조선 후기 은일 공간으로서의 충주

이새롬 ( Lee Sae Rom ) 충주문화원 부설 충주학연구소 2022 충주학연구 Vol.1 No.0

본 연구는 조선 후기 문인들의 한시에 표상된 충주(忠州)의 이미지를 정리하여 충주가 정치적 좌절을 겪은 문인들의 미련과 좌절, 기대 등의 심리가 문학적으로 투영된 공간으로서 정치적·문화적으로 중요한 의미를 지녔음을 밝히고자 하였다. 충주는 예로부터 한양에 접근하기가 쉬웠으며, 풍부한 물산을 자랑하고, 산과 강이 어우러진 승경과 함께 탄금대와 같은 명승지를 완상할 수 있었다. 이러한 지리적인 특징으로 인해 많은 문인들이 충주를 은거지로 삼았다. 특히 기묘명현의 많은 이들이 충주에 은거하며 자신들만의 세력을 구축하였다. 조선 후기에 노론(老論) 핵심 인사들이 호서 지역에 머물게 되면서 충주는 기호사림(畿湖士林)의 학맥을 잇는 공간으로 자리 잡았다. 누암서원의 존재는 충주가 기호사림의 중심지였음을 알려준다. 조선 시대 문인들은 정치적 혼란기에 일시적으로 혹은 오랜 기간 중앙정계에 설 자리를 잃었을 때, 그들 나름대로 영향력을 행사할 만한 공간으로 충주를 택하였다. 조선 후기 문인들 중 많은 이들이 충주에 내려왔지만 대부분 충주에 은거하는 기간은 짧은 편이었다. 대부분 출사와 은거를 반복하였기 때문이다. 그중 정호(鄭澔)와 안중관(安重觀)은 노론 문인으로 충주가 고향이며, 정치적으로 불리할 때마다 충주에 은거하였다. 두 문인은 충주에 거주하며 많은 시를 남겼는데, 충주에서 누리는 아름다운 풍경과 한적함에 대한 만족감을 표출하는 한편, 자신의 뜻을 알아주지 못하는 현실에 대한 염증, 출사에 대한 미련을 표출하였다. 정호는 _{영의정 ‧ 좌의정을}역임할 정도로 중앙 관료로서 활약하였으며, 당시 노소(老少) 갈등의 중심에 있던 인물이었다. 정호는 은거를 자신의 뜻을 관철시키기 위한 의사표시의 수단으로 활용하였다. 그렇기에 언제든지 도성으로 돌아갈 수 있는 충주를 은거지로 택하였다. 안중관은 주로 외직에 있었으며, 그가 스스로 사직한 이유가 뚜렷하게 드러나지 않는다. 다만 그가 은거하며 쓴 시에는 그의 불우의식과 현실에 대한 염증이 짙게 드러난다. 안중관은 현실에 대한 체념으로 인해 은거를 택하였지만 도성을 향한 미련으로 인해 최후의 배수진으로서 도성과 가까운 충주에 머물렀던 것으로 보인다. 충주는 조선 후기 문인들에게 복잡한 현실 속에서 잠시 떨어져 여유로움과 위안을 얻어갈 수 있는 곳이자 언제든 출사의 기회를 놓치지 않을 만한 공간이었음을 확인하였다. This study summarized the image of Chungju (忠州) represented in the literati’s classical Chinese poetry in the late Joseon, and confirmed that Chungju had important political and cultural significance as a literary space in which the psychology of regret, frustration, and expectations of the literati who had suffered political setbacks was projected. Since ancient times it was easy to access Seoul from Chungju, and it was possible to appreciate famous sights such as Tangeumdae along with the scenery of the mountains and rivers. It was also an area where products were abundant. Due to these geographical features, many of the literati stayed in Chungju. In particular, many figures of victims of Kimyo Year Literati Purge secluded in Chungju and established their own influence. In the late Joseon, as key Noron figures stayed in the Hoseo region, Chungju also established itself as a space connecting Kiho Sarim’s academic vessel. The existence of Nuam-seowon indicates that Chungju was the center of Kiho Sarim. The literati in the Joseon era lost their place in central politics temporarily or for a long period of time during the political turmoil, but they chose Chungju as a space where they could exert their own influence. Many of the literati in the late Joseon came to Chungju, but there was a tendency that most of them were secluded in Chungju for a short period of time. Most of these repeated going to office and being secluded. Among the literati in the late Joseon, Jeongho(鄭澔) and Ahn Jung-gwan (安重觀) were the Noron literati, and were secluded into Chungju as their hometown whenever they were politically disadvantaged. The two literati lived in Chungju and left many poems, and while expressing satisfaction with the beautiful scenery and serenity enjoyed in Chungju, they expressed their disgust about the reality of not being able to understand their intentions, and their lingering about going to office. Jeongho was active as a central bureaucrat to the extent that he served as Yeonguijeong-Jwauijeong, and he was at the center of the noron-soron conflict at the time. Jeongho’s seclusion was utilized as a means of expressing his will to carry out his own will. Thus, that’s why he chose to be secluded in Chungju, where he could return to Seoul at any time. Ahn Jung-gwan was mainly employed at a government post away from the capital, and it is not clear why he resigned himself. However, his poems that he wrote while he was secluded deeply reveal his awareness of misfortune and his disgust of reality. Although Ahn Jung-gwan chose to be secluded because of his resignation from reality, he seems to have stayed in Chungju, close to Seoul, as a position taken up with a river behind the troops because of his lingering toward Seoul. It was confirmed that Chungju was a place where the literati in the late Joseon could get relaxation and solace from the complex reality for a while, and a space where they could not miss an opportunity to go to office at any time. Through this, the literati’s awareness and literary discourse in the late Joseon was investigated in a space outside of Seoul, a symbol of central power.

