고려 현종대 현화사 창건과 그 의의

김동이 ( Kim Dong-Yi ) 서울대학교 국사학과 2021 韓國史論 Vol.67 No.-

본 논문은 고려 전기의 시대적 격동기였던 顯宗代의 특수성이 당대 추진되었던 불교진흥정책의 결과물이자 왕실 원찰인 玄化寺에 어떻게 투영되었는가를 살펴본 것이다. 현화사는 현종의 치세가 중반에 접어드는 동왕 9년부터 왕이 부모인 안종과 헌정왕후의 명복을 빌기 위하여 현재의 황해도 월고리에 해당하는 영취산 자락에 약 5년에 걸쳐 조성한 고려 왕실의 원찰이었다. 고려 사회에서 불교는 물질적·정신적으로 막대한 영향력을 행사하였다. 국왕을 비롯한 고려 지배층은 개인의 신앙과 민심을 수습하는 사회적 기능에 주목하여 불교를 진흥하는 정책을 펼치는 한편으로 통제하기도 하였다. 이러한 고려 불교정책의 기조는 성종 연간 화이론적 사조가 대두하면서 변화하였으나, 현종 연간 고려 사회 내부의 정치적 혼란과 거란의 침입으로 인한 외부적 충격을 극복하는 과정에서 본래의 기조로 돌아가게 되었다. 현종을 비롯한 당시의 지배층은 대내외적인 국가 체제의 위기를 극복하기 위하여 불교를 적극적으로 활용하였고, 이 과정에서 태조<訓要>의 존재가 사회 전반에 인식되어 불교정책의 시행 근거로 자리하였다. 결과적으로 당시의 사회적 혼란을 수습하고 거란의 침입을 격퇴함으로써 불교는 사상적 통합과 정통성을 선전하는 정치 이념으로서의 가치를 재확인하게 되었다. 이를 바탕으로 현종 9년을 전후로 시행되었던 국가 체제의 제도적 정비 과정에서도 불교는 현종을 비롯한 고려 조정의 정통성과 지배 질서를 정당화하는 이념적 역할을 수행하였으며, 현화사는 그 대표적인 결과물이었다. 현종의 부모인 안종과 헌정왕후는 당시 사회의 일반적인 관념에서 도덕적 한계가 있었으므로 그들을 매개로 하는 왕위 계승의 정통성과 그것에 기반한 지배 체제의 정당성을 확립하기 위해서는 양자의 관계를 사회 전반에 공개적으로 정당화하는 공간이 필요하였다. 이에 원묘인 경령전을 조성하여 안종 내외의 추존과 부묘를 추진하는 한편 왕실 원찰인 현화사에 비문과 종교적 성물을 봉안하여 기존의 현실 정치 이념이었던 유교 사상으로 정당화될 수 없는 부모의 관계를 윤색하고 사회적으로 정상화하였다. 현화사의 창건에는 당시 고려 조정을 구성하였던 관료사회 전반도 참여하였다. 이들은 국왕 중심의 지배 질서에서 관직을 수행하는 것으로 사회적 특권을 얻었으므로, 그것을 보장하는 지배 체제를 안정화시키는 데 긍정적이었다. 따라서 이들은 왕실의 원찰인 현화사를 조성하는 데 적극적으로 참여하였고, 사원전이나 보를 비롯한 현화사의 경제적 기반을 조성함에 있어서도 일익을 담당하였다. 이러한 관계를 바탕으로 현화사는 왕실 원찰임과 동시에 관료사회가 불교계와의 접점을 형성하는 배경으로도 기능하였다. 고려불교계의 무게중심 또한 현화사와 그곳을 본찰로 하는 법상종으로 옮겨졌다. 이후 현화사는 왕실뿐 아니라 문벌과의 접점도 크게 확대하였고, 특히 문종대에 이르러서는 혜덕왕사 소현과 도생승통 정으로 대표되는 자제들의 사제관계를 통해 고려 왕실과 관료사회의 결속이 강화되는 공간으로 거듭났다. 이 같은 일련의 과정을 거쳐 현화사는 왕실 선조들을 추모하는 의례공간의 기능과 지배층 내부의 사회적 연결망을 강화하는 정치적 공간으로서의 역할을 수행하였다. This study focuses on how the peculiarity of the reign of Hyunjong(顯宗), which was a turbulent period in the early Goryeo period, was projected into the royal Buddhist temple Hyeonhwasa(玄化寺). Hyeonhwasa, the result of the Buddhist promotion policy promoted in the period, was a temple for the royal family(Wonchal, 願刹) of Goryeo built to pray for the condolences of Anjong(安宗) and Heonjeong-wanghu(獻貞王后), who are Hyeonjong’s parents, at Mt. Yeongchwisan located in Wolgori, Hwanghae-do, from the 9th year of the Hyeonjong’s reign. In Goryeo society, Buddhism exerted enormous influence both materially and spiritually. So ruling class of Goryeo focused on the social function of acquiring individual beliefs and public sentiment, and implemented policies to promote Buddhism while controlling them. The stance of this Buddhist policy in Goryeo has changed with the rise of the historical perspective with Hwairon(華夷論) in the year of Seongjong(成宗), but it has returned to its original stance in the process of overcoming the internal political turmoil and external shocks caused by the invasion of the Khitan. The ruling class of the time including Hyeonjong actively used Buddhism to overcome the internal and external crisis of