비교정치경제에서의 사회구조적 분석과 역사적 제도주의 간의 논쟁

최정욱(Jungug Choi) 한국정치학회 2005 한국정치학회보 Vol.39 No.2

미국을 중심으로 한 현대 비교정치경제 분야에서 가장 풍미하는 연구사조로는 전통적인 사회구조적 분석방법, 이에 대한 비판 이론인 합리적 선택이론과 역사적 제도주의 등이 있다. 사회구조적 분석방법은 경제나 사회적 영역에서의 거시적인 구조, 예를 들면 계급이나 계급분파를 강조하고 그러한 구조가 행위자의 역사적 선택 또는 현재의 행위에 미치는 결정적인 역할을 내세우는 경향이 있다. 이와는 정반대의 입장을 취하는 것이 합리적 선택이론 또는 논증정치경제학이다. 합리적 선택이론은 구조를 분석단위로 하는 경우 사회현상을 인과론적으로 설명하는 데 한계가 있다고 본다. 이 이론은 궁극적인 인과과정은 인간 개개인의 행위 속에서 설명이 되어야한다는 방법론적인 개인주의를 내세우고 있다. 이러한 양극단적인 연구사조의 중간에는 역사적 제도주의가 놓여 있다. 이 사조는 중범위 분석단위로서 제도를 설명의 핵심으로 정하고 그것의 효과를 주요한 연구주제로 삼는다. 서로 다른 분석수준을 설정하고 또한 인과적 우위성을 어디에 둘 것인가를 두고 서로 의견을 달리하는 이 사조들은 다양한 분야에서 충돌하고 있다. 그러나 여기서는 사회구조적 분석방법과 그에 대한 역사적 제도주의의 비판에 초점을 맞추어 대표적인 관련 문헌을 검토한다. This study first reviews some works of Barrington Moore (1966), Karl Marx (1885), and Evelyne Huber et al. (1993) that represent social structural approach, one of the three contending research paradigms in comparative political economy along with rational choice theory and historical institutionalism. Then, it points out two main critiques of these social structural analyses mounted by historical institutionalism, as found in Peter Evans et al. (1985), Philip Roeder (1993), Sven Steinmo et al. (1992), and Atul Kohli (1994), and discusses how serious these critiques are. Finally, it concludes with a brief summary and my own critical comments about social structural approach.

인도의 공공부문 할당제와 ‘지정카스트’의 정치 세력화

최정욱(CHOI Jungug) 한국국제정치학회 2013 국제정치논총 Vol.53 No.3

This study deals with the effects of reservation policy on the political empowerment of scheduled castes (SCs) in India, with special reference to the rise of a national party of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). It first begins with a brief introduction to the Indian caste system, old and new, and the historical origins of the reservation policy. Then, it explores the contents and effectiveness of reservation policy for the scheduled castes in the fields of education, public job placement, and parliamentary seat allocation. Finally, it argues that the educational and job reservations contribute to the socioeconomic uplifting of some section of the SCs, which in turn leads to the creation of a newly politicized SC elite group and the establishment of a powerful scheduled caste party, BSP. However, the reservation of parliamentary seats for SCs does not make a meaningful contribution to the political empowerment of SCs, in particular, the rise of the BSP.

전략적 투표율의 변화, 개인의 선호도 변화 그리고 군소후보의 쇠퇴

최정욱(Choi Jungug) 한국국제정치학회 2006 국제정치논총 Vol.46 No.4

The literature on strategic voting seldom addresses the issue of longitudinal change in individual voters' preferences by taking individual preferences for given. Plurality rule is widely known to induce voters to act strategically, which in turn affects a political party system. Nonetheless, it is still unknown whether the electoral system is responsible not just for such behavioral change but also for preference change. This study deals with the issue of whether plurality rule brings about preference change as well as behavioral change over time, using panel data from the 1992 and 1996 US presidential elections. It finds that while supporters of third￢placed candidates have a strong incentive to engage in strategic voting in a short term, they are more likely to rearrange their best preferences over a long term; this long-term effect is more accountable for the abandonment of third place candidates under plurality rule.

