The Notion of Null Hypothesis in Generative Grammar

Dong Whee Yang 한국생성문법학회 2015 생성문법연구 Vol.25 No.2

This paper claims that given the exhaustive list of interpretive effects of Merge, as argued in this paper, the formal operation of Merge may be null hypothesis, which leads to new linguistic explanations, crucially supporting non-determinism (Yang 2013, 2014). Chomsky (2008) states: "Merge can apply freely, yielding expressions interpreted at the interface in many different kinds of ways." The free Merge theory as claimed by Chomsky (2008) above implies that the Merge operation is free and optional unless the derivation comes to be constrained by some condition like the [+marked] feature, as discussed with respect to non-determinism (Yang 2013, 2014). The free and optional Merge is "unmarked" unless it is "marked" by being obligatory due to the [+marked] feature as mentioned above. Chomsky (2008) claims that every Merge, especially the unmarked Merge, always induces an interpretive effect. In fact, we may assume that even the marked Merge, which has been often exceptionally claimed to induce no interpretive effect, can be assumed to induce an interpretive effect called the "null interpretive effect," or simply "null effect." Hence, we accept Chomsky's claim literally that every Merge induces an interpretive effect, and develop the theory of grammar crucially based on the general notion of interpretive effect of Merge. The overt exact operation of Merge for each interpretive effect is rarely distinctively defined in contrast to the general (semantic and/or functional) notion of interpretive effects like topic, focus, etc., so that the overt operation of Merge itself can be assumed to be null hypothesis, obviously even without involving the edge feature effects (Chomsky 2008), while the essential distinctive effects of Merge should be the semantic or functional interpretive effect itself (Yang 2014). By way of motivating the null hypothesis theory for Merge as characterized above, I will discuss significant theoretical implications of the null hypothesis of Merge with respect to new linguistic explanations, speculating how far the null hypothesis theory is applicable in our grammar.

The Notion of Null Hypothesis in Generative Grammar

양동휘 한국생성문법학회 2015 생성문법연구 Vol.25 No.2

This paper claims that given the exhaustive list of interpretive effects of Merge, as argued in this paper, the formal operation of Merge may be null hypothesis, which leads to new linguistic explanations, crucially supporting non-determinism (Yang 2013, 2014). Chomsky (2008) states: “Merge can apply freely, yielding expressions interpreted at the interface in many different kinds of ways.” The free Merge theory as claimed by Chomsky (2008) above implies that the Merge operation is free and optional unless the derivation comes to be constrained by some condition like the [+marked] feature, as discussed with respect to non-determinism (Yang 2013, 2014). The free and optional Merge is “unmarked” unless it is “marked” by being obligatory due to the [+marked] feature as mentioned above. Chomsky (2008) claims that every Merge, especially the unmarked Merge, always induces an interpretive effect. In fact, we may assume that even the marked Merge, which has been often exceptionally claimed to induce no interpretive effect, can be assumed to induce an interpretive effect called the “null interpretive effect,” or simply “null effect.” Hence, we accept Chomsky’s claim literally that every Merge induces an interpretive effect, and develop the theory of grammar crucially based on the general notion of interpretive effect of Merge. The overt exact operation of Merge for each interpretive effect is rarely distinctively defined in contrast to the general (semantic and/or functional) notion of interpretive effects like topic, focus, etc., so that the overt operation of Merge itself can be assumed to be null hypothesis, obviously even without involving the edge feature effects (Chomsky 2008), while the essential distinctive effects of Merge should be the semantic or functional interpretive effect itself (Yang 2014). By way of motivating the null hypothesis theory for Merge as characterized above, I will discuss significant theoretical implications of the null hypothesis of Merge with respect to new linguistic explanations, speculating how far the null hypothesis theory is applicable in our grammar.

