보 설치에 따른 광정횡월류위어의 월류량 개선 효과

강호선,조홍제,Kang, Ho Seon,Cho, Hong Je 한국수자원학회 2015 한국수자원학회논문집 Vol.48 No.7

본 연구에서는 광정횡월류위어 설치 예정지 하류쪽 본류 흐름내에 소규모 보를 설치하는 경우, 위어의 월류량 개선효과를 수리실험을 통해 확인하였다. 위어는 선행연구를 통해 월류량 소통능력이 가장 우수한 것으로 확인된 1 : 1 사다리꼴 형상의 광정횡월류위어를 사용하였다. 위어높이와 수로높이는 각각 0.06 m와 0.2 m이고, 예비실험을 통해 보의 높이를 광정횡월류위어높이의 1/3인 0.02 m로 결정하였다. 하류쪽에 설치되는 보가 위어로 부터 떨어지는 거리에 대한 보의 높이의 비($B_h/L_b$)가 0.05, 0.025, 0.0167인 경우 월류량의 변화를 분석하였다. 보의 위치가 위어에 가까울수록 단위폭당 월류량이 많아졌으며, 각 8.1%, 5.4% 및 3.9% 증가하는 것으로 나타났다. 기존의 광정횡월류위어 유량계수식에 $B_h/L_b$를 매개변수로 추가하여 새로운 유량계수식을 제시하였다. 또한 선행연구 및 기존 연구자들의 실험자료와 본 실험의 연구자료를 비교하였으며, 측정된 월류량과 계산된 월류량을 비교하여 새롭게 제안하는 유량계수식의 적용성을 확인하였다. In this study, the effectiveness of overflow improvement of weir was tested by conducting hydraulic experiments at the designated spot for installment of side weir under the condition of installment of hydraulic structures such as small reservoir in mainstream. The height of the reservoir was set up as a third of that of the weir, accordingly the rate of the height of the weir and the distance of the reservoir from the weir($B_h/L_b$) were 0.05, 0.025, 0.0167 each. As a result, overflows per unit width increased by 8.1%, 5.4% and 3.9% perspectively. A new discharge coefficient that adds $B_h/L_b$ as parameter to the existing discharge coefficient of trapezoidal broad crested side weir was suggested and the application of the new formula of discharge coefficient by comparing measured overflow with calculated overflow was identified.

여말선초 幻庵混脩 문도의 활동과 千峯卍雨

강호선 보조사상연구원 2022 보조사상 Vol.62 No.-

This paper examines the Dharma-Lineage of Seon Monk Hwan’am-Honsu(幻庵混脩), a disciple of Na’ong-Hyegeun(懶翁慧勤). In this paper, new activity of Sang-Chong(尙聰), Jeolgan- Ikryun(絶磵益倫) and etc. was discovered as a disciple of Hwan’am-Honsu. This allowed us to take a more detailed look at the Buddhism of the Early Joseon Dynasty. Honsu was reaffirmed in the data at the time that he was the heir to Hyegeun. In addition, by confirming the status and activity of Honsu and Muhak-Jacho(無學自超) in the disciples of Hyegeun, it was revealed how Dharma-Lineage of Hyegeun continued in the Early Joseon Period. Cheonbong-Manwoo(天峯卍雨) is one of the representative disciples of Honsu. This study confirmed that the flow from Honsu to Manwoo is also a representative of Hyegeun’s disciple, which has been actively involved in the Joseon royal family. The new historical resources(Mongyudowondo夢遊桃源圖, Bihaedang Sosang Palgyeong Sicheop匪懈堂瀟湘八景詩帖) also confirmed that Manwoo has a special relationship with Prince Anpyeong(安平大君). 이 논문에서는 여말선초 나옹혜근-환암혼수로 이어지는 법통을 살펴보았다. 여말선초 나옹혜근의 대표적인 제자로 무학자초가 주목받았으나 자초가 전면에 부상하는 것은 환암혼수 입적 이후이다. 자초가 조선건국 직후 왕사에 임명되고, 태조의 각별한 귀의를 받았으며, 세종대 유명한 고승인 득통기화가 자초에게서 수학했기 때문에 조선초 불교계는 자초와 그 문도들이 주도한 것으로 보인다. 그러나 환암혼수 문도들의 활동도 함께 살펴야 조선초 불교 이해에서 균형을 잡을 수 있다. 혼수의 경우 현재 그 법맥이 어떻게 계승되는지 거의 확인되지 않지만, 이번 논문에서는 15세기 전반까지의 계보를 재구성할 수 있었다. 특히 「靑龍寺普覺國師圓融塔碑」 비음의 문도 중 상총, 상부, 익륜 등의 활동을 보다 구체적으로 확인할 수 있었다. 뿐만 아니라 혼수의 대표적인 제자인 삼여소안과 천봉만우도 확인하였다. 조선초 혜근의 법통은 자초에서 기화로 이어지는 계열과 혼수에서 소안 및 만우로 이어지는 계통이 있었던 것인데, 후자는 15세기 전반기 이후의 활동상은 보이지 않는다. 그중 만우는 적어도 계유정난 이전까지는 왕실을 중심으로 상당히 활발한 활동을 하고, 주요 사찰의 주지를 역임하여 불교교단 이끌던 인물이었다. 특히 세종대의 활동과 안평대군과의 관계가 주목된다. 산견되는 만우와 관련된 자료를 모아 정리하는 가운데 역사학이나 불교사학계에서는 주목하지 않았던 안견의 「몽유도원도」와 「비해당소상팔경시첩」이 만년의 만우의 활동과 안평대군과의 각별한 관계를 보여주는 중요한 자료임도 밝혔다.

