Capital Flows, Political Cleavages and Economic Policy Choice : Malaysia during the Asian Economic Crisis

Choi, Jungug 한국동남아학회 2003 동남아시아연구 Vol.13 No.1

Of the four formerly high-performing Asian economies that were hit hardest by the unprecedented magnitude of economic crisis in the late 1990s, namely, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia and South Korea, Malaysia alone opted to retain a pre-crisis development model while defying neoliberal reforms. This study deals with crucial structural conditions that favored Malaysias unorthodox policy choice during the crisis. It holds, specifically, that the comparatively heavy reliance of Malaysia on foreign direct investment(FDI) in pre-crisis development financing enabled the country to maintain a relatively great extent of sovereign policy autonomy in adverse international circumstances, by reducing external vulnerability to volatile short-term capital flows. This study continues to assert that the great contribution of FDI to development financing, in turn, was due largely to Malaysias unique ethnic cleavage structure. This implies that political cleavages ultimately determine economic policy choice.

Strategic Voting in Presidential Democracies : The Case of South Korea

JUNGUG CHOI 한국공공선택학회 2006 The Korean Public Choice Society Vol.1 No.1

The Political Origins of Zulu Violence during the 1994 Democratic Transition of South Africa

Jungug Choi 서울대학교 국제학연구소 2008 Journal of International and Area Studies Vol.15 No.2

One of the most interesting cases of the third wave of democratization around the world is that of south Africa in 1994. We have a great magnitude of literature on the South African regime change. Most studies focus on the power struggle between the African National Congress (ANC) and the them governing National Party (NP) or between the blacks and the Whites or on the type of democratic institutions to be adopted in the post-transitional period. Yet, few have addressed the issue of why the largest black ethnic group of Zulus played a "spoiler" during the transition to democracy. This study deals with the issue of why many Zulus, represented by the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), collaborated with the Whites to wage bloody struggles against other black "brothers," although they themselves had belonged to the repressed in the system of apartheid. This study begins with an introduction to the Zulu ethnic group and its nationalism in order to provide preliminary information about who the Zulus are. This is followed by our explanation for why they were engaged in violent conflicts with the other Blacks.

Economic Crisis, Poverty, and the Emergence of Populism in Thailand

Jungug Choi 서울대학교 국제학연구소 2005 Journal of International and Area Studies Vol.12 No.1

  Of the three Asian crisis economies that went under the International Monetary Fund (IMF)"s stewardship, only Thailand has experienced a populist backlash. This study explores why the country opted for populism in the 2001 general election. It shows that absolute poverty was responsible for the rise of Thaksin"s populism. In more detail, the so-called Thaksin fever was strongly correlated to the region"s post-crisis poverty level, excepting the southern region. This study also tentatively concludes that, even though political variables such as political deinstitutionalization do not explain the establishment of a populist government, they still may explain its absence.

Institutional Interaction and Strategic Voting in Korea"s New Mixed Electoral System

Jungug Choi 서울대학교 국제학연구소 2006 Journal of International and Area Studies Vol.13 No.2

  Korea newly adopted a standard mixed electoral system in March 2004, just a month before the 2004 parliamentary election. Using both district and individual level data from the election, this study addresses the issue of institutional interaction or contamination in a mixed electoral system with focus on a third-place party, the Democratic Labor Party. It finds that there is no meaningful effect of institutional interaction between the SMD and PR sections of a mixed electoral system. Even if SMD and PR are put together into a single mixed electoral system, each of the two is found to retain its independent effect on a party system without much confluence. Thus, in the SMD component, we still observe a significant rate of strategic voting and, consequently, a minor political party is penalized in terms of vote share. Meanwhile, the contaminating effect of SMD on PR is only a conditional effect, which is true only if voters hold favorable preferences toward a minor political party in the first place. Otherwise, the putative effect of SMD on PR does not materialize.

Strategic Voting in India: Its Extent and Determinants in the 2004 General Election

Choi, Jungug University of California Press 2009 ASIAN SURVEY - Vol.49 No.4

STRATEGIC VOTING AND THE EFFECTIVE NUMBER OF PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES IN NEW DEMOCRACIES

Jungug Choi 한국정치학회 2003 한국정치학회보 Vol.37 No.4

This study discusses the extent, determinants, and effect of strategic voting in a presidential election by plurality rule in new democracies, using Korean presidential election survey data. We find first that, in a presidential election by plurality rule, a significant number of voters engage in strategic voting. Second, rational voters are less likely to engage in strategic voting when they carry strong partisan attachments and primordial sentiments. Finally, despite the significant magnitude of strategic voting, its effect on presidential party systems (or, more technically, the effective number of presidential candidates) remains small, and this effect is conditional on how evenly strategic voters are divided over their second-best choices.