the state system, and in this process, the existence of Taejo’s injunctions(Hunyo, 訓要) was recognized throughout society and became the basis for implementing Buddhist policy. As a result, Buddhism reaffirmed its value as a political ideology that promotes ideological integration and legitimacy of reign by resolving social chaos and repelling the invasion of Khitan. Based on this, Buddhism played an ideological role in the process of institutional improvement of the national system around the 9th year of Hyeonjong, to justifying the legitimacy and ruling order of the Goryeo court, and Hyeonhwasa was a representative result. Hyeonjong’s parents had moral limitations in the general notions of society at the time, so in order to establish the legitimacy of the succession to the throne which was based on their royal blood, the relationship between them was openly justified to the whole society. Accordingly, Gyeongnyeongjeon(景靈殿) was created to enshrine their ancestral tablets, and Hyeonhwasa was established to reinforce the relationship between parents that could not be justified by the Confucian ideology that was the practical politic ideology. Therefore, The stele and Buddhistic relics were placed in Hyeonhwasa to socially normalize and declare the relationship between Hyeonjong’s parents. Hyeonhwas was the royal temple of Goryeo dynasty, but its foundation was formulated not only Hyeonjong but also the entire bureaucratic society that formed the Goryeo court. Most of ruling class in Goryeo period gained social privileges by carrying out government offices in the king-centered ruling order, so they were positive in stabilizing the ruling system that guaranteed their privileges. Therefore, they actively participated in the construction of Hyeonhwasa which the original temple of the royal family, and cooperated in establishing the economic base of Temple like Sawonjeon(寺院田) and Bo(寶). Based on this relationship, Hyeonhwasa served as a royal temple, and as a background for the bureaucratic society to form a contact with the Royal family and Buddhistic society. The center of the Buddhistic society of Goryeo was also moved to Hyeonhwasa. Since Hyeonjong’s reign, Hyeonhwasa has greatly expanded the contact not only with the royal family, but also with the whole ruling class. In particular, at the time of Munjong(文宗), it has been reborn as a space where the solidarity between the royal family and the bureaucratic society is strengthened through the Buddhist order. Especially Sohyeon(韶顯) who was born in Inju Lee family became the chief monk of Hyeonhwasa in the reign of Munjong, adopted Prince Jeong(竀) as a pupil. Through such a series of processes, Hyeonhwasa served as a ceremonial space to commemorate the royal ancestors and as a political space to reinforce the social network within the ruling class.