충주 용산사(龍山寺)와 의림사(義林寺), 그리고 충주철불

김희찬 ( Kim Hee-chan ) 동아시아비교문화연구회 2021 東硏(동연) Vol.10 No.-

충주는 역사적으로 중요한 도시였다. 충주의 중심에는 읍성이 있었다. 그리고 외성이 도시의 중심을 감싸는 이중구조의 성곽도시였다. 최근에 발굴조사와 문헌, 자료 등이 보완되면서 충주에 대한 접근 방법에 새로운 전기를 맞고 있다. 조사 결과, 충주의 외성 안쪽에 최소한 두 개의 절이 있었다. 용산사(龍山寺)와 의림사(義林寺)가 그것이다. 용산사는 호암동 택지지구 정밀발굴조사 과정에서 절 이름을 새긴 기와 한 장이 출토되면서 존재 사실을 뒷받침하여 주었다. 그리고 1392년 9월에 충주에 머물던 성석린(成石璘)의 시에서 용산사가 등장한다. 근세에 와서 1927년의 용산리 사적보존지 기사와 함께 1947년에 설립이 결정된 충주사범학교 신설과 관련하여 용산사의 위치를 추정해 보았다. 용산사와 직접적인 관련이 있는 유물이 충주철불(忠州鐵佛)이다. 본래 충주군 용산리 130번지에 있었던 충주철불은 절의 존재나 존재했던 절의 이름이 확인되지 않았으므로 소속이 없이 그냥 ‘충주철불’로 불린다. 충주철불이있던 원위치가 곧 용산사가 있던 공간의 한 부분이다. 지금의 충주공업고등학교 뒤편 전체가 해당된다. 그래서 기존에 안림동의 의림사지에 충주철불이 있었다는 통설에 의문을 제기한다. 충주철불은 1915년에 청녕헌 앞뜰로 옮겼다. 이 때에 좌대가 마련되었다. 그 좌대는 1869년에 안림동 어림리에서 가져온 것이라고 하며, ‘일영석’이라는 이름으로 불렸었다. 일종의 해시계 기능을 했었다. 그래서 안림동의 절터를 ‘일영사지’라고 부르기도 했다. 일영석은 석탑의 몸돌이다. 안림동 어림리에는 절터가 있다. 일영사지 또는 안림동사지라고 불렸었다. 1989년에 청동반자가 수습되면서 절 이름이 ‘의림사’였음이 확인되었다. 대궐터, 이궁지 등의 여러 가지 이름과 전설이 있는 장소이기도 하다. 1915년에 충주철불과 일영석의 결합은 충주 도심공간에 있었던 용산사와 의림사의 첫 만남으로 볼 수 있다. 불교가 국교였던 고려시대에 도심 사찰 두 개의 존재는 충주를 이해하는데 있어서 시사하는 바가 크다. 충주읍성과 외성, 용산사와 의림사, 그리고 충주철불로 이어지는 관계는 충주의 역사적 중요성은 물론 풀어야 할 과제이기도 하다. 각각의 대상에 대한 개별적인 연구도 중요하고, 도시 전체를 놓고 통합적으로 이해하는 것도 필요하다. 이 글은 그래서 앞으로의 과제가 더 많은 시론적인 성격을 가진다. Chungju(忠州) has been a historically important city. In the center of Chungju, there was a town castle. And it was a double-structured fortress city surrounding the center of the city. Recently, excavations, literature, and data have been supplemented, giving a new turning point to the approach to Chungju. As a result of the investigation, there were at least two temples inside Chungju's outer fortress. These are Yongsansa Temple(龍山寺) and Uirimsa Temple(義林寺). Yongsansa Temple supported the existence of a tile engraved with the name of the temple during a detailed excavation survey of Hoam-dong(虎巖洞) residential district. In September 1392, Yongsansa Temple appeared in the poem of Seong Seok-rin(成石璘), who stayed in Chungju. In modern times, along with an article on the Yongsan-ri(龍山里) Historic Preservation Site in 1927, the location of Yongsansa Temple was estimated in connection with the establishment of Chungju College of Education(忠州師範學校), which was decided in 1947. Chungju Cheolbul(忠州鐵佛) is a relic directly related to Yongsansa Temple. Chungju Cheolbul, originally located at 130 Yongsan-ri(龍山里), Chungjugun(忠州郡), is just called Chungju Cheolbul without belonging because the existence or name of the temple that existed has not been confirmed. The original location where Chungju Cheolbul was located is a part of the space where Yongsan Temple was located. This applies to the entire back of Chungju Technical High School(忠州工業高等學校). Therefore, it raises questions about the conventional wisdom that Chungju Cheolbul existed at Uirimsa Temple Site in Anrim-dong(安林洞). Chungju Cheolbul was moved to the front yard of Cheongnyeongheon(淸寧軒) in 1915. At this time, a seat was prepared. The pedestal is said to have been taken from Eorim-ri(御林里), Anrim-dong in 1869, and was called Ilyeongseok(日影石). It served as a kind of sundial. That's why the temple site in Anrim-dong was also called "Ilyeongsa Temple Site(日影寺址). Ilyeongseok is the body stone of the stone pagoda. There is a temple site in Eorim-ri, Anrim-dong. It was called Ilyeongsa Temple Site or Anrim-dong Temple Site(安林洞寺址). When the Bronze Banja(靑銅飯子) was recovered in 1989, it was confirmed that the temple was named Uirimsa Temple. It is also a place with various names and legends such as the site of the palace or Igungji. The combination of Chungju Iron Buddha and Ilyeongseok in 1915 can be seen as the first meeting between Yongsansa Temple and Uirimsa Temple in downtown Chungju. During the Goryeo Dynasty, when Buddhism was the state religion, the existence of two downtown temples has great implications for understanding Chungju. The relationship between Chungju-eupseong Fortress(忠州邑城) and Oeseong Fortress(忠州外城), Yongsansa Temple and Uirimsa Temple, and Chungju Cheolbul is a task to be solved as well as the historical importance of Chungju. Individual research on each subject is also important, and it is also necessary to have an integrated understanding of the entire city. This article is therefore of a contemporary opinion with more future tasks.