양화사 작용역 현상의 최소화에 관한 탐구

전혜원,오현영 부경대학교 인문사회과학연구소 2018 인문사회과학연구 Vol.19 No.1

A central goal of this paper is to present a new account of Quantifier scope ambiguity phenomena based on Chomsky's (2013, 2015) Labeling Algorithm (LA). In the account, this paper argues, without appealing to traditional movement operations akin to QR, that an inverse scope of QNP is attributed to the output of the essential operation in Narrow Syntax(NS) which is LA. Obata and Epstein's(2011) Feature-Splitting Internal Merge present empirical and theoretical advantages. Following their assumption, we suggest three viable options. First, R attracts both φ-feature and Quantifier feature on v* simultaneously. Secondly, R attracts Quantifier feature first. In the case that R attracts φ feature first is the last viable option. Given this view, we naturally hypothesize that φ-feature and Quantifier feature each move independently. In this sense, Feature splitting is the optimally exploiting independent mechanisms and enables us to capture derivationally different types of feature sharing. By deploying three viable options, we safely capture rigid scope and inverse scope. In summary, syntax of scope relies on three distinctive devices : Quantifier features, Feature-Splitting Internal Merge and Labeling Algorithm. Chomsky demonstrates that labels are needed for interface interpretation. In the spirit of minimalism, we elucidate scope ambiguity from a labeling perspective and this analysis sheds light on how determine a complicated syntactic object such as{XP[F],YP[F]} via labeling system and the quest for simplicity of Quantifier Scope Interaction. 양화사의 작용역 현상을 인간 언어 본연의 관점에서 바라보고 어떤 기제를 통해 일어나는 현상인지에 관한 심도 깊은 설명을 하고 기존의 연구에서의 한계점을 극복하고 개선하고자 본 연구에서는 양화사의 작용역의 중의성을 최소주의의 가장 새로운 방식인 Chomsky(2013, 2015)의 표찰 알고리즘(Labeling Algorithm) 접근법에서의 자질 공유(feature sharing)와 Obata와 Epstein 의 자질분리 병합(Feature-splitting Internal Merge)을 적극 수용하여 최소주의 접근법으로 재분석하고자 한다. 양화명사구는 양화자질[QU]을 가지고 있고 v*에 파이자질 이외 양화자질[QU]이 있다고 가정함으로써 이 통사체의 표찰은 자질공유를 통해 <QU, QU>로 결정된다고 제안하고자 한다. 이때 결정된 <QU, QU> 표찰은 부호화(encoding)되어 의미접합부(Conceptual-Intentional Interface ; CI Interface)에서 양화사의 중의적 해석을 가능하게 한다. 자유로운 병합이 전제된 최근의 최소주의 흐름속에서 Chomsky가 제안하는 표찰 알고리즘을 통해 양화사가 두 개인 문장에서 결정된 표찰들 간의 위계는 의미해석 접합부에서 의미정보를 전달하여 해석을 하는데 중요한 역할을 하고 있다고 전제하여 본 논문에서는 양화사 작용역 현상에 적용 가능한 세 가지 방법을 제안한다. 양화사가 두 개인 문장에서 첫째, 핵 v가 보유한 파이 자질과 양화 자질을 동시에 R로 상속하는 경우와 둘째, 두 자질 중 파이 자질을 먼저 R로 분리 병합하는 경우와 마지막으로 두 자질 중 양화 자질을 우선 R로 분리 병합하는 경우 세 가지 경우의 수가 발생한다. 이 세 가지 경우의 수 중에 첫 번째는 표찰 결정의 실패로 의미접합부에 무의미한 정보를 주지만, 두 번째 경우는 역(逆)의미 작용역을, 세 번째 경우는 표면 작용역의 해석적 정보를 주게된다. 다시 말해서, 양화사 의미의 중의성은 운용상의 부담(burden)을 주는 의무적 이동(obligatory movement)이 아니라 자유병합에 의한 결과물이며 이는 최소주의의 관점 내에서 작용역 현상의 간소화와 다양한 구문에 적용 가능한 통합된 설명을 시도하는데 그 의의가 있다.

통제 구문의 이동 분석에 관한 고찰과 제언

이희정(Lee Hee Jung),안동환(An Dong Hwan) 새한영어영문학회 2011 새한영어영문학 Vol.53 No.2

The purpose of this paper is to explore an alternative on the movement theory of control construction in English. First, this paper compares two different proposals of the movement theory of control: the theta role-based one and the merge-based one on the basis of c-selection. In the former proposal, movement of a DP is driven by the need to receive a theta feature of the verb it merges with, and in the latter one, merge is driven by interpretable or uninterpretable c-selection features. Both proposals are similar in that they eliminate D-structure as a grammatical level, but they are different in that only the merge-based analysis eliminates the LF level as well, arguing that it is unnecessary to make use of theta features. This paper argues against the use of theta features in syntax on the ground that they are fundamentally semantic. On close investigation, the merge-based analysis by c-selection is more valid in explaining the movement theory of control. However, It points out the merge-based analysis by c-selection has some problems. For example, it is possible that a computational system is more complicated because of c-selection. Therefore, this paper argues that the merge-based analysis by c-selection needs to revise and newly proposes merge-based analysis by phase, instead of c-selection, to account for the movement theory of control.

On the Nature of the Edge Feature

Yong-Ha Kim 현대문법학회 2013 현대문법연구 Vol.73 No.-

Merge is assumed to come free in minimalist program. The logic for this assumption is that we could not even utter a sentence because it’s the cheapest way. With Merge as an indispensible operation in grammar, this paper explores the nature of a feature that serves as the trigger of Merge. In recent terminology, the feature in question is called an edge feature EF. Based on the observation that movement always targets a functional head, this paper tries to show that non-functional lexical items really have a limitation in the number of Merge, that is to say, they can merge just once and for all.