고려 현화사비 분석

金昌賢(Kim, Chang-hyun) 한국목간학회 2012 목간과 문자 Vol.9 No.-

현화사는 현종이 부모인 안종과 효숙태후의 명복을 위해 창건한 眞殿 사원이자 부모의 능 근처에 위치한 陸寺였으니, 현화사비는 寺碑이면서 신도비의 성격도 지녔다. 그래서 비문에 그들에 대한 부정적 내용은 일체 기재되지 않았고 사실이 많이 왜곡되었다. 현화사는 현종 세력이 정변으로 정권을 장악한 기념으로 지은 사찰인데도 현종 즉위가 禪讓을 받아 이루어진 것임을 내세웠기 때문에 그 비석에는 정변에 대한 직접적인 언급이 없다. 하지만 비석의 공신 칭호를 들여다보면 현종이 정변으로 즉위했음을 알아낼 수 있다. 안종 건릉, 현화사, 직산 홍경사 조영은 서로 맞물린 사업으로 현종 옹립 공신들이 주도했다. 현화사비는 안종 건릉의 移蔡과 현화사 창건의 내력은 물론 그 주역에 대한 정보를 제공한다. 현종 옹립 공신들과 對거란 전쟁 공신들이 현종대에 권력을 장악했다. 이들은 대개 한미한 신진가문 출신으로 과거급제자가 다수였고, 중부지역 출신이 다수였는데 이들의 대두로 권력그룹이 교체되었다. 정변, 전쟁과 신진세력의 대두로 官制와 호칭의 조정이 필요했는데 그것이 현화사비에 반영되었다. 유가종(법상종) 교단과 신자들이 최사위, 채충순, 최항 등을 중심으로 결집해 현종을 보호하고 즉위 시켰다. 현종 즉위ㆍ치세 기념사업이 유가종을 중심으로 펼쳐졌는데 최사위가 총감독한 유가종 현화사 창건도 그중의 하나였다. 이 절은 불전(금전), 법당(강당), 진전, 숭경전, 봉래전 등으로 이루어졌는데 불전(금전)에는 미륵이, 법당(강당)에는 미타가 모셔졌고, 전전에는 현종의 부모, 누나, 왕후가 봉안되었다. 위상이 높은 현화사의 창건은 중앙에서 비주류였던 유가종을 주류로 진입하게 만들었고 그 결과 고려 불교계의 불균형이 시정되었다는 점에서 의의가 크다. King Hyeonjong built Hyeonhwa Temple to pray for the repose of his parents’ soul. It was a kind of temple to enshirine a portrait of the deceased and temple to protect a tomb. Therefore the memorial stone of Hyeonhwa Temple was a temple stone and a tombstone. On it were not any negative things for King Hyeonjong and his family. The construction of Geonnyeung(the tomb of Hyeonjong’s father), Hyeonhwa Temple, Hongkyung Temple was a combined work and the supporters of Hyeonjong led it. Meritorious retainers came into power in the reign of King Hyeonjong, Many of them were people to get the state examination(Gwageo), mostly from the rising families and from the central regions. With the rise of them, the groups of power were changed and reflected on the memorial stone of Hyeonhwa Temple. Yoga Buddhism and its believers make Hyeonjong ascend the throne. Hyeonhwa Temple of Yoga Buddhism was made up of Buddhist Sanctum, Lecture Hall, Portrait Hall, Sungkyeong Hall, Bongnae Hall. Maitreya was placed in its Buddhist Sanctum, Amitabha in Lecture Hall, the portraits of King Hyunjong’s parents, his sister and his wife in Portrait Hall. The construction of Hyeonhwa Temple made Yoga Buddhism assimilate into the mainstream, So It bring about the balance of Koryeo Buddhism circle.

高麗中期 法相宗 사원의 불교조각

최성은 국립중앙박물관 2018 미술자료 Vol.- No.94

This paper investigates Buddhist sculptures of mid-Goryeo period at four Beobsang School(法相宗) monasteries – Hyeonhwasa(玄化寺), Samcheonsa(三川寺), Beobcheonsa(法泉寺) and Keumsansa(金山寺). Beobsang School of Buddhism flourished in the 11th century under the royal support, especially of King Hyeonjong(r.1009∼1031), who became a monk at a temple of Beopsang School before ascending the throne. King Hyeonjong constructed Hyeonhwasa in 1018 in Gaeseong, the capital of Goryeo, for the good karma