조선 후기 충주 사족의 서원활동 : 누암서원을 중심으로

안다미 ( Ahn Da Mi ) 충주문화원 부설 충주학연구소 2023 충주학연구 Vol.2 No.0

충주는 지리적으로 서울, 경기도와 가까운 지역이었다. 이러한 지리적인 이점 덕분에 충주에는 서울 출신의 사족들이 많이 거주하고 있었다. 특히, 이들은 정치적으로 혼란한 상황 속에서 낙향의 근거지로 충주를 선택하였다. 17세기 이후에 충주로 이주해 온 사족들은 정치적인 변화에 따라서 충주와 한양, 경기도 등지를 자주 오고 갔다. 그 결과, 충주는 17세기 이후까지도 향리 세력이 강성하여, 다스리기 어려운 고을 중에 하나로 인식되었다. 숙종 20년(1694) 갑술환국(甲戌換局)을 계기로 충청도 지역에서는 송시열(宋時烈, 1607~1689)의 서원이 급격하게 늘어났다. 송시열의 문인들은 스승을 선양하는 서원을 마련하고, 이를 토대로 충청도 내에서 여론의 주도권을 장악하고자 노력하였다. 이런 노력의 중심에는 충주 지역 출신인 권상하(權尙夏, 1641~1721)와 정호(鄭澔, 1648~1736)가 있었다. 권상하는 가장 먼저 화양서원(華陽書院)을 설치하였으며, 정호는 자신이 거주하던 충주 누암리에 누암서원(樓巖書院)을 설치하였다. 숙종 20년에 정호를 중심으로 충주 사족들은 송시열과 민정중(閔鼎重, 1628~1692)을 배향하는 서원을 설치하는 일을 논의하였다. 송시열은 충주 목사를 역임한 이력이 있었고, 민정중은 충주 출신 사족이었다. 두 사람은 모두 충주의 풍속 교화에 앞장섰던 이력이 있었다. 이렇게 정호를 비롯한 충주 사족들이 당시에 송시열 서원을 설치하려던 이유는 정치적인 목적도 있었지만, 호서 지역 내에서 연산의 돈암서원(遯巖書院)을 중심으로 한 김장생 문인들의 영향력이 강화되는 것에 대한 견제 의식이 숨어 있었다. 한편, 충주 사족의 서원 설치논의는 국가의 정책적인 이해에도 부합하였다. 국가는 충주가 상대적으로 향리 세력이 강성한 곳이었으며, 충주 사족이 잦은 변란에 연루되었기 때문에 이들을 효율적으로 관리할 새로운 공간으로 서원의 필요성에 동의하고 있었다. 이처럼 숙종 21년(1695)에 완공된 누암서원은 정호를 비롯한 충주 사족의 이해와 국가의 이해가 합치된 결과물이었다. 이렇게 서원을 중심으로 학문 사상을 강화하려는 시도는 18세기 이후에 더욱 분명하게 나타난다. 가령, 정조 19년에 민중혁이 대표로 하여 정호를 누암서원에 추가 배향하는 문제를 조정에 보고하였다. 정호의 추가 배향은 당시에 권상하문인들이 황강서원(黃江書院)과 한원진(韓元震, 1682~1751)을 중심으로 학문사상을 강화해 가는 것에 대한 충주 사족들의 일종에 경계 의식이 반영되었다. 충주 사족은 ‘주자-이이-김장생-송시열-권상하’로 이어지는 도학 계보 위에 ‘주자-이이-김장생-민정중-정호’를 배치하여, 충주만의 도학 계보를 정립하려고 하였다. 여기에 정조 19년에 정호의 추가 배향이 성공할 수 있었던 배경에는 사학(邪學)이 유행하던 당시에 국가의 정책 이데올로기인 주자학(朱子學)의 보급을 위해 전초기지가 필요했던 조정의 입장도 반영되었다. 즉, 정호의 추가 배향은 충주 사족과 국가 정책의 이해가 합치된 결과였던 셈이다. 이처럼 누암서원은 지방 사족으로서 정체성을 확보하려던 충주 사족의 이해와 한양과 밀접한 지역인 충주에 주자학적 이데올로기 보급을 통해 향촌 풍속 교화를 완성하고 충주 사족을 효율적으로 관리하려던 국가의 정책적인 이해가 합치되어 설치되었으며, 서원을 중심으로 한 일련의 활동들 역시 국가 정책과 사족들의 이해가 합치되는 과정에서 진행되었다. Chungju city was geographically close to Seoul and Gyeonggi Province. Because of this geographical advantage, many Aristocratic families from Seoul lived in Chungju. In particular, they chose Chungju as their base in times of political turmoil. The Sajoks (the well-bred families), who moved to Chungju after the 17th century, frequently moved back and forth between Chungju, Hanyang, and Gyeonggi-do depending on political changes. As a result, Chungju was recognized as one of the more difficult provinces to govern, with strong Hyangri forces even after the 17th century. With the advent of Gabsul Hwanguk in the 20th year of King Sookjong’s reign, the number of Seowon of Song Si-yeol (宋時烈, 1607-1689) increased dramatically in the Chungcheong province. The disciples of Song Si-yeol set up a Seowon in honor of their master, and on this basis they sought to seize control of public opinion in Chungcheong Province. At the center of these efforts, there were Gwon Sang-ha (權尙夏, 1641-1721) and Jung Ho (鄭澔, 1648-1736), both from the Chungju region. Gwon Sang-ha established Huayang Seowon first, and Jung Ho established the Nuam Seowon in Nuamli, Chungju, where he lived. In the 20th year of the Suzong dynasty, the Sajoks in Chungju region, led by Jung Ho, discussed the establishment of a Seowon to honor Song Si-yeol and Min