An Evaluation of Implementation on the Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture and Issues and Prospects of DDA Agricultural Negotiation

임정빈,서진교 경상대학교 농업생명과학연구원 2008 농업생명과학연구 Vol.42 No.2

The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the implementation of the UR Agreement on Agriculture in terms of commitment of major area and agricultural trade performance and to explain some issues of the current WTO’s Doha negotiation on agriculture with a prospect of the DDA negotiations.One of the great achievements of the Uruguay Round of trade negotiations was to bring agricultural sector of individual countries to the mainstream of GATT disciplines. Although the evaluation on the performance of the new trading rules under WTO seems differ between exporting and importing countries of agricultural products, the experience of implementing the URAA has revealed several weakness and shortcomings in agricultural reforms. Therefore agricultural sector will remain as an important negotiation area in the WTO DDA round. The ongoing DDA negotiations on agriculture will likely result in further reductions of trade-distorting domestic subsidies and termination of export subsidies as well as substantial reduction of tariffs and expansion of the market access.

새로운 국제경제질서로서의 WTO의 현황과 전망

정종운 ( Chong-woon Chung ) 한국질서경제학회 2005 질서경제저널 Vol.8 No.1

WTO는 우루과이 라운드가 끝나고 우루과이 라운드의 지속성을 가진 기구로 출발했다. 도하 선언은 개발도상국들을 세계경제 체제에 융화 시키려는 것을 목표로 하고 있다. 협상 결과는 우루과이 라운드와 같은 근본적인 체제변화는 아니라 하더라도 이전의 GATT라운드와는 많은 점이 다를 것으로 보인다. 선진국과 개발도상국 간의 관계와 선진국간에 기본적으로 새로운 규율과 시장 개방을 기대할 수 있는 가 혹은 이 협상은 기존의 규율 내에서 점진적인 변화를 할 것인가? 이 문제의 해결에 대한 기대는 얼마나 현실적인가? 이러한 문제들에 대해서 어떠한 예상을 하는 것은 부적절하지만 이 협상의 결과는 세계 무역질서의 발전에 커다란 진전을 가져 올 것으로 보이지는 않는다. The WTO was founded after the Uruguay Round, succeeding it. The Doha Declaration(DDA) aims to integrate developing countries into the global economic order. It seems that the negotiation outcome of the DDA will be much different from the GATT Round, though not bringing up fundamental changes as the Uruguay Round. Could the DDA set up a new fundamental order for the relationship between developing countries and developed countries, as well as between developed countries, and contribute to open the markets? Or will it just bring gradual changes into the established order? How feasible could expectations about the solutions be? Immature expectations could be inappropriate, but it seems that the DDA will not bring fundamental changes for the development of the international trade order.

GOING BEYOND CANCUN : REALIZING THE DEVELOPMENT PROMISE OF THE DOHA AGENDA

Shalendra D. Sharma 연세대학교 동서문제연구원 2004 Global economic review Vol.33 No.2

The launch of a new trade round in Doha in November 2001 was a major breakthrough following the discord in Seattle in 1999. The Doha Round is the first set of multilateral trade negotiations in which the needs and interests of developing countries have been officially declared a priority and whose conclusion deemed essential. However, the failure of the Doha negotiations in Cancun in September 2003 was a major setback. The trade talks are now stalled in several policy domains vital to developing countries such as agriculture, non-farm trade, access to patented drugs, special and differential treatment and dispute settlement, and in areas of interest to the developed countries such as the "Singapore issues" dealing with investment, competition, trade facilitation and government procurement. This paper discusses the reasons behind the failure, its wider implications as well as the policies that member governments of the World Trade Organization (WTO) will need to make to move beyond Cancun.