of his past parents. Reliefs on the surfaces of the seven storied stone pagoda at Hyeonhwasa show high quality craftsmanship and aristocratic delicacy characteristic of mid Goryeo Buddhist art. Text engraved on the stele of Hyeonhwasa describe its sumptuous buildings and decorations, which can be compared to those of Maitreya’ palace on Tushita Heaven. The three other temples have monumental artifacts, including the delicately carved Rock-cut standing Buddha image at Samcheonsa, the exquisite Sarira Pagoda of Reverend Priest Jiguang(智光國師, 984∼1070) at Beobcheonsa, and the decorative Stone Lotus Pedestal at Keumsansa. Extant images and materials of Beobsang School demonstrate that the Taehyun line of the Unified Silla period was strongly succeeded by the Beobsang School in the 11thcentury. While the large Maitreya images of the late Unified Silla and early G oryeo period had been regarded as symbolic icons of Beobsang School, they have little to do with Beobsang School of the 11th century. Whereas, the iconography of Maireya Bodhisattva wearing a high cylindrical crown and a Kasaya robe like a Buddha image seems to have become very popular due to the spread of annual rituals of Maitreya of Beobsang School.Elegance and grace shown in the pagodas and images at the four Beobsang monasteries are not necessarily stylistic features and traits of Buddhist art of Beobsang School. Rather, they are the general trend of Buddhist art in the 11th century, most likely influenced by Buddhist art of the Five Dynasties and Northern Song, as well as the court art of Unified Silla, since a number of government officials among King Hyeonjong' close advisors were naturalized Chinese and King Hyeonjong’s father was the only descendant of the Unifed Silla royal family from his mother side. 고려중기에 융성했던 법상종의 주요 사찰로는 현종이 창건한 현화사를 비롯해서 삼천사, 법천사, 금산사 등을 꼽을 수 있으며, 현화사 칠층석탑이나 법천사 지광국사탑, 금산사 석조연화대좌에서 보이는 화려하고 귀족적인 조형성은 당시 법상종 불교미술의 높은 수준과 성격을 말해준다. 비문에 기록된 현화사의 면모는 ‘도솔천궁’에 비유될 정도로 장엄하였으며, 금산사는 章疏를 간행하는 광교원구를 비롯해서 봉천원구가 고려중기에 신축되었다. 오늘날 전해오는 이들 사찰의 불교조각 작품은 영세하고 단편적인 자료에 불과하나, 문헌기록과 새로 출토된 비문자료, 현존 유물들을 통해서 고려중기 법상종에서 미륵과 아미타를 모시고 교학에 중점을 둔 태현계 법상종의 전통이 강하게 이어져 내려오고 있었음을 확인할 수 있었고, 나말여초 후삼국기를 거쳐 고려초기에 이르는 시기에 유행하였던 거대 미륵의 표현이 흔히 법상종과 관련있는 것으로 생각되어 왔으나, 적어도 고려중기의 법상종 사찰과는 연관지을 개연성이 없다는 판단이 서게 되었다. 또한 당시 여러 법상종 사찰에서 설행되었던 아미타불회와 미륵회 등은 설법인을 결한 아미타불상과 통형의 보관을 쓰고 가사형태의 착의형식을 한 미륵보살의 도상이 전국적으로 확산되는 데 적지 않은 역할을 하였을 것으로 생각된다. 고려중기 법상종 사찰의 석조미술에서 나타나는 우아하고 귀족적인 양식이 법상종 사원 미술의 특징이라고 볼 수는 없겠으나 왕실의 전폭적인 후원으로 융성하였던 법상종 사찰이 당시 佛事의 주요 무대가 되었던 것은 분명하다. 아울러 고려초기 불교미술에서 볼 수 없던 우아한 북송풍의 귀족적인 요소는 현종의 측근에 머물던 채충순, 주저와 같은 오대, 북송 귀화인들의 활동과 함께, 고려의 적극적인 對宋 불교문화 교류의 결과로 나타났던 것으로 이해되며, 여기에 더하여 현종대 이래 부상한 신라 舊귀족 세력의 세련되고 귀족적인 취향이 반영된 것으로 보아도 무리가 없을 것이다.