인도의 사회적취약층에 대한 우대정책의 사례연구: 기타후진계층(OBC)에 대한 할당정책의 이해

최정욱 ( Jungug Choi ) 서울대학교 한국정치연구소 2014 한국정치연구 Vol.23 No.3

This study explores the affirmative action program for the weaker sections in India, in particular, the so-called other backward classes (OBCs). India introduced, even if not well-known, the most comprehensive and strongest type of affirmative action program earlier than elsewhere in the world. This study focuses on the reservation policy for the OBCs among its other affirmative action programs. It begins by addressing the issues of who the OBCs are and how they are defined and differentiated from other social groups or classes. Then, it discusses the historical and constitutional context in which reservation policy was extended to the OBCs in addition to the other much more backward social classes, that is, the scheduled castes (SCs) and the scheduled tribes (STs). It continues to deal with the details of reservation policy for the other backward classes in the fields of higher education and public employment. Finally, it concludes with the effects of reservation policy and the problems with its implementation process including the issue of creamy layers.

미국 텍사스의 내신 상위 10% 자동입학제와 지역 격차 해소를 위한 대학입학정책

최정욱 ( Choi Jungug ) 민주화운동기념사업회 2017 기억과 전망 Vol.0 No.37

Race-based affirmative action programs in US higher education have undergone a significant change amidst the disputes of unconstitutionality and reverse discrimination. One of the most innovative policies designed to circumvent the issue of unconstitutionality is Texas’s top ten percent rule. This policy aims to reduce the educational inequity in terms of college admission among social groups and increase the social diversity in the student population on college campus. This study explores the features and effects of this democratic and innovative policy, using the so-far unpublished high-school-campus-level admission data from 1996 to 2015 at the University of Texas at Austin, which is the most prestigious state university in Texas.

동아시아 5개국 제헌 과정의 민주적 정당성 비교

박광훈 ( Kwanghun Park ),최정욱 ( Jungug Choi ) 서울대학교 한국정치연구소 2021 한국정치연구 Vol.30 No.1

This is a comparative study of the democratic legitimacy of constitution-making process in five post-war East Asian countries: the Republic of Korea(ROK), the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Japan, the Republic of China, and the People’s Republic of China. The democratic legitimacy in this study is measured in terms of two separate criteria: the democratic mandate of constitution-making organizations to make a new constitution, and the non-intervention of foreign forces in constitution-making process. Our comparative analysis shows that the constitution-making process of the ROK secured the greatest democratic legitimacy among the five cases by satisfying both criteria. No other countries met both criteria. This finding provides a wholly new approach to the legitimacy issue of the ROK, which is expected to supercede the traditional debates on the issue that have so far focused on the historical and international dimensions of legitimacy.

헌법 제1조의 민주 개념에 대한 제헌국회의 상충적 이해: 공화 개념과의 관계 설정 문제와 그 역사적 기원

정현직 ( Hyun-jik Jeong ),최정욱 ( Jungug Choi ) 서울대학교 한국정치연구소 2022 한국정치연구 Vol.31 No.1

This study explores the contending meanings of ‘democracy’ in the term ‘democratic republic’ of the first article of the 1948 founding constitution of Korea, as well as their historical origins or backgrounds. It draws largely on the official minutes of the 1948 constitutional assembly and the much earlier historical materials and texts. It assumes that to better understand the meanings of democracy, it is important to distinguish the concept of democracy from that of republic. This conceptual distinction is based here on the two independent constitutional concepts, ‘form of state(staatsform)’ and ‘form of government(regierungsform).’ We find that there are largely two contrasting understandings of the conceptual relationship of ‘democracy’ with ‘republic’ in the 1948 constitutional assembly, and that either of them has its own interesting historical background.