音樂에서 文字까지

廉丁三 중국어문학회 2001 中國語文學誌 Vol.10 No.-

本文試圖探討中國的音樂論如何影響了中國人的政治觀, 社會觀, 如何影響了對漢字的理解. 古代的中國人早就認識到音樂的特點及其效果, 幷將這種音樂的力量利用于敎育和政治. 但是隨着社會向大規模化和多元化的發展, 從音樂中國人逐漸强調和注重'禮'的表面性和形式性. 大思想家孔子試圖揭示在這種歷史的轉換時代, 感性的音樂和理性的禮文意識相統一的人的形像. 戰國時代末大思想家荀子繼承了孔子的這種思想, 但通過禮文意識的規定, 向統一秩序的移行是必然的趨勢, 荀子更加重視的是形式上的'禮'. 漢代的經書硏究和文字硏究的基礎都以荀子的禮文意識爲依據, 我們加以通過中國最初的字典 <說文解字> 的形式考察到這一點.

明代 말기 中國의 서양학문 수용-西學凡과 名理探의 소개를 중심으로

염정삼 한국중국학회 2011 중국학보 Vol.63 No.-

In addition to pastoral activities, Jesuits were involved in the publication of books. In fact they actively promoted an “apostolate through books”(Apostolat der Presse). As a result, the apostolate through books became one of the major means of spreading Christianity among the elite. The numerous writings made Christian doctrine and Western sciences known to a large public. Chinese scholars entered into contact with the first Jesuits who to a large extent initiated the apostolate through books. Matteo Ricci translated mathematical and astronomical writings with the help of Chinese scholars, especially Xu Guangxi and Li Zhizao. A first initiative stimulating the translation of scientific works into Chinese was the calendar reform project of the 1630s. A rather ambitious project was the effort of the Jesuits to introduce Aristotelian philosophy in China. In this case, the initiative was mainly taken by Jesuits themselves, who, by emphasizing Aristotelianism, attempted to reproduce what was the basis of their own education. In early period, Giulio Aleni(艾儒略: 1582-1649) attempted to introduce the European education system, which had been made in colleges for Jesuit scholastics. Proceeding the translations of western science book into Chinese, they were convinced that a good knowledge of this philosophy, including its stress on logic and dialectics, was required for understanding Western thought and sciences. Aleni’s Xixuefan 西學凡 (Summary of Western Learning, 1623). describes the curriculum of European universities based on the document of Ratio Studiorum. Philosophy, the author explains, is one of the six subjects taught, the others being rhetoric, medicine, law, canon law, and theology. Philosophy is in turn divided into five fields: logic, physics, metaphysics, mathematics, and ethics. Francisco Furtado collaborated with Li Zhizao took the well-known Coimbra commentaries (Commentarii Collegii Conimbricensis SJ, 1592-1606) on Aristotelian philosophy as his primary source and translated into Chinese, named Minglitan 名理探.

묵가의 ‘류(類)’를 이해하기 위한 소고(小考) ―〈대취〉 〈소취〉편의 독해를 기반으로

염정삼 ( Yum Jungsam ) 한국중국어문학회 2018 中國文學 Vol.94 No.-

본고는 묵가들이 사용한 類의 의미를 이해하기 위하여 작성된 것이다. 묵가는 兼愛와 尙同의 기본 목표를 설정하고, 그것을 사람들에게 설득하기 위하여 말하는 방법을 다듬었다. 그 것이 《묵자》의 〈대취〉와 〈소취〉편에 정리되어 전해진다. 특히 〈대취〉편은 ‘相愛’와 ‘相利’의 이상을 어떻게 실현할 것인지에 대해 구체적인 방법을 제시하는 한편, 그것을 어떻게 언어로 설명하여 드러낼지 제시하였다. 묵가가 주장하는 愛와 利를 올바로 실현하는 방법론은 ‘權’과 ‘求’로 제시되었으며, 언어를 사용하는 ‘辯’의 방법론은 ‘故, 理, 類’로 제시되었다. 이때 묵가가 필요로 했던 것이 바로 ‘類’였다. 본고는 〈대취〉, 〈소취〉편에 활용되고 있는 ‘類’의 의미를 분석하여, 묵가의 언어론에서 활용된 ‘類’의 특성을 분명히 밝히고자 한다. The objective of this paper is to investigate the concept of lei類 in Mohist linguistic theory. Mohist established the core doctrines of ‘Universal love兼愛’ and ‘Exalting Unity尙同’, through which they tried to persuade people to make a well-ordered and peaceful society. In order to demonstrate the ideal world, they made the logic of explaining, speaking and persuading of their doctrines. In the chapter of Daqu大取 and Xiaoqu小取, there are a lot of contents which which explains the way of dialectic related with the main doctrines such as Universal love and Exalting unity. This paper, in particular, focuses on the usage and meaning of lei類. Mohist were eager to make distinction of the same同 and the difference異. Through the process they were able to clarify the concept of lei類 and to explain the definition of persuasion說. I insist that we should remember Mohist logic is much different with that of Confucius in terms of making use of lei類 in that perspective.