고려 중기 법상종 미술의 6각 평면

강병희 불교미술사학회 2021 불교미술사학 Vol.31 No.-

고려 현종대 사상과 문화정책

이병희 한국중세사학회 2010 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.29

The reign(1009~1032) of King Hyeonjong in Goryeo is the point of time when two generations were changed because about 70 years had passed following the unification of Later Three Kingdoms. It was the time of requiring the establishment of new direction, which was advanced one-step further because of being the time after suffering trial & error and conflicts surrounding the nation’s administration. The reign of King Hyeonjong was invaded twice by the Kitan. Tension of both countries between Goryeo and the Kitan was continued all the way. King Hyeonjong had legitimacy of continuing the throne, but had unique experience that cannot help living as a Buddhist monk. This fact is judged to have importantly influenced the direction of a thought and culture during the reign of King Hyeonjong. There were many government officials who have considerable capability during the reign of King Hyeonjong. Among those people, Gang Gam-chan․Choi Hang․Choi Sa-wi․Wang Ga-do, who belong to Baehyanggongshin(配享功臣), can be said to be representative figures. While these people had Confucianism as a common denominator, the interested sphere or the target with the aim of being reformed was different. Choi Hang or Choi Sa-wi showed very favorable position for Buddhism. A native place was different with 3 people from the central area and with Choi Hang from Gyeongju. The government administration was based fundamentally on the Confucian ideology. The emphasis on Sajik or Taemyo(太廟) and the direct cultivation of Jeokjeon(籍田) indicate that the government administration is being managed on the basis of the Confucian ideology. The Confucian ideology was expressed by all in what a king mentioned Noneo(論語) and Yegi(禮記) in Gyo(敎) commanded by the king, what emphasized a king’s Sushin(修身) when Jaei takes place, what speaks of observance of Wolryeong(月令), and what positively asserts the farm encouragement policy. It was positively considering even on Buddhism. Yeondeunghoe and Palgwanhoe, which had been suspended since the reign of King Seongjong, were revived. Several kinds of Buddhist events were held. Hyeonhwasa temple and Junggwangsa temple were founded. A high priest was ever appointed as Wangsa and Guksa. The Buddhist circles had been treated consistently, but were controlled and restricted when being performed behavior unmindful of its duty. Positively applying Buddhism to the government administration implies what isn't absorbed in the Confucian supremacy and what doesn’t sympathize with the view of the whole world centering on China. Furthermore, civilians’ support was expected by positively recommending Posi(布施) on civilians. A situation called war desperately required a help of grass-roots. The reign of King Hyeonjong was emphasized Seogyeong and was arranged experience since King Taejo. Seogyeong had been performed a sacrificial rite toward King Dongmyeong and Wang Geon, the Founder of Goryeo Dynasty. King Taejo and kings of many generations were highly revered. It gave priority even to meritorious retainers of many generations. In the meantime, it particularly respected even for several gods such as Sancheon or Sanak(山嶽) related to belief of in grass-roots. This can be said to be what positively recognizes indigenous religion and what stresses indigenous climate. What pushes ahead with policy, which respects emotion and belief of grass-roots in a situation called war, seems to be natural. The cultural policy during the reign of King Hyeonjong was established in the urgent condition, thereby having been able to be sustained for quite a long time without big modification in the policy direction since then. Therefore, Choi Chung(崔冲), who is a contemporary person, said that King Hyeonjong deserves to be called Jungheungju(中興主). 고려 현종대(1009~1032)는 후삼국 통일 후 70여 년이 지났으므로 2세대가 바뀐 시점이다. 국가의 운영을 둘러싼 시행착오와 갈등을 겪은 뒤여서 한 단계 진전된 새로운 방향설정을 필요로 하는 때였다. 이 시기 거란으로부터 2차례의 침략을 받았으며, 고려와 거란 양국의 긴장은 내내 계속되었다. 그리고 현종은 왕위를 계승할 정당성을 가지고 있었지만 강제로 승려로서 생활할 수밖에 없는 특이한 경험을 가졌다. 이러한 사실이 현종대 사상․문화정책의 방향 설정에 중요한 영향을 주었다고 판단된다. 현종대는 상당한 역량을 갖춘 관인이 많았다. 그 가운데 配享功臣인 강감찬․최항․최사위․왕가도는 대표적인 인물이라고 하겠다. 이들은 유교를 공통분모로 하면서도 관심의 영역이나 개혁하고자 하는 대상이 상이하였다. 최항이나 최사위는 불교에 대해서 매우 호의적인 입장을 보였다. 출신지역을 보면, 최항은 경주 출신인 데 비해 다른 3인은 중부권 출신이었다. 국정운영은 기본적으로 유교이념에 근거하고 있었다. 사직이나 太廟를 중시하고, 籍田을 직접 경작하는 것 등은 유교이념에 의거해 국정을 운영하고 있음을 나타내는 것이다. 국왕이 내린 敎에서 論語와 禮記를 언급하는 것, 災異가 발생할 때 국왕의 修身을 강조하는 것, 月令의 준수를 표방하는 것, 권농정책을 적극 주장하는 것 등은 모두 유교이념이 표현된 것이다. 불교에 대해서도 적극 배려하고 있었다. 성종대 이래 중단된 연등회와 팔관회를 부활시켰으며, 각종 불교행사를 베풀었다. 현화사와 중광사를 창건하였으며, 고승을 왕사와 국사에 임명하였다. 불교계가 본분을 벗어난 행위를 할 경우 통제와 제한을 가하였다. 불교를 국가운영에 적극 활용한다는 것은 유교지상주의에 빠지지 않는 것, 중국 중심의 천하관에 동조하지 않는 것을 의미한다. 나아가 민인에 대한 적극적인 布施를 장려함으로써 민인의 지지를 기대하였다. 전쟁이라는 상황은 기층민의 도움을 절실히 필요로 하였던 것이다. 현종대에는 서경을 중시하고 태조 이래의 경험을 정리하였다. 서경에서는 동명왕과 태조 왕건에 대해 祭享을 올리고 있었다. 태조와 역대 국왕을 높이 받들었으며, 역대 공신에 대해서도 우대하였다. 한편 기층민의 신앙과 관련된 산천이나 山嶽 등 여러 신에 대해서도 각별하게 존숭하였다. 이것은 토착신앙을 적극 인정하는 것이며, 토풍을 중시하는 것이라고 하겠다. 전쟁이라는 상황에서 기층민의 정서와 신앙을 존숭하는 정책을 추진하는 것은 긴요한 일로 보인다. 현종대 문화정책은 절박한 조건에서 설정되었기 때문에 이후 정책 방향에 큰 수정없이 상당기간 지속될 수 있었다. 그리하여 동시대 사람 崔冲은 현종을 中興主로 일컬을 만하다고 하였다.