Jungjoong (閔鼎重, 1628-1692). Min Jungjoong, Song Si-yeol had been a pastor in Chungju, and Min Jungjoong was a member of the Sajoks from Chungju. Both had a history of leading the way in the cultural and moral development of Chungju. As such, the local aristocrats of Chungju, including Jung Ho, had various reasons for establishing the Seowon for Song Siyeol at that time. While there were political motivations, they also harbored a sense of checks and balances against the growing influence of scholars and literati centered around the Donam Seowan in Yeonsan in the Honam region. On the other hand, the discussion of establishing a Seowon by the Sajoks in Chungju also served the policy interests of the state. The state agreed that Chungju was a relatively strong region of the Hyangri forces, and the Sajoks in Chungju were involved in frequent disturbances, thus, they saw the need for the establishment of the Seowon as a more efficient means of managing them. As such, the Nuam Seowon, completed in the 21st year of King Sookjong’s reign (1695), was the result of the convergence of interests of the Sajoks in Chungju, including Jung Ho, as well as the interests of the state. This attempt to reinforce academic thought around the Seowon, becomes more evident after the 18th century. For instance, in the 19th year of King Jeongjo’s reign, there was a report to the court about the issue of Min Joong Hyeok, who represented the people, advocating for the addition of Jung Ho to the Nuam Seowon. The addition of Jung Ho to the Seowon was reflective of the Chungju Sajoks’sense of caution at the time, in response to the strengthening of academic and ideological influence among scholars led by Kwon Sang-ha at the Hwanggang Seowan and Han Won-jin(韓元震, 1682~1751). Gwon Sang-ha Jung Ho Min Jungjoong Kim Jangsang Kim Jangsang. The Sajoks in Chungju aimed to establish their own scholarly lineage within the broader Confucian academic tradition that followed the lineage of ‘Zhu Xi -Yi Yi- Kim Jangsang- Min Jungjoong- Jung Ho by placing ‘Zhu Xi -Yi Yi- Kim Jangsang- Song Si-yeol- Gwon Sang-ha’. Moreover, the success of adding of Jung Ho to the Seowan in the 19th year of the reign of King Jeongjo, also reflected the position of the court, who needed outposts for the dissemination of the state’s policy ideology, orthodox Neo- Confucianism, at a time when Confucianism was in vogue. In other words, adding Jung Ho was the result of a convergence of interests between the Sajoks in Chungju and state policy. As such, the Nuam Seowon was established as a result of the convergence of the interests of the Sajoks in Chungju, which sought to secure their identity as regional elites, and the state’s policy interests, which sought to complete the edification of local customs and manage the Sajoks in Chungju efficiently. This was done through the dissemination of orthodox Neo-Confucianism ideology in Chungju, a region close to Hanyang, and a series of activities centered on the Seowon were also conducted in the process of converging state policy and the interests of the Sajoks.