On the Nature of Edge Feature Movement

Dong-Whee Yang(양동휘) 한국생성문법학회 2007 생성문법연구 Vol.17 No.4

  Edge feature movement (EF-movement) is supposed to be pure internal merge (IM), which is solely induced by edge feature (EF) just like pure external merge (EM). Both pure IM and pure EM, which constitute "free Merge", are supposed to come free in natural language (Chomsky 2005). In this paper, in fact, it is shown that EF-movement is solely constrained as well as interpreted by interface conditions, which means that EF-movement is not subject to last resort or crash at narrow syntax but to the extended interface conditions.<BR>  It is not necessary or even possible to assume that accounting for various syntactic deviancies entirely depends on syntactic operations like feature checking in narrow syntax; for example, syntactically deviant or "crashed" sentences may receive appropriate interpretations at the interface. In this paper, it is argued that at least EF-movements are licensed in terms of the D-effect interpretation at the interface. In other words, the notion of Agree in narrow syntax should be replaced by the notion of D-effect in terms of the D-effect Condition at the interface for EF-movement. In place of the various minimality conditions for Agree-movements at narrow syntax, the Interpretive Economy Condition is proposed at the interface to constrain the interpretation of derivations by EF-movement. For A-type EF-movements the Case Licensing Condition is proposed at the interface for the generalizations on case that are independent of Agree for the theory of EF-movement. Given the three conditions at the interface, D-effect Condition, Interpretive Economy Condition, and Case Licensing Condition, it is argued that EF-movements are "free-ride movements" in the sense that they are simply induced by free Merge in narrow syntax only to be licensed as well as constrained by the three interface conditions. It is speculated that ultimately not only EF-movements but all movements need to be checked or licensed through Agree or D-effect at the interface, for proper characterization of their interactions with other factors at the interface such as possible interpretations of even "crashed" sentences in terms of linguistic and/or non-linguistic contexts at the interface.

Photometric Stereo Using CNN-based Feature-Merging Network

Euijeong Song,Minho Chang 제어로봇시스템학회 2020 제어로봇시스템학회 국제학술대회 논문집 Vol.2020 No.10

We propose a photometric stereo method using Convolutional Neural Network (CNN) based method, which is effective for deriving surface normal data from non-lambertian objects. Our method extracts feature maps from a set of images of object using shared feature extraction network, and merge the extracted feature maps using two pooling method: max-pooling and average-pooling. The merged feature maps are concatenated and passed to final CNN layers to derive the surface normal map. We tested our network on the most widely-used benchmark dataset and confirmed that our method performs better than existing deep learning based photometric stereo method.

Phase-head Initiated Structure Building: Its Implications for Feature-Inheritance, Transfer and Internal Merge

심재영 한국생성문법학회 2014 생성문법연구 Vol.24 No.2

This paper explores an alternative way of structure building inminimalism and proposes that along with other operations in NarrowSyntax such as Feature-Inheritance and Transfer, structure building isalso initiated only by phase heads. Consequently, this paper takes onestep further Chomsky’s (2007, 2008, 2013) generalization that alloperations in Narrow Syntax are restricted to the phase level. It furtherinvestigates the implications of phase-head initiated structure buildingfor the motivations for Feature-Inheritance and Transfer (Chomsky 2007,2008, Richards 2007) and shows 1) that no derivation can converge at theC-I interface without Feature-Inheritance (i.e., Feature-Inheritance isnecessitated to satisfy interface conditions) and 2) that the operationTransfer is a natural by-product of (Internal) Merge.

Phase-head Initiated Structure Building: Its Implications for Feature-Inheritance, Transfer and Internal Merge

Jae-Young Shim 한국생성문법학회 2014 생성문법연구 Vol.24 No.2

This paper explores an alternative way of structure building in minimalism and proposes that along with other operations in Narrow Syntax such as Feature-Inheritance and Transfer, structure building is also initiated only by phase heads. Consequently, this paper takes one step further Chomsky's (2007, 2008, 2013) generalization that all operations in Narrow Syntax are restricted to the phase level. It further investigates the implications of phase-head initiated structure building for the motivations for Feature-Inheritance and Transfer (Chomsky 2007, 2008, Richards 2007) and shows 1) that no derivation can converge at the C-I interface without Feature-Inheritance (i.e., Feature-Inheritance is necessitated to satisfy interface conditions) and 2) that the operation Transfer is a natural by-product of (Internal) Merge.

동명사의 국면단위 격점검

김학연(Hak Yeon Kim) 언어과학회 2008 언어과학연구 Vol.46 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to propose that the Case licensing by TP analysis on Clausal Gerund(CG) is more powerful than that of CP analysis. In TP analysis, if the T in CG checks the remnant [F] on v/T in the matrix clause, the T in CG can check its own uCase as well as that of CG`s subject. But this approach has some defects. First, this analysis is limited to only English. Second, -ingGER feature in Romanian language raises to C, thus CG should be considered as CP. Third, it is against the general principle of minimalist program that the analysis considers the Φ-role as a feature. Since a lexical subject can occur in non-finite clauses in some languages, it is a phasal head not tense or Φ-feature that licenses Case. In such languages Case valuation is determined by feature specification in a phase, and null expletive as a probe plays an important role in Case valuation of non-finite clauses. Applying this approach to English CG, a null D head (including affixial and uCase feature) selects non-verbal C because of sharing requirement condition on merged heads. The non-finite C will transfer its uD feature to the proxy T. This feature probes for a DP, ensuring that the subject enters an A-chain with the results of an Accusative or Nominative value. Clause-typing is satisfied by Merge of the GER/PART feature in C and the C-T relationship is guaranteed by the affixial nature of -ing which surfaces on the lexical verbs. However, there remains some problems to be solved.