앙 교육은 성공적이지 못하고 실패를 반복하였다. 이 모든 실패에는 레위 제사장들과 선지자들이 하나님과 그의 말씀을 경멸하는 마음이 자리잡고 있었고, 그들의 마음에 교만과 탐욕이 도사리고 있었기 때문이다. Was there any kind of public religious education in the time of the Old Testament? As one can see through scribal activity, the use of the Hebrew alphabet, and the making and keeping of the Old Testament canonical books and others, ancient Israel had an educational environment like those of ancient Mesopotamia and Egypt. The religious educational opportunity in the Old Testament was provided to many more people than ancient Mesopotamia and Egypt, in which scribal education was provided to a limited privileged class. Although a separate private religious education of the Old Testament was given by the fathers and mothers at home, the public religious education was conducted by Levitical priests and the prophets. The prophets wrote messages that they received from God and taught their disciples and people these messages along with the Torah. However, the public religious education was not successful. This was because the Levitical priests and the prophets did not respect God and His words, and the education that they gave was corrupted by their arrogance and greed.

관상동맥질환 치료를 위한 시롤리무스 방출 스텐트 ($CYPHER^{TM}$)의 경제성 분석

이후연,박은철,박기동,박지은,김영,이상수,강혜영,Lee, Hoo-Yeon,Park, Eun-Cheol,Park, Ki-Dong,Park, Ji-Eun,Kim, Young,Lee, Sang-Soo,Kang, Hye-Young 대한예방의학회 2003 Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health Vol.36 No.4

Objective : To quantify the economic value of the Sirolimus fluting Stent ($CYPHER^{TM}$) in treating acute coronary heart disease (CMD), and to assist in determining an adequate level of reimbursement for $CYPHER^{TM}$ in Korea. Methods : A decision-analytical model, developed by the Belgium Health Economics Disease Management group, was used to investigate the incremental cost-effectiveness of $CYPHER^{TM}$ versus conventional stenting. The time horizon was five years. The probabilities for clinical events at each node of the decision model were obtained from the results of large, randomized, controlled clinical trials. The initial care and follow-up direct medical costs were analyzed. The initial costs consisted of those for the initial procedure and hospitalization, The follow-vp costs included those for routine follow-up treatments, adverse reactions, revascularization and death. Defending on the perspective of the analysis, the costs were defined as insurance covered or total medical costs (=sum of insurance covered and uncovered medical costs). The cost data were obtained from the administrative data of 449 patients that received conventional stenting from five participating Korean hospitals during June 2002. Sensitivity analyses were peformed for discount rates of 3, 5 and 7%. Since the major clinical advantage of $CYPHER^{TM}$ over conventional stenting was the reduction in the revascularization rates, the economic value of $CYPHER^{TM}$, in relation to the direct medical costs of revascularization, were evaluated. If the incremental cost of $CYPHER^{TM}$ per revascularization avoided, compared to conventional stenting, was no higher than that of a revascularization itself, $CYPHER^{TM}$ would be considered as being cost-effective. Therefore, the maximum acceptable level for the reimbursement price of $CYPHER^{TM}$ making the incremental cost-effectiveness ratio equal to the cost of a revascularization was identified. Results : The average weighted initial insurance covered and total medical costs of conventional stenting were about 6,275,000 and 8,058,000 Won, respectively. The average weighted sum of the initial and 5-year follow-up insurance covered and total medical costs of conventional stenting were about 13,659,000 and 17,353,000 Won, respectively. The estimated maximum level of reimbursement price of $CYPHER^{TM}$ from the perspectives of the insurer and society were $4,126,897{\sim}4,325,161$ and $4,939,939{\sim}5,078,181$ Won, respectively. Conclusion : By evaluating the economic value of $CYPHER^{TM}$, as an alternative to conventional stenting, the results of this study are expected to provide a scientific basis for determining the acceptable level of reimbursement for $CYPHER^{TM}$.

원발성 난관암 1 예

오갑영(Gab Young Oh),한상원(Sang Won Han),최기동(Ki Dong Choi),최창익(Chang Ik Choi),최현일(Hyun Il Choi),양석우(Seok Woo Yang),조미연(Mee Yon Cho) 대한산부인과학회 1999 Obstetrics & Gynecology Science Vol.42 No.9

Primary carcinoma of the fallopian tube is rare and accounts for less than 1% of all cancers of female genital tract. Presenting symptoms are variable and nonspecific, with preoperative diagnosis rarely entertained. The history and character of fallopian tubal carcinoma is similar to ovarian cancer, so the evaluation and treatment are also essentially the same. This case of primary fallopian tube carcinoma was confirmed postoperatively on the basis of the pathologic examination of resected specimen. We have experienced a case of primary carcinoma of fallopian tube and report with a brief review of the literatures.