고려 후기 忠州城의 신지견 -충주 계족산 城址를 중심으로-

백종오 백산학회 2023 白山學報 Vol.- No.126

This article examines the consistency of the location of Chungjuseong [meaning Chungju Fortress and in other words, Chungju Sanseong meaning Chungju Mountain Fortress], the site of one of the most dramatic battles of the Goryeo-Mongol War(1231-1273), through the perspective of a new discovery. Various hypotheses related to Chungjuseong Fortress have emerged so far, such as Nam Sanseong, Daerim Sanseong, Chungju Eupseong, Deokju Sanseong, etc. Among them, Chungju Eupseong as the fortress of the province and Daerim Sanseong as the mountain fortress have been regarded as persuasive. However, serving as a mountain fortress for defense and protection was done at high and rugged mountain fortresses such as Yang sanseong, Yanggeunseong, Cheonryong Sanseong, and Ibam Sanseong, which are recorded in the literature. In line with this, the fortress site of Gyejoksan Mountain in Chungju proved to have conformity with Chungju Fortress [Chungju Sanseong]. Until now, the fortress site of Gyeyoksan Mountain has been recognized as an extension of the territorial range of Simhanghyeon in the Joseon Dynasty. Thus, the walls were thought to be not related to Chungju Sanseong during the Goryeo-Mongol War. However, Mt. Gyejoksan (now Mt. Gyemyungsan) is the main mountain of Chungju and shows a rugged mountainous position for a fortress site. In addition, based on the main defense direction toward Chungju Town, construction technique of the Goryeo Dynasty, and excavated artifacts, the site was judged to be highly likely to be related to Geum Yun-hu, who was a defense official of Chungju Sanseong. In other words, it was the site of battles such as the 1st(1231),5th(1253), and6th (1256) Mongol invasions. In between, the battles of Geumdanggyeop (1253), Daincheolso (1254), Daewonryeong (1255), and Parkdalhyeon (1258) are also believed to have occurred around this place. The Mongolian method of warfare in the Goryeo-Mongol War was to use local forces that had surrendered to the Mongols. This has the vulnerability of exposing internal information in the battles to defense the capital. In other words, a Goryeo army had to fight against another Goryeo people combined with Mongolian army. The Battle of Chungju Sanseong (1253) had significance in that it provided the opportunity to overcome and recover the asymmetry of this strategy through tripod-shaped terrain site, the high and rugged location, and the guerrilla warfare. This is the first time the outline of the fortress site of Gyejoksan Mountain has been identified. We hope that it will shed new light on the location of Chungjuseong [Chungju Sanseong] in the late Goryeo Dynasty and its historical development. It is also hoped that academic research on the Gyeyoksan fortress site will be conducted in a systematic manner so that the overall status, structure, and consecration techniques of the fortress can be clarified.

충주 지역 중원역사문화 스토리텔링의 기초자료

홍성화(Hong, Sung-hwa) 건국대학교 스토리앤이미지텔링연구소 2016 스토리&이미지텔링 Vol.11 No.-

본 연구는 충주 지역에 대한 스토리텔링의 과제를 선별하고 조직화하는 과정이 필요할 것으로 판단됨에 따라 중원 지역의 역사 문화 컨텐츠와 관련하여 우선적으로 스토리텔링의 필요성이 요구되는 주제를 중심으로 고찰하여 그 기초자료로 삼고자 하였다. 우선적으로 탄금호를 비롯한 남한강 일대 스토리텔링과 충주의 향토 음식과 관련한 스토리텔링의 필요성이 요구된다. 남한강 유적은 크게 선사 유적, 불교 유적, 성곽 유적, 고분 유적, 충주 고구려비, 탑평리 유적, 나루와 조창 유적을 중심으로 역사 컨텐츠가 집중되어 있다. 남한강 유적은 중원의 역사가 태동한 근원지로서 향후 ‘中原역사유적지구’로 발돋움할 수 있는 중요한 문화유산이다. 충주의 향토음식과 관련해서는 향토음식의 개발과 더불어 폰 시볼트의 견문기를 통해 해외에 소개되었던 충주 小盤에 대해 주목할 필요가 있다. 또한 조선의 통신사행 때 충주의 연회를 비롯하여 충주의 맛 중에서 최고의 일품으로 일컬어졌던 달천의 물맛을 통해 남한강 문화의 특징을 엿볼 수 있다. 이처럼 충주 지역 역사 문화 스토리텔링의 활용은 명실상부한 중원역사유적으로 새로이 발돋움하는 충주의 위상과 관련해서도 반드시 필요한 요소라고 할 수 있을 것이다. The purpose of this article is to examine the subjects which can develop to the story-telling projects regarding to the history & culture content of Chungwon region and make preliminary data since the process of selection and systemization of the storytelling projects in Chungju is required. This study showed that a necessity of the regional storytelling including the Namhangang River area and local foods in Chungju preferentially arises. This study especially found that the remains of the Namhangang River area were concentrated on the historic contents such as prehistoric sites, Buddhist cultural heritage, remains of fortress, tomb monuments, Chungju Goguryeo Stele, remains of Tappyeong-ni and ruins of ports and warehouses. Namhangang River area remains are the important heritage that can be developed further as the District of Chungwon History & Culture since the remains were the base where Chungwon history had been emerged. Regarding the native local foods in Chungju, we need to focus on the development of native local foods and pay attention to the Chungju soban, small dining table of Chungju which was introduced overseas through the travel writing written by Phillip Franz von Siebolt. Another feature of the local culture of Namhangang River area is the distinct banquet held in Chungju during the Joseon TongShinSa, Joseon mission to Japanan and the taste of Dalcheon water which was reputed to be the best flavor of Chungju. Thus, the utilization of history and culture story-telling in Chungju is requisite for the growing reputation of Chungju, the true remains of Chungwon Historic Area.