정치적 수사의 완성작, <양도부(兩都賦)> - 낙읍(洛邑)을 노래하여 예의를 설득하다 -

염정삼 중국어문학회 2017 中國語文學誌 Vol.0 No.60

Wenxuan(文選) is a selection of various pieces of Chinese literary works from the Warring States period to the Liang dynasty. It contains 761 pieces grouped into 37 categories, compiled in the 6th century by the Crown Prince of Liang dynasty, Xiao Tong and other scholars. Positioned in the first category in the collection, and considered as the “remarkably representative selection of major works,” fu(賦, rhapsodies) writings became exampla in itself literal meaning Wen(文), being widely read and practiced in the East Asian culture. Fu section begins with pieces describing and arguing for the ancient Chinese cities (which we call “City Fu”), such as Ban Gu`s Liangdufu(兩都賦, Fu on the Two Capitals), and Zhang Heng`s Erjingfu(二京賦, Fu on the Two Metropolises). This paper is focusing on the such “City Fu” writings, exploring the nature of the rhetoric developed with these rich, complex texts and clarifying the values of cities that imaginary dialogues of Liangdufu argues for; it will then analyze the rhetorical devices and structures for those arguments. At the same time, it raises the issue of the original purposes for which this text was written, for it could be the showcase work presented to seek for the royal acknowledgment and fame. In this way, our study aims at an elaborate analysis of the work and also tracing the tradition of rhetoric embedded in this highly representative literary genre, Fu. What Ban Gu tried to inherit was the concept of ritual禮儀 rooted in Xunzi荀子 of Zhanguo戰國 period and the literary expressiveness of Fu writers from Former Han. In other words, during the early years of Latter Han Ban Gu used fu as a way to convey the theory of Wenci文辭, started in Zhanguo period, for Latter Han dynasty`s Emperors. Ban Gu used Fu as a literary genre to recite the history, background and structures of a city that abides to the rules of ritual禮儀, describing it in a beautiful, detailed yet useful way. The initiative here was to suggest an answer to how a ruler with high morals should build a city and how such a city should be described in literature. Through Liangdufu, Ban Gu completed a balanced Wenci文辭 of ethics and literature that was demanded by in his time.