고려 문종-숙종의 현종 계승 의식과 남경

김도연 서울역사편찬원 2023 서울과 역사 Vol.- No.115

고려시대 남경은 양주 지역에 문종 21년에 처음 건설되었다. 그 기반은 부왕 현종대에 마련되었다. 현종은 자신이 잠저시에 머문 양주 지역의 범위를 확대하고, 지위를 높였다. 현종의 3남으로 형들을 이어 국왕이 된 문종은 형들보다 더 현종 계승 의식을 뚜렷이 하였다. 부왕이 건설하고 부왕의 원찰이 된 현화사를 자주 행차한 것은 그 일환이었으며, 이에 더해 양주 지역을 남경으로 승격시켰다. 이를 통해 문종은 부왕 현종 계승 의식을 표출할 수 있었다. 문종의 아들 숙종은 조카 헌종을 몰아내고 왕위에 올랐다. 때문에 정통성 측면에서도 부왕 문종을 계승했다는 것을 강조해야했다. 이 때문에 숙종은 문종이 무려 12년에 걸쳐 건설하고, 중요하게 생각한 흥왕사를 자주 행차하였다. 특히 다른 왕들의 기록과 달리 숙종은 매해 문종의 기일에 흥왕사에 행차하여 기신행사를 치뤘다. 이는 문종과 자신을 잇는, 즉 문종 계승을 대외에 더 과시하기 위함이었다. 그리고 부왕 문종이 현종을 기리기 위해 승격시켰으나 곧 철회된 남경을 재건설하였다. 숙종은 이 일을 위해 주위의 추천을 통해 남경을 부각했으며, 이를 받아들이는 형식으로 남경을 건설하였다. 이는 정통성이 부족한 숙종이 그 전대의 왕들처럼 부왕의 기신도량을 개최하여 부왕 계승의식을 공고히 한 것이며, 부왕 문종의 개혁 사업의 뒤를 이어 남경을 건설한 것이다. 이는 부왕 계승의식을 너무나 잘 드러내는 것이었다. In the Goryeo Dynasty, Namgyeong was first built in the 21st year of King Munjong in the Yangju area. The foundation was laid in the reign of King Hyeonjong, his father. King Hyeonjong expanded the scope of the Yangju area where he stayed before his accession and raised its status. Because King Munjong is 3rd son of King Hyeongjong, he made his father 's succession consciousness stronger. He visited more frequent to Hyeonhwasa Temple, which was built by the father. and promoted Yangju to Namgyeong. Through these King Munjong was able to express the consciousness of succession to the father. King Sukjong, the son of Munjong, had to emphasize that he succeeded his father, Munjong, Because he ousted his nephew King Heonjong and took the throne. In particular, unlike the records of other kings, King Sukjong went to Heungwangsa every year on the memorial day of Munjong, and performed a ceremony to show the succession of Munjong to the outside world. King Sukjong rebuilt Namgyeong which was built in the reign of King Munjong, his father. Through the construction of Namgyeong, we can confirm the consciousness of succession of King Munjong and Sukjong to his father.

일제강점기 경기 개성 지역 석조문화재 보존사업

申紹然(Shin Soyeon) 미술사연구회 2021 미술사연구 Vol.- No.40

This paper examines changes in the characteristics and systems of Japanese conservation projects for stone pagodas in Gaeseong, North Korea during the Japanese colonial era by focusing on the official documents and gelatin dry plates housed at the National Museum of Korea. A Japanese survey project on historic remains in Korea was undertaken as a practical investigation attempting to improve the understanding of the then-present condition of historic remains in the early colonial period. It led to the smuggling into Japan of a number of stone cultural properties, including the Stone Pagoda from the Gyeongcheonsa Temple site, or their exhibition at expositions or museums. Conservation projects for historic remains were carried out in a systematic manner after the Regulations on the Conservation of Historic Remains and Relics were enforced in 1916. The Stone Pagoda from Gyeongcheonsa Temple site was returned to Korea. However, the return of the Gyeongcheonsa Stone Pagoda was conceived as reinstituting an asset of colonial Joseon and displaying it at a museum rather than as a repatriation of cultural heritage. In 1918, the Japanese Government-General of Korea brought back to Korea numerous fragments and elements of the Gyeongcheonsa Stone Pagoda from the Tokyo Imperial Household Museum (present-day Tokyo National Museum) and attempted to facilitate the restoration of the pagoda within the precincts of the Japanese Government-General Museum. It also attempted to place the restored pagoda in front of the Japanese Government-General Museum as a trophy of the Japanese Empire. Due to technical difficulties, however, the Japanese Government-General failed to complete this restoration. The division of roles between the central and local government offices was clarified in the mid-1920s. Accordingly, conservation projects for historic remains became gradually more systemized and detailed procedures were emplaced. After a provincial governor or county magistrate surveyed damaged cultural properties and reported them to the Japanese Government-General of Korea, it was required to pay the costs for repairs. When it was necessary to relocate an important cultural property, the Japanese Government-General dispatched an on-site survey committee to undertake the project. As a case in point, the Stone Pagoda from the Heungguksa Temple site demonstrates the procedures for a conservation project. During its survey on historic remains, the Japanese Government-General discovered a need for conservation of the pagoda and relocated the pagoda from a private estate to the Gaeseong City Museum. Conservation documents created in and after the 1930s contained the contents of a report, details and costs of conservation, specifications, designs, floor plans, and photographs. The Japanese Government-General shared such detailed information with local government offices while the conservation work was in progress. The Seven-story Stone Pagoda disassembled and damaged in 1937 at the Hyeonhwasa Temple site is a classic example that shows the full process of a conservation project carried out by the Japanese Government-General and Gyeonggi-do Province. The conservation projects for stone pagodas in Gaeseong during the Japanese colonial era produced fruitful outcomes by maintaining designated cultural assets and preparing measures for responding to the risk of damage. On the other hand, these projects allowed stone cultural properties to be relocated or scattered under the pretense of conservation.