대한제국기 민영휘의 충주 일대 토지 소유와 경영 사례

남금자 한국근현대사학회 2013 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.65 No.-

Chungju was one of Korea’s five largest eups (towns) until the Great Han Empire Period. In terms of the size of yangan (landownership registers), it was five times greater than county or prefecture. At that time, Chungju had 38 myeons(townships), and was known as a large city with a great population and broad farmland area. Because ships and transportation came to this city from all directions, a large city was formed in Chungju a long time ago. Since it is close to Seoul as well, leading political parties and influential clans established themselves here. According to the gwangmu yangan in Chungju-gun, most great landowners who owned more than 40 jeongbo had a governor’s position in the central government. In fact, the great landowners from Chungju were mostly very influential compared to the landowners from other regions. Powerful landlords included Min Yeong-hui and several of the Yeoheung Min clan factions. According to the yangan, the Min clan factions were leading political figures of the time. Their land in Chungju-gun reveals the actual conditions of nepotism during the reign of King Gojong. Min Yeong-hui (1852~1935) worked in various major government positions from a young age and had a significant impact on King Gojong. In addition, he held all key posts in the Ministry of Home Affairs (chamui, hyeoppan and dokpan), which had been established since the gapsinjeongbyeon (a rebellion for interaction with foreign nations and political reform). He was appointed as dokpan in 1891. Following this, he was the leading figure of the Min clan faction until the Ministry of Home Affairs was dissolved. For him, the government post was a means to accumulate a fortune. He amassed a great deal wealth after entering government service. He owned land across the nation. He was even called the ‘Land King’ or ‘the Richest Man in Joseon.’ It was said that he bought all fertile land by traveling around the country (13 provinces). His huge fortune was partially revealed through the gwangmu yangan. According to a statistical analysis of land registers, Min’s land ownership was confirmed in Jincheon, Eumseong, Hoein, Cheongan and Munui. Among them, he had the greatest amount of land in Chungju. He ranked 12th in terms of land ownership in Chungju. He owned 36 gyeol, 88 bu and 8 sok. His land was found in 8 myeons among a total of 38 myeons in Chungju. The 8 myeons all belong to the current Eumseong-gun. In particular, 56.3% of the land was found in Geumwang-eup, and the remaining land was also discovered around the town. Geumwang-eup has the lowest and most level ground in Eumseong-gun. It is a hub of transportation with Yeongnamdae-ro. It appears that his land was highly valued. The productivity of his land was highly dependent upon a rice field. When his land is estimated using the gyeol-bu system, 87.1% was rice fields. If converted into today’s figure, a garden is 10.1 jeongbo while a rice field is 53.7 jeongbo (a rice field was five times greater than a garden). In terms of soil fertility, 3rd-grade soil accounted for 55.62%. If 4th-grade soil is added, the percentage increases up to 84.81%. In other words, his land was mostly 3rd and 4th grades in terms of the quality of soil, which is not particularly fertile. Considering the fact that his land was graded as ‘oktoyangjeon (fertile land),’ it appears that he misused his power to have his land overvalued. Min Yeong-hui leased all his land to 159 tenant farmers. Among them, 41 farmers cultivated 71.4% of his land. A great portion of his land was farmed by a small number of farmers but most of them were poor farmers who own less than 50 bu of land. In addition, Min Yeong-hui’s tenant farmers did not lease the land much. Among them, 118 farmers (74.2%) owned less than 25 bu of land. According to an analysis of the tenant farmers’ land, ‘1 gyeol or more’ accounted for 20%. Even though the percentage of poor farmers (less than 25 bu) was the highest, the perc...

충주 고구려비 분석을 통한 충주시 입석마을의 도시재생사업 전략 수립 방안

장유리,이진만 도시사학회 2024 도시연구 Vol.0 No.35

This study attempted to present some suggestions for establishing strategies for urban regeneration projects in connection with Chungju-Goguryeo monument targeting Ipseok Village in Jungangtapmyeon, Chungju. The background of selecting Ipseok Village as a research target area stems from the existence of Chungju-Goguryeo monument as a historical and cultural resource that shows that Chungju has importance as a transportation route from the past to the present. In order to establish a differentiated urban regeneration project strategy for Ipseok Village in connection with the Chungju-Goguryeo monument, we first tried to discover new content based on the professional content of the Chungju-Goguryeo monument, beyond understanding the basic and superficial content of historical and cultural resources represented by the Chungju-Goguryeo monument, which was pointed out as existing limitations. As a result, Goguryeo's southward policy around the 5th century and the subsequent battles between Goguryeo and Silla took place through the Jukryeong route, and the possicilty of using the Namhan River waterway could be raised at this time. Based on the contents extracted from Chungju-Goguryeo monument, suggestion for a strategy plan for an urban regeneration project in connection with Ipseok Village were first suggested, and second, the necessity of developing storytelling in connection with Chungju-Goguryeo monument and cultural content development that can highlight local identity was suggested. Furthermore, it will be necessary to give an active role to the Chungju Goguryeo Monument Exhibition Hall as a process to practically promote this.