비교정치경제에서의 사회구조적 분석과 역사적 제도주의 간의 논쟁

최정욱(Jungug Choi) 한국정치학회 2005 한국정치학회보 Vol.39 No.2

미국을 중심으로 한 현대 비교정치경제 분야에서 가장 풍미하는 연구사조로는 전통적인 사회구조적 분석방법, 이에 대한 비판 이론인 합리적 선택이론과 역사적 제도주의 등이 있다. 사회구조적 분석방법은 경제나 사회적 영역에서의 거시적인 구조, 예를 들면 계급이나 계급분파를 강조하고 그러한 구조가 행위자의 역사적 선택 또는 현재의 행위에 미치는 결정적인 역할을 내세우는 경향이 있다. 이와는 정반대의 입장을 취하는 것이 합리적 선택이론 또는 논증정치경제학이다. 합리적 선택이론은 구조를 분석단위로 하는 경우 사회현상을 인과론적으로 설명하는 데 한계가 있다고 본다. 이 이론은 궁극적인 인과과정은 인간 개개인의 행위 속에서 설명이 되어야한다는 방법론적인 개인주의를 내세우고 있다. 이러한 양극단적인 연구사조의 중간에는 역사적 제도주의가 놓여 있다. 이 사조는 중범위 분석단위로서 제도를 설명의 핵심으로 정하고 그것의 효과를 주요한 연구주제로 삼는다. 서로 다른 분석수준을 설정하고 또한 인과적 우위성을 어디에 둘 것인가를 두고 서로 의견을 달리하는 이 사조들은 다양한 분야에서 충돌하고 있다. 그러나 여기서는 사회구조적 분석방법과 그에 대한 역사적 제도주의의 비판에 초점을 맞추어 대표적인 관련 문헌을 검토한다. This study first reviews some works of Barrington Moore (1966), Karl Marx (1885), and Evelyne Huber et al. (1993) that represent social structural approach, one of the three contending research paradigms in comparative political economy along with rational choice theory and historical institutionalism. Then, it points out two main critiques of these social structural analyses mounted by historical institutionalism, as found in Peter Evans et al. (1985), Philip Roeder (1993), Sven Steinmo et al. (1992), and Atul Kohli (1994), and discusses how serious these critiques are. Finally, it concludes with a brief summary and my own critical comments about social structural approach.

인도의 공공부문 할당제와 ‘지정카스트’의 정치 세력화

최정욱(CHOI Jungug) 한국국제정치학회 2013 國際政治論叢 Vol.53 No.3

미국 텍사스의 내신 상위 10% 자동입학제와 지역 격차 해소를 위한 대학입학정책

최정욱 ( Choi Jungug ) 민주화운동기념사업회 2017 기억과 전망 Vol.0 No.37

미국의 경우 인종에 기반한 대학입학 우대정책은 1990~2000년대에 와서 위헌과 역차별 논란으로 서서히 다른 식으로 변형되어갔다. 이러한 변형 중 가장 혁신적인 방안이 바로 텍사스주에서 채택한 내신 상위 10% 학생의 주립대학 자동입학 조치이다. 이것은 명시적으로 인종을 중심으로 한 우대정책을 펴지 않으면서 여전히 대학 캠퍼스가 사회적·경제적으로 유복한 집안의 자녀들만으로 채워지는 것을 막아 학생집단의 사회적 다양성(diversity)을 확보하기 위한 조치이다. 이 연구는 지역 격차와 대학 수학 기회의 불균등 문제를 완화하기 위하여 혁신적으로 도입된 텍사스 대학 자동입학제를 조사한다. 우선 자동입학제의 구체적인 내용과 특징 및 우리나라 제도와의 차이점을 살펴본다. 그러고 나서 지금까지 미공개된 20년간 입시 자료를 가지고 이 제도가 고등학교별 대학 진학률에 미치는 영향을 텍사스 최상위 주립대학인 텍사스 오스틴 주립대학을 중심으로 검토해본다. 마지막으로 전체 논지를 요약하면서 마무리 한다. Race-based affirmative action programs in US higher education have undergone a significant change amidst the disputes of unconstitutionality and reverse discrimination. One of the most innovative policies designed to circumvent the issue of unconstitutionality is Texas’s top ten percent rule. This policy aims to reduce the educational inequity in terms of college admission among social groups and increase the social diversity in the student population on college campus. This study explores the features and effects of this democratic and innovative policy, using the so-far unpublished high-school-campus-level admission data from 1996 to 2015 at the University of Texas at Austin, which is the most prestigious state university in Texas.