조선 태조 4년 國行水陸齋 설행과 그 의미

강호선 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2013 한국문화 Vol.62 No.-

Examined in this article, is Guk’haeng Su’ryuk-jae which was held at the Sam’hwa-sa temple(三和寺), Gyeon’am-sa temple(見巖寺), and the Gwan’eum-gul temple(觀音窟) in 1395(the 4th year of king Taejo’s reign). It was the frist Guk’haeng Su’ryuk-jae performed in the Joseon Dynasty. This Su’ryuk-jae was arranged as a Salvation ceremony(薦度) for the dead King Gong’yang-wang(恭讓王), as well as the ‘Wang royal family(王氏)’ mostly eliminated a year ago. This rite was designed to reveal the generosity and benevolence of the new dynasty and the new king at the helm. It was an event with a political agenda for sure, but the decision to choose Su’ryuk-jae as the primary method of salvation rites for the Wangs was instrumental in enabling Su’ryuk-jae to become a rather popular form of Buddhist ritual throughout the Joseon dynasty. And added to that, the procedures observed in this Su’ryuk-jae became the basic model for Guk’haeng Su’ryuk-jae which followed later on. Analyzed in this article are relevant and extant data which concerned the National Su’ryuk-jae rituals held in 1395, and as a result a mistake caused by misinterpretation of old documents was rectified. Previously, it was believed that King Taejo printed and published total of 37 volumes of Su’ryuk Eui’mun(水陸儀文), but reexamination of the materials reveals that the number of volumes was actually 21. Also the contents of “Record of the Su’ryuk-jae held at Sam’hwa-sa in the Eul’hae year(乙亥年三和寺行水陸齋疏)” are presented as a new material for examination of the academic community. It is practical to suggest the possibility of the Sam’hwa-sa temple being the Weon’chal(願刹) monastery of King Gong’yang-wang and the portrait(眞影) of King Gong’yang-wang was held that temple during performing Su’ryuk-jae for him. In this article, it is newly determined that the National Su’ryuk-jae in 1395 was actually ‘not’ arranged for the spirits of the people killed in the midst of the birth of a new dynasty as mentioned in previous studies, and instead that the objects of the rituals for each of the three temples were ‘predesignated.’ Examined in this article, is Guk’haeng Su’ryuk-jae which was held at the Sam’hwa-sa temple(三和寺), Gyeon’am-sa temple(見巖寺), and the Gwan’eum-gul temple(觀音窟) in 1395(the 4th year of king Taejo’s reign). It was the frist Guk’haeng Su’ryuk-jae performed in the Joseon Dynasty. This Su’ryuk-jae was arranged as a Salvation ceremony(薦度) for the dead King Gong’yang-wang(恭讓王), as well as the ‘Wang royal family(王氏)’ mostly eliminated a year ago. This rite was designed to reveal the generosity and benevolence of the new dynasty and the new king at the helm. It was an event with a political agenda for sure, but the decision to choose Su’ryuk-jae as the primary method of salvation rites for the Wangs was instrumental in enabling Su’ryuk-jae to become a rather popular form of Buddhist ritual throughout the Joseon dynasty. And added to that, the procedures observed in this Su’ryuk-jae became the basic model for Guk’haeng Su’ryuk-jae which followed later on. Analyzed in this article are relevant and extant data which concerned the National Su’ryuk-jae rituals held in 1395, and as a result a mistake caused by misinterpretation of old documents was rectified. Previously, it was believed that King Taejo printed and published total of 37 volumes of Su’ryuk Eui’mun(水陸儀文), but reexamination of the materials reveals that the number of volumes was actually 21. Also the contents of “Record of the Su’ryuk-jae held at Sam’hwa-sa in the Eul’hae year(乙亥年三和寺行水陸齋疏)” are presented as a new material for examination of the academic community. It is practical to suggest the possibility of the Sam’hwa-sa temple being the Weon’chal(願刹) monastery of King Gong’yang-wang and the portrait(眞影) of King Gong’yang-wang was held that temple during performing Su’ryuk-jae for him. In this article, it is newly determined that the National Su’ryuk-jae in 1395 was actually ‘not’ arranged for the spirits of the people killed in the midst of the birth of a new dynasty as mentioned in previous studies, and instead that the objects of the rituals for each of the three temples were ‘predesignated.’