《오공(五公)》의 《이사고게(Isagoge)》 번역어 초탐―公稱ㆍ宗ㆍ類ㆍ殊ㆍ獨ㆍ依를 중심으로

염정삼,문수정 한국중국어문학회 2021 中國文學 Vol.109 No.-

The subject of this thesis is the Chinese translation of Isagoge from Conimbricensis, or Commentarii Collegii Conimbricensis e Societate Jesu In Universam Dialecticam Aristotelis, which was used by the Jesuits in 16th century, Portugal, as the main text book for logic studies at the University of Coimbra. Among the many works of that book, Porphyry’s Isagoge was translated in Chinese; the full text and explanatory footnotes. In his work, Porphyry explains five core concepts: genus, species, differentia, proprium, accidens. For that reason, Middle Age academics often referred to the book as “quinque voces,” which in China, centuries later, was translated as 五公Wugong. This thesis will introduce how Isagoge’s core concepts – universale, genus, species, differentia, proprium, accidens - were translated in the Chinese language in Wugong. Each concepts were translated as 公稱gongcheng․宗zong․類lei․殊shu․獨du․依yi. The first explanation will be about the meanings of 公稱gongcheng․宗zong․類lei․殊shu․獨du․依yi; how they are traditionally conveyed in the Chinese language. Secondly, we will compare the context behind the translation of Isagoge to Wugong and last, the similarities and differences between the two. 우리가 이 논문에서 다루고자 하는 영역은 코임브라본Conimbricensis 《이사고게Isagoge》에 해당하는 내용의 중국어 번역 부분이다. 번역의 저본이 되었던 것은 17세기 포르투갈의 코임브라(Coimbra) 대학에서 예수회의 논리학 강의교재로 사용된 Commentarii Collegii Conimbricensis e Societate Jesu In Universam Dialecticam Aristotelis 이다. 이 중에 포르피리오스의 《이사고게Isagoge》 원문과 그에 대한 주석 및 해설이 중국어로 번역되어 있다. 포르피리오스는 ‘genus, species, differentia, proprium, accidens’의 다섯 가지 개념을 다루는 책을 명료하게 저술했고, 중세의 학자들은 이 책을 ‘다섯 가지 목소리 quinque voces’라는 별칭으로 불렀다. 중국에서는 이 책을 ‘五公’으로 번역하였다. 우리는 이 논문에서 《이사고게》의 주요 개념어인 ‘universale’를 포함하여 ‘genus, species, differentia, proprium, accidens’가 《오공》에서 어떻게 번역되었는지 소개하고 설명하려고 한다. 이들은 각각 公稱ㆍ宗ㆍ類ㆍ獨ㆍ殊ㆍ依로 번역되었다. 본 논문에서는 다음의 단계를 따라 설명한다. 우선 원래 公稱ㆍ宗ㆍ類ㆍ獨ㆍ殊ㆍ依가 중국에서 사용된 전통적인 의미가 무엇인지 설명한다. 두 번째로 코임브라본 《이사고게》와 《오공》 번역의 맥락을 서로 비교한다. 마지막으로 그 둘 사이의 유사점과 차이점을 설명한다.

서양의 기억술과 중국문자의 상형성 -『서국기법』(西國記法)의 작상론(作象論)-

염정삼 서울대학교 인문학연구원 2012 人文論叢 Vol.67 No.-

Matteo Ricci(1552∼1610: 利馬竇(Limadou)) was a pioneer in formulating the Jesuit missionary approach to China in the 16th century. His attitude toward Chinese culture was relatively balanced between praise and criticism. Ricci began his discussion of Chinese culture by stating that educated Chinese stressed the written language far more than the spoken language. He noted that even friends living close together in the same city would communicate by writing rather than by meeting and talking. Ricci stated that the Jesuits had concentrated on learning guan-hua(官話)(literally, official’s language) of which the term mandarin, which means both the officials and official language, is a fairly close equivalent. Xiguojifa(西國記法) was written by Ricci, who had much interest in learning Chinese written language, and was published by Zhudinghan(朱鼎澣) after Ricci’s death. This book demonstrates not only a Western scholar’s effort to understand the Chinese characters, but the way how to memorize the words and things. So the book was titled as an Art of Memory(記法) in Western Countries(西國), Xiguojifa. When Ricci showed his ability of memorizing the Chinese characters forwards and backwards in front of the Chinese scholars, he was asked to teach Luwangai(陸萬陔)’s son the art of memory to make him pass the exam for government official. Ricci wanted to show off his memory and Western traditional art of memory, so he decided to write this book. Xiguojifa consists of six chapters, Yuanbenpian(原本篇), Mingyongpian(明用篇), Sheweipian(設位篇), Lixiangpian(立象篇), Dingshipian(定識篇), Guangzipian(廣資篇). His ultimate goal is to demonstrate the efficient way to memorize things and words, which have been transmitted in Western tradition. An immense weight of history in Western tradition presses on the memory section of Ad Herennium. The Ad Herennum was a well known and much used text in the Middle Ages when it had a special prestige because it was thought to be written by Cicero. Art of memory in the Western tradition must refer back constantly to this text as the main source of the tradition. Every Ars memorativa treatise, with its rules for ‘places’, its rules for ‘images’, its discussion of ‘memory for things’ and ‘memory for words’, is repeating the plan, the subject matter, and as often as not, the actual words of Ad Herennium. And the astonishing developments of the art of memory in the sixteenth century still preserve the ‘Ad Herennium’ outlines below all their complex accretions. The artificial memory is established from places and images[Constat igitur artificiosa memoria ex locis et imaginibus]. In