고려 전기 금석문과 法相宗

남동신(Nam, Dong Sin) 한국불교연구원 2009 불교연구 Vol.30 No.-

본고는 고려 전기에 2,30년의 간격을 두고 찬술된 법상종 관련 비문 8점을 비교 분석한 것이다. 그 결과 앞으로 고려 전기 법상종을 연구하는 데서 해결해야 할 몇 가지 과제를 제기할 수 있었다. 첫째는 법상종 교단의 구성 문제이다. 경주 중심의 太賢系 교학 전통과 지방의 眞表系 실천 수행 전통이 나말여초에 합쳐져서 고려 전기 법상종단을 형성하였다는 견해가 근래 통용되고 있지만, 진표계의 존재를 위의 고려 전기의 법상종 계통 금석문 자료에서는 전혀 확인할 수 없다. 따라서 앞으로는 법상종과 합류하기 이전과 이후를 나누어서 진표계 점찰법의 특징과 그 변화를 단계별로 이해할 필요가 있다. 둘째는 법상종의 법통설 문제이다. 무엇보다도 금산사비에서는 基(632~682)가 강조되고 있다. 이와 관련하여 본고에서는 현재 학계에서 관행적으로 사용하는 ‘窺基’라는 호칭이 부정적 의미를 띤다는 점을 지적하고, 앞으로는 ‘基’라고 부를 것을 제안하였다. 또한 금산사비에서 뚜렷하게 드러나듯이, 중국적 전통(玄奘과 基)과 신라적 전통(海東六祖)을 내세우고 있는바, 지금까지는 해동육조에 元曉가 으레 포함된다고 이해하여 왔다. 그런데 금산사비(법상종)만이 아니라, 같은 시기의 靈通寺碑(화엄종)와 僊鳳寺碑(천태종)에서도 원효를 종조로 추앙하였다. 공교롭게도 이들 세 비에 보이는 원효 중시의 불교사인식은 義天의 원효 인식을 일정하게 반영한다. 원효 중시가 고려 중기 전체 불교교단의 공통된 인식이었는지, 아니면 의천의 불교사 인식이 일시적으로 반영된 것인지는 추후의 연구 과제로 남겨 두고자 한다. 셋째, 금석문에서 고려 전기 법상종의 소의 경전 가운데 가장 빈번하게 등장하는 경전이 『金光明經』이다. 기왕에는 금광명경을 호국경전으로 간주하였기 때문에, 금광명경을 중시하는 고려 법상종 역시 호국불교적 성격이 있다고 이해하여왔다. 그런데 본고에서 새로 밝혔듯이, 금광명경은 자비행의 소의경전으로도 법상종 승려들에 의하여 중시되었다. 이와 관련하여 고려 전기 󰡔金光明經󰡕의 유통과 그 내용에 대한 구체적인 검토가 있어야 할 것이다. In this article, 8 pieces of inscription, which have been created over the course of 20 to 30 years, in the early half period of the Goryeo dynasty, are compared to each other and analyzed in details. As a result, several issues, which would have to be addressed and resolved in future studies, in terms clarifying some things regarding the history of Beobsang-jong in the early Goryeo period, suggested themselves. First, there is the issue of the composition of the Beobsang-jong order. It is usually believed that the scripture studies tradition of the Taehyeon line(‘太賢系’) members of the Gyeongju area, and the tradition of character building exercises of the Jinpyo line(‘眞表系’) members in the local regions, were ‘merged’ to form the Beobsang-jong order, during the transitional period between Shilla and Goryeo. Yet the existence or presence of the Jinpyo line is nowhere to be found from the epigraphic materials mentioned above, which were all affiliated with the Beobsang-jong order in the early Goryeo period. So in the future, the characteristics of the Jinpyo-line’s ‘Jeomchalbeob’ technique should be examined not as a whole but ‘separately’ in multiple periods, such as ‘before’ its joining with the Beobsang-jong order, and ‘after’ of such joining. Second, there is the issue of the ‘theory of legitimacy’ that would have been shared inside the Beobsang-jong order. Most of all figures, ‘JI’(基: 632~682) is emphasized in the Geumsan-sa temple monument’s inscription. In this article, the problem that the term ‘Gyugi/窺基’(which is currently used by scholars) seems to bear a somewhat negative nuance and meaning, is pointed out, and at the same time a suggestion is made to refer to it as simply ‘Ji/基’ in the future. Also, as we can see clearly from the Geumsan-sa inscription,the Chinese tradition(from Hyeon- jang /玄奘 and Ji/基) and the Shilla tradition (from the Six ancestral figures of the East side of the sea: 海東六祖) are presented, and it was a general presumption that Weonhyo/元曉 was definitely counted in those ‘6 figures’. Yet not only in the Geumsan-sa inscription(from the Beobsang-jong order), but also in the inscriptions of the Yeongtong-sa temple’s monument(靈通寺碑: from the Hwa- eom-jong order) and the Cheonbong-sa temple’s monu- ment(僊鳳寺碑: from the Cheontae-jong order), we can see that Weonhyo was worshipped and honored as the ultimate founding ancestor(by all those orders in that particular point). So all three inscriptions were harboring the sentiment of the time that considered Weonhyo to be very important, and it also accidently reveals how Euicheon /義天 perceived Weonhwo. So, whether this kind of perception was shared by most of the members of the mid-Goryeo Buddhist society, or was a temporary reflection of the personal opinion of Euicheon, should be determined in the future. Third, the fact that the most frequently commented scripture in the Soeui scripture inscriptions of the Beob sang-jong order in the early Goryeo period is the 『Geum gwangmyeong-gyeong/金光明經』, should be noted. The scripture was previously believed as a scripture that contributed to state defense, and scholars naturally presumed that the Beobsang-jong of Goryeo, which considered this script very importantly, also shared a sentimentality considering the issue very critically. Yet, as newly revealed in this article, this Geumgwang myeong-gyeong scripture was also valued by the Beobsang-jong priests as a Soeui scripture for the ‘Jabi-haeng’ practice. So, the actual circulation process of this scripture in the early Goryeo period, and the exact contents of it, should be further explored in the future.