13~14세기의 대장경 인출·유통과 고려대장경

강호선 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2020 한국문화 Vol.0 No.91

Tripitaka Koreana(高麗大藏經) was carved as a national Buddhist project of Goryeo. The contents and structures of the Tripitaka Koreana are closely related to Tripitaka Kaibao(開寶藏, 北宋大藏經) and Tripitaka Qidan(遼藏, 契丹大藏經) previously published in China. The issue on the printing and distribution of Tripitaka is useful for understanding Tripitaka itself and examining Buddhist exchanges, Buddhist culture, Buddhist ritual, and faith. In addition to, it is related to Buddhist temple economy. Research on the exchange of Tripitaka between Goryeo and China was focused on early Goryeo period and the First Tripitaka Koreana(初雕大藏經). However, since Zhaocheng Jin Tripitaka(趙城金藏) was completed in the Jin China in 1173, there were also Zhaocheng Jin Tripitaka in East Asia in addition to the previous three Tripitakas at the time of woodcutting of the Second Tripitaka Koreana(再雕大藏經) in the 13th Century. But, I can’t find any trace of the exchange between the Second Tripitaka Koreana and Zhaocheng Jin Tripitaka. Buddhist exchange between Goryeo and Jin was also lack of activity. In case of Yuan China, Goryeo people joined in the publication and distribution of Tripitakas in Yuan, especially the capital, Datu(大都) and Hangzhou(杭州) province. In addition to many cases, Tripitakas published in Yuan was imported into Goryeo and enshrined in Goryeo temple for dignity of temple and filial piety of patron, as well as cases in which Tripitaka Koreana was exported to Yuan. What is most notable in the Tripitaka exchange between Goryeo and Yuan was the fact that Tripitaka was published and circulated personally. Study on Publishing and circulation of Tripitaka Koreana in Goryeo and its relationships with Zhaocheng Jin Tripitaka and Yuan Trpitakas, after the Second Tripitaka Koreana was carved, will help us understand Tripitaka tradition of East Aisa as well as Tripitaka Koreana. .