Developing Countries in the WTO and Doha Round

Surendra Bhandari 서울시립대학교 서울시립대학교 법학연구소 2012 서울법학 Vol.20 No.1

From the GATT to the Doha Round Negotiations the participation of member countries symbolizes two major leanings: Fragmentation and Uniformity approaches. On many important issues, these approaches present conceptually distinct ideas regarding the legal structure of international trade. Since the level playing field between developed and developing countries varies vastly, the Fragmented approach argues that designing and applying the same set of rules (uniform rules) for both developed and developing countries would be unfair. Developing countries, often guided by the idea that uniform rules would damage their aspirations to catch up with developed countries, continually demanded fragmentation of rules between developed and developing countries. In contrast, the Uniformity approach insisted on the application of a set of uniform rules for all countries. According to this approach, the fragmented rules would engender non-reciprocal treatment with an asymmetrical legal structure in place, which could be ungainly for an effective international legal order of trade liberalization. The Uniformity approach also claims that the Fragmented approach is unhealthy even to safeguard the interests of developing countries. Against this backdrop, this paper aims at the critical examination and explanation of the strengths and weaknesses of these dominant approaches. This paper suggests an alternative approach in the form of welfare-grundnorm, which is positive in its nature and universal in its application. With the positive and universal features, this paper explicates the welfare-grundnorm as the methodology build upon the jural relations of legitimacy, authority, and validity for streamlining the effective participation of both developed and developing countries in the Doha Round Negotiations.

How the DOHA Round Could Support the African Industry?

Hakim Ben Hammouda,Stephen Karingi,Nassim Oulmane,Mustapha Sandi Jallab 중앙대학교 경제연구소 2007 Journal of Economic Development Vol.32 No.1

This study provides a quantitative evaluation of the Doha Round in terms of the market access for industrial products and the possible consequences of the trade liberalization process. It analyzes the impact of the reforms put forward by the July Package concluded in Geneva. The tariff reduction scenarios under review fit in with the commitments undertaken in the July Package. All four scenarios reviewed are based on a Girard formula. The first, third and fourth scenarios are ambitious, whereas the second is more conservative. Scenarios 1, 3 and 4 differ in the way they factor in special and differential (S&D) treatment. In terms of impact, the simulations show that a liberalization scenario based on an ambitious, non-linear Girard formula would be a less desirable alternative for Africa. It would allow for increases in the welfare and production of the African countries but would not boost African exports.

Lean Hong Kong Harvest and the Doha Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations

( Dilip K. Das ) 연세대학교 동서문제연구원 2006 Global economic review Vol.35 No.3

A Kiss of Life for the Withering Doha Round of the Multilateral Trade Negotiations?

( Dilip K. Das ) 연세대학교 동서문제연구원 2008 Global economic review Vol.37 No.2

Saving Multilateralism in a higgledy-piggledy Trading System

( Miroslav N. Jovanovic ),( Jelena Damnjanovic ) 세종대학교 경제통합연구소 2015 Journal of Economic Integration Vol.30 No.1

Whether international economic integration arrangements result in a more liberal trade at the multilateral level cannot be proven with ease. Integration may start this process, but it may also reverse it. New mega-integration deals such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership, Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership are under negotiation. The American policy of creating trade rules for decades to come without the involvement of China in rulemaking may backfire. If China faces a choice of capitulation or exclusion, it may create a parallel trade and payments system. The World Trade Organization still has important assets: to convene meetings and to settle trade disputes. If the World Trade Organization transforms its role from trade liberalisation forum into an institution which supervises and administers international trade rules and obligations, this may be a realistic development given the Doha Round agony and the meagre final result in Bali (2013).

Developed Country Trade Barriers and the Least Developed Countries: The Current Situation

( Jon D. Haveman ),( Howard J. Shatz ) 세종대학교 경제통합연구소 (구 세종대학교 국제경제연구소) 2004 Journal of Economic Integration Vol.19 No.2

In the 2001 Doha Development Round ministerial declaration, countries committed themselves “to the objective of duty-free, quota-free market access for products originating from LDCs.” In this light, this paper investigates the current tariff barriers put in place and preferences granted by the Triad countries regarding products from LDCs. It first investigates preferences in policy-the simple average tariffs faced by LDCs-and then looks at barriers in practice, analyzing the extent to which LDCs have been able to take advantage of the variety of preferences granted. It also explores the LDC tariff barriers against goods from other countries. It finds that Triad tariff barriers against LDC products have fallen dramatically and are especially low in the EU. However, barriers remain against certain products in which LDCs specialize, so that U.S. import-weighted tariffs for LDC goods are actually higher than U.S. import-weighted tariffs for goods of countries subject to MFN tariffs. Furthermore, the LDCs themselves tend to favor goods from the advanced industrial countries. These results indicate that there is still much room for tariff reductions for LDC goods, especially in the United States, and that such reductions must take account of LDC production capabilities.

Impacts of The Doha Round on Korea`s Agricultural Tariff Profile

Song Soo Lim 한국농촌경제연구원 2008 농촌경제 Vol.31 No.2