조선시대 문인들의 시문에 나타난 ‘충주(忠州)’에 대한 지역 인식

어강석 국제어문학회 2019 국제어문 Vol.0 No.82

Because of its central location in the Korean Peninsula, Chungju historically has had an important status. Due to this geographical condition, literary nobles who traveled between Hanyang and Kyungsangdo, naturally held particular perceptions about Chungju. Those who climbed over Joryeong Mountain and left Chungju, saw it as a starting point on the way to villages and ending point of Hanyang (now Seoul), but for those who came to Chungju over Joryeong, Chungju regarded as a starting point on the way to Hanyang. Therefore, Chungju was a place of both beginnings and endings. Chungju seemed very close to Hanyang psychologically, even though it actually was actually 300 ri (about 118 km) away, because land routes and water routes were well developed. To the men of letters who had had to leave Hanyang for political conflict, Chungju was a place where they could avoid the doubt of the court but easily return when necessary. However, those who retired from the political world and wanted to live in a smaller town climbed over Joryeong. Thus, Chungju was the last staying place for those who harbored ambitions of a post in the court but a passing place for those climbing the opposite way over Joryeong, meaning they had resigned from public office and would never return. 충주는 한반도의 중심에 자리하고 있기 때문에 역사적으로 중요한 위상을 지 니고 있었다. 이러한 지리적인 요인으로 인하여 조선시대 한양과 경상도를 오가 던 문인들은 자연스럽게 충주에 대해 특별한 인식을 가지게 되었다. 먼저 조령 을 넘어가는 사람들에게 충주는 서울이 끝나는 곳이며, 향촌이 시작되는 곳으로 인식하였다. 반대로 조령을 넘어오는 사람들에게 충주는 서울이 시작되는 곳이 었다. 즉 충주는 서울의 시작임과 동시에 향촌의 끝이고, 향촌의 시작이며 서울 의 끝이 되는 지점이었던 것이다. 또한 충주는 실제 거리는 서울과 300여 리나 떨어져 있었지만, 육로와 수로 가 잘 발달되어서 심리적으로 한양과 매우 가깝게 느껴졌다. 따라서 정치적인 문제로 인해 서울에서 물러나야 하는 사람들에게 충주는 거리에 있어 비교적 안전하였기 때문에 조정의 의심을 피할 수 있으면서 쉽게 다시 나아갈 수 있는 곳 이었다. 하지만 진심으로 고향으로 물러나고 싶은 사람들은 조령을 넘어 가는 것을 볼 수 있다. 이처럼 충주는 관직을 마음에 품고 있는 사람들이 거처를 정 하는 가장 마지막 지점이며, 충주를 벗어나 조령을 넘어가는 것은 완전히 물러 나 벼슬살이에 뜻을 두지 않겠다는 의지를 보여주고 있음을 볼 수 있다.

충주지역 고려 초기 철불과 그 의의

하정민 명지대학교(서울캠퍼스) 인문과학연구소 2019 인문과학연구논총 Vol.40 No.2

This study examines an iron Buddha statue, which has not been widely known in academia and is situated in a small temple, Baeg-Un-Am, in Chungju. It suggests that the Buddha was created in Chungju area during the early Goryeo Period, following the traditional sculptural style from Gyungju, the capital city of the Unified Silla Period, of the late eighth century. Chungju appears to have contributed significantly to the production of iron Buddhas during the early Goryeo period. In particular, iron from Chungju was most likely used as material to the production of iron Buddhas in areas closely connected to Chungju through overland and waterway along the Namhan River. It would also be likely that Chungju was a major iron Buddha manufacturing site, but little specific circumstances have been found and thus cannot be affirmed at this point. Chungju was also a key point of transportation linking the southeastern and central regions of the Korean Peninsula in the early Goryeo period, serving as an important conduit for cultural transmission. As for the succession of the traditional style of unified Silla appearing in Buddhist sculpture in the early Goryeo Dynasty, the direct transplantation of the culture from the Unified Silla Gyeongju area into the Goryeo capital, Gaegyeong, and the central region of the Korean peninsula, was considered as the main factor. However, other cultural passages that passed through Chungju played a very important role in cultural exchange between regions at that period. The culture of Gyeongju, brought into inland areas in the North Gyeongsang Province and into Chungju in the North Chungcheong Province via land and sea routes, was gradually spread from Chungju to the central part of the Korean Peninsula, through the channel of the Namhan River. 본고는 종래 학계에 널리 알려져 있지 않았던 충주 백운암 철불을 자세히 분석하여, 나말여초기 경북지역의 통일신라 전통양식으로 제작된 철불의 계통을이으며 고려 초기 충주 지역에서 제작된 것임을 제시한다. 충주는 고려 초기 철불의 제작과 발전에 중요한 역할을 했던 것으로 보인다. 특히 충주의 철은 육로및 남한강 수로를 통해 충주와 긴밀히 연결된 지역의 철불 제작에 재료로서 기여한 바 큰 것으로 보인다. 충주가 주요 철불 제작지로서도 잘 알려져 있었을가능성은 충분한데, 구체적인 정황은 찾기 어려워 현재로서는 단언할 수 없다. 충주는 또한 고려 초기에 한반도의 동남부 지역과 중부 지역을 연결하는 교통의 요지로서, 문화를 전달하는 중요한 통로로 기능하였다. 고려 초기 불교조각에 나타나는 통일신라 전통양식의 계승에 관한 학계의 담론에서, 통일신라 경주 지역 문화가 고려 수도 개경 및 중부 지방으로 직접적으로 이식된 것이 주요 요인으로 고려되어왔다. 그러나 그외에 충주를 통과하는 문화적 통로가 당시지역간 문화 교류에 매우 중요한 기능을 하였다. 즉, 육로 및 조운로를 통해 경주에서 경북 내륙지역을 거쳐 충주까지 전해진 문화가, 충주에서부터 다시 남한강의 수로를 통해 점진적으로 한반도 중부 지역으로 퍼져 나갔다.