고려시대 水陸齋의 전개와 공민왕대 國行水陸齋 설행의 의미

강호선 韓國佛敎硏究院 2013 불교연구 Vol.38 No.-

Buddhist rituals were given a great deal of weight on the national rituals in Goryo Dynasty. Among these Buddhist rituals, there were rituals that not only kept being performed from the Three Kingdoms period and the Unified Silla period but also that begun after establishment of Goryo Dynasty. The Buddhist Rite for the Beings of Water and Land(Sulyukjae/水陸齋) were also performed for the first time in Goryo Dynasty, Sulyukjae which was accepted in early Goyro period were carried out as national or royal ritual. But, till late Goryo period, it was spread to the Goryo society and performed a part of the royal funeral service. Sulyukjae was accepted in Goryo Dynasty during the reign of King Gwangjong(光宗), at that time, it was performed as nation or royal ritual, not performed privately by common people. On the late 11th century, an groyoastrologer(日官) Sakyum Choi(崔士謙) was visited to the Song China as one of Goryo representatives. He came back to the Goryo with the Ritual Text for the Rite of Water and Land(Sulyukyuimoon/水陸儀文) from Song China, and requested King Seonjong(宣宗) to build a building for Sulyukjae(Sulyukdang/水陸堂) in the Bojesa temple(普濟寺). The introduction of the Sulyukyuimoon and the construction of Sulyukdang mean that the Sulyukjae was systematized at the reign of King Seonjong. The follow three things mean that the Sulyukjae were popular to the Goryo people during the late Goryo period: (1) increase and variety of records on the Sulyukjae, (2) performed the Sulyukjae and published a text on Sulyukjae ritual by the Son sect(禪宗), (3) the Sulykjae was performed at a temple privately or as the rite for Salvation of the Dead by the nobility and government officials. Especially, the Sulyujae was taken for the royal funeral service and the royal rite for salvation of the dead at King Gongmin's reign, and the Sulyujae as royal ritual had been performed by early Chosen Dynasty. The change of the Sulyukjae during King Gonmin's reign was made sure at the funeral ceremony of Nokukdaejangkongju(魯國大長公主) at first, and the Sulyujae for Nokukdaejangkongju's soul which was managed by Monk Naong Hyegun(懶翁慧勤) was the first case of the National Ritual for the Beings of Water and Land(國行水陸齋) and it performed the royal funeral service(王室喪葬禮) for the first time. The funeral ceremony of Nokukdaejangkongju was kept going during early Chosen period by systemizing new royal funeral service based on the Confucianism. 고려의 국가의례에서 불교의례가 차지하는 비중은 매우 높았다. 이러한 불교의례 가운데는 삼국시대 혹은 통일신라시대 이래로 계속 설행되어 오던 것도 있었으나 고려 건극 후 새롭게 설행되는 의례도 있었다. 흔히 물과 육지를 떠도는 외로운 영혼과 아귀를 위로하고 천도하는 의식으로 알려진 수륙재도 고려에서 처음 설행되었던 불교의례이다. 고려전기 수용된 수륙재는 처음에는 국가 혹은 왕실의례로 설행되었으나 고려후기 그 저변이 확대되는 모습이 확인되며, 왕실상장례의 한 부분으로 수용되었다. 수륙재는 광종대 吳越과의 불교교류 속에서 수용되었던 것으로 보이는데, 민간에까지 확대된 행사가 아니라 국가 혹은 왕실의례로 설행되었다. 한편, 11세기 말에는 日官 崔土謙이 송에서 水陸儀文을 구해와 선종에게 청해 普濟寺에 水陸堂을 짓고자 했는데, 수륙의문과 수륙당의 건립을 통해 선종대수륙재 설행과 관련된 제반사항들이 체계화되었음을 알 수 있다. 고려후기에는 고려시대 수륙재 관련 기록이 증가할 뿐만 아니라 다양화된다는 것, 선종에서 수륙재가 설행되고 수륙의문이 간행되었다는 것, 寺刹에서 私的으로 설행하거나 혹은 일반 귀족관료틀 사이에서 중요한 천도의식으로 수륙재를 설행했다는 것 등이 주목되며, 사회전반에서 수륙재가 성행하고 있었던 것으로 보인다. 특히 수륙재는 공민왕대 국상·국장 및 왕실 천도재의 의식으로 정착되었는데, 상장례 및 천도재로서의 수륙재는 조선초 왕실 상장례 및 기신재로 계승되어 상당기간 존속되며 설행되었다. 공민왕대의 변화는 노국대장공주의 상에서 처음 확언되며, 노국대장공주를 위해 나옹혜근이 주관한 수륙재는 사료에서 확인되는 최초의 "국행"수륙재이자 왕실상장례에서의 수륙재 설행이었다. 노국대장공주의 상장례는 조선초 유교에 입각한 새로운 왕실 상장례가 정비되기 전까지 계속되었던 것으로 추정된다.