고려 현종 관련 설화와 즉위정당성 구축

임지원 ( Im¸ Ji-won ) 한국중세사학회 2021 한국중세사연구 Vol.- No.66

King Hyeonjong experienced all kinds of difficulties before and after the accession to the throne, contrary to the later assessment of ‘the King who rejuvenated Goryeo’. In the process, King Hyeonjong left a variety of tales. Such tales have been utilized as a device to emphasize that he was born with the destiny to be a King by highlighting the extraordinariness of King Hyeonjong. There had been two vulnerabilities to be a King. The first was his situation of being born as an illegitimate child;the second was the point that he was ascended through ‘the political upheaval’ caused by Gangjo. King Hyeonjong made great efforts politically to overcome these weaknesses and justify the enthronement. The various tales about King Hyeonjong are also understood as this series of processes. First of all, the conception dream for King Hyeonjong is similar to the tale of the Goryeo Royal Family Ancestors. This is considered to highlight that he has the sanctity of the Royal Family of Goryeo by hiding his weakness as an illegitimate child. It is thought that King Hyeonjong appeared as a dragon in the dream of a monk in Soonggyosa(崇敎寺), which emphasizes that he is a noble being. In other words, the tale of Hyeonjong is the product of his effort to justify the enthronement by facing the difficulties at the beginning of enthronement. Nonetheless, the justification for his enthronement could be an ad hoc measure because his specialty described in the tale was difficult to be realized. For this reason, King Hyeonjong tried to secure his enthronement by placing his parents and himself in the Royal Family that came down from King Taejo. As a part of that placement, King Hyeonjong constructed Hyenhwasa(玄化寺) as a memorial to his parents and sincerely commemorated them. Especially, unlike the records of 『Goryosa(高麗史)』, signs of embellishment are clearly found everywhere in the inscription on 「Hyeonhwasa Stele(玄化寺碑)」. Here, his parents are portrayed as an ideal couple, being appreciated warm-heartedly as such by the preceding King. In other words, if the tale had been intended to add sanctity to the rumors that were spread, the story on 「Hyeonhwasa Stele」 is thought to be intended to emphasize that there is no problem with his own lineage back to the Royal Family.

고려시대 개경의 사찰과 흥국사(興國寺)

강호선 ( Kang Ho-sun ) 한국중세사학회 2021 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.64

This study is focus on role of Buddhist temple in Gaegyoung, the capital of Goryeo through looking into Heong’gook-sa Temple(興國寺) and its 5-story stupa which made by Kang Gamchan(姜邯贊). Heong’gook-sa Temple was established in Gaegyoung by King Tae-jo. This temple was located in the middle of the capital and the distance from the royal palace was the closest. In 1021, Kang Gamchan established 5-story stupa and engraved 38-letters on the stupa. This construction of stupa in Heong’gook-sa Temple(興國寺 石塔) was related to King Hyeon-jong’s construction of Hyeonhwa-sa Temple(玄化寺) for his parents who had passed away. This short epigraph shows Bureaucrats’ faith in Buddhism such as disciples Bodhisattva precepts(菩薩戒弟子) title. Heong’gook-sa Temple were mainly places where bureaucrats operated. Especially, on the King’s natal day(節日) bureaucrats held a ceremony to the Buddha for the king and celebrated his birth. In case of drought, bureaucrats prayed for rain to the Buddha in Heong’gook-sa Temple. There were also an official ordination platform in Heong’gook-sa Temple. In the late Goryeo period, important political discussions were underway in Heong’gook-sa Temple, and it was a place where scholars read Confucian texts or prepared civil service examination.