고구려의 충주 지역 진출 시기와 경로

박성현 중앙대학교 중앙사학연구소 2022 중앙사론 Vol.- No.57

In this paper, it has been understood that the value of the Chungju region was based on its location on a straight road connecting Pyongyang, Hanseong and Gyeongju. Goguryeo used Pyongyang as a base for its southern strategy during the reign of King Gwanggaeto. If Goguryeo occupied Hanseong, the importance of Chungju would increase, but if not, it would have secondary value. On the other hand, Baekje, which was in Hanseong and tried to counter Goguryeo through an alliance with Silla, would have needed Chungju, a channel to connect with Silla, and therefore would have tried to secure it. Goguryeo entered Chuncheon in the Bukhan River basin, connected to Silla through Hongcheon, Wonju-Hoengseong, and the Namhan River basin, and in some cases conducted military operations. This does not mean that Goguryeo could not enter the Chungju area or that such a fact would not have happened. Basically, such a composition was formed, and it is thought that this is consistent with the remaining archaeological materials to some extent. After the fall of Hanseong, it was Silla that exerted the most influence over Chungju. In other words, there was a temporary power vacuum until Goguryeo built Hanseong as its southern base. Goguryeo attacked Baekje in a straight line to Namseonggolsanseong Fortress in Cheongju and attacked Silla through existing traffic routes. After that, Goguryeo attacked Salsuwon, which is designated as Dalcheon basin, and Usanseong, which is designated in Chungju. It is judged that this is largely due to the active management of Hanseong and attention to the value of the Chungju region. However, it was Silla who considered the Chungju area more important than anyone else. This is because it was the most important window to advance to Baekje and Goguryeo, which occupied the Han River basin. It must have been for this reason that Silla, who had secured the Chungju area in the mid-6th century, called it Gukwon and valued it. 본고에서는 충주 지역의 가치가 기본적으로 평양, 한성과 경주(현재의 경우 영남의 주요 도시)를 잇는 직선 교통로상에 위치한다는 점에 있다고 이해하였다. 고구려는 늦어도 광개토왕대가 되면 평양을 남방 전략의 거점으로 활용하게 되었다. 고구려가 한성까지 차지했을 경우 충주의 중요성이 커지지만, 그렇지 않을 경우 부차적인 가치를 지니게 된다. 반면 한성에 위치하고 있고 신라와 동맹을 통해 고구려를 견제하려 했던 백제는 대신라 교섭 창구인 충주가 필수적이었을 것이고, 따라서 그것을 확보하려고 했을 것이다. 고구려는 대체로 북한강 유역의 춘천으로 들어와서 홍천, 원주·횡성, 그리고 남한강 유역을 통해 신라와 교통하고 경우에 따라서는 군사 작전을 펼치고 있었다. 그렇다고 고구려가 충주 지역에 진입할 수 없었다든지, 그런 사실이 없었을 것이라고 주장하는 것은 아니다. 기본적으로 그러한 구도가 형성되었을 것이고, 이것은 남아 있는 고고학 자료와 어느 정도 부합하는 것이라고 생각된다. 한성 함락 이후 충주 지역에 가장 영향력을 행사할 수 있었던 것은 오히려 신라였을 것이다. 즉 고구려가 한성을 남방 거점으로 구축하기 전까지 일시적인 힘의 공백상태가 발생했기 때문이다. 고구려는 청주 남성골산성까지 직선으로 진출하여 백제를 압박했으며, 역시 신라에 대해서도 기존의 교통로를 통해 공격을 가하였다. 그 뒤 고구려는 달천 유역으로 비정되는 살수원, 그리고 충주에 비정되는 우산성 등을 공격하였는데, 대체로 한성을 적극적으로 경영하면서 충주 지역의 가치에 주목한 것으로 판단된다. 그렇지만 충주 지역을 누구보다 중요하게 생각했던 것은 역시 신라였다. 한강 유역을 차지한 백제, 고구려로 나아갈 수 있는 가장 중요한 창구였기 때문이다. 6세기 중엽 충주 지역을 확보한 신라가 이것을 국원이라하고 중시했던 것은 이러한 이유에서였을 것이다.