고려시대 강원지역 불교의 전개

강호선 강원사학회 2019 江原史學 Vol.0 No.32

This paper examines the flow of Buddhism in the Gangwon prefecture of the Goryeo period, and aims to understand regional specificity or universality of Gangwon prefecture and its Buddhism in the Middle Ages of Korea. In the late Silla and early Goryeo period, there was a remarkable change in the Buddhist history of the Gangwon prefecture. In this period, many temples were built in Gangwon prefecture and Buddhism was spread locally. It was the Seon that led to the localization of Buddhism. It shows that Gangwon prefecture was also included in the leading flow of Buddhism at that time of accepting and spreading of Seon Buddhism in local society. However, on the other hand, regional characteristics are also revealed in pagodas and Buddhist and Bodhisattva statues made of stone. The phenomenon in which the faith on stay of Bodhisattva such as Manjushri in the Mt. Odai and Dharmogata in the Mt. Guemgang was appeared in the Gangwon prefecture is also an important feature of Buddhism in the Gangwon prefecture of the Goryeo period. In addition that, the characteristic of the period is also shown. During period of Yuan's Intervention, many Buddhist temples in Gangwon prefecture were repaired or rebuilt with patronage of the ruling class of Yuan China such as emperor and empress. In relation with center and Gangwon prefecture, Jaboksa(資福寺) or a temple with platform for official ordination(官壇寺院) is not evident until now. Furthermore, though research on Buddhism in Taebong(泰封) period is important to understand Buddhism of Goryeo period and Gangwon prefecture, it is hard to research because of DMZ area. Further excavation and investigation will help to understand Buddhism of Goryeo period and Gangwon prefecture more systemically and variously. 이 논문은 고려시대 강원지역에서 전개된 불교의 흐름을 살펴봄으로써 한국중세에서 강원지역이 갖는 지역적 특수성이나 혹은 보편성이 있는지를 파악하는 것을목적으로 한다. 강원지역의 불교사에서 주목할만한 변화가 나타나는 시기는 나말여초이다. 나말여초 강원지역에는 사찰이 많이 지어지고, 지역적으로도 확산되었다. 이러한 확산의 흐름을 주도한 것은 선종으로, 나말여초 지방사회에서의 선종 수용과확산이라는 당시 불교계의 주도적 흐름 속에 강원지역도 포함되어 있었음을 보여준다. 그러는 한편으로 석탑이나 석불, 석조 보살상 같은 석조물에서는 지역적 특색이드러나기도 한다. 오대산의 문수보살이나 금강산의 담무갈보살처럼 보살주처 신앙이 강원지역을 중심으로 나타나는 현상도 고려시대 강원지역 불교의 중요한 특징으로 볼 수 있다. 아울러 특정한 시대상 역시 불교의 동향에 영향을 미치게 되는데, 원간섭기 강원지역에는 원의 황제나 황후를 비롯한 지배층의 후원으로 크게 중창되는 절이 많았던 것도 특징이다. 강원 이외의 다른 지역의 절도 원 지배층의 후원으로황제나 황후 혹은 태자의 원찰로 지정되기도 하고, 적극적인 후원을 받기도 하였지만, 그 중에서도 강원지역에 대한 원 지배층의 관심과 지원은 매우 활발하였다. 그러나 고려시대 지방사원의 운영상황을 살펴볼 수 있는 資福寺의 운영양상이나 관단사원의 운영 등은 현재로까지는 잘 드러나지 않는다. 또한 고려불교의 前史이자강원불교 이해에 한 부분을 차지하는 태봉 불교에 경우 현재 DMZ에 포함되어있는 지역적 한계로 인해 연구에 어려움이 있다. 향후 지속적인 발굴과 연구를 통해고려시대 강원지역 불교사가 보다 다채롭게 이해 될 뿐만 아니라, 고려불교사를체계적으로 이해하는 데에도 도움이 되기를 기대한다.

생물 교육 실습생의 자기 수업에 대한 반성을 통한 수업 기술 개선 연구 : 비디오 촬영과 자기 분석을 중심으로

강호선,김영수 韓國生物敎育學會 2003 생물교육 Vol.31 No.1

The participants of this study were six student teachers majoring biology education in Seoul. Korea. They videotaped their classes and reflected their classes for themselves during their teaching practice three times. We analyzed teaching skills of student teachers. As a result, the subcategories of teaching skills changed by each student teachers and the time needed to change them were different considerably from one another. The reason was that they had different teaching skills, different self-reflecting skills, and different perspectives on teaching and learning in their start point. Basically, the change of student teachers' teaching skills was caused from understanding about their student. The student teachers recognized reflective experiences were helpful to watch their own teaching more objectively, perceive their teaching not on the teacher's perspective, but on the student's perspective, and think about their teaching more profoundly. Additionally, they recognized that they could accept their mistakes in their teaching and it made them try to improve them, and this reflective activity was specially helpful to improve visible teaching skills through self-reflection.

LSTM 을 이용한 태양광 발전량 예측 연구

Tae Won Choi,Young Suk Song,Heon Jeong 한국차세대컴퓨팅학회 2021 한국차세대컴퓨팅학회 학술대회 Vol.2021 No.05

In this study, we develop a time series based solar power failure determination algorithm that predicts its own generation amount by sharing power generation information with neighboring sites without relying on meteorological data of the Meteorological Agency and compares it with the power generation amount obtained in real time to determine the presence or absence of a failure. For the implementation of the algorithm, we design a prediction model based on deep learning using LSTM function and implement a model that predicts the amount of solar power that changes in real time. After the development of LSTM model, the RMSE was 93.85 as a result of preliminary test by comparing the predicted and the measured photovoltaic power generation. As the data learning process progresses and as the optimization process is continued, the prediction performance is expected to be further improved.

충렬·충선왕대 臨濟宗 수용과 고려불교의 변화

姜好鮮 서울대학교 인문대학 국사학과 2001 韓國史論 Vol.46 No.-

조선전기 ⌈蒙山和尙六道普說⌋ 간행의 배경과 의미

姜好鮮 동국역사문화연구소 2014 동국사학 Vol.56 No.-

본 연구에서는 원 임제종 승려 蒙山德異(1232~?)가 설법한 ?六道普說 ?의 내용과 특징, 그리고 ?육도보설?이 15~16세기 집중적으로 간행된 배 경과 그 의미를 통해 고려말 이후 조선전기에 이르는 기간 불교계의 사상 적 신앙적 활동을 살펴보았다. 몽산의 ?육도보설?은 僧俗이 모여 ?華嚴經 ? 간송법회를 가진 뒤 그 功德을 회향하기 위해 설행된 無遮大會에서 법회 에 참여한 대중들을 위해 설해진 것이다. ?육도보설?은 몽산의 다른 저술 들과 마찬가지로 고려말 전래된 것으로 추정되며 ?법어약록?과 함께 15~ 16세기 가장 많이 간행된 불서로 조선전기 불교에 미친 몽산덕이 불교의 영향을 이해하는데 중요한 불서이다. 몽산의 저술 중 조선전기 승려들을 교육하기 위한 기본 禪書로 ?蒙山和尙法語略錄?이 刊經都監에서 언해되 어 유통되었던 것에 비해 ?육도보설?은 개별사찰 단위로 전국에 걸쳐 간행 되었고 언해본도 간경도감이 아닌 지방사찰에서 조성되었으며, 판본에 따 라서는 施食儀文이 합부되기도 하였다. 또한, 몽산에게서 처음 확인되는 육도보설이라는 명칭은 한국불교에서는 나옹혜근과 득통기화에게서만 보 인다는 점은 공통되나, 몽산의 ?육도보설?이 ?華嚴經? 간송과 공덕 회향을 위한 법회에서 설해진 것이라면, 혜근과 기화의 육도보설은 영가천도를 위 해 설해졌다는 점에서 차이가 있다. 조선전기 ?육도보설? 간행이 16세기 에 집중되어 개별사찰 단위에서 이루어졌던 것은 수륙재와 같은 의식에 의지하여 불교계가 유지되면서도 선종이 주류를 이루고 있던 조선전기 불 교계의 경향을 반영하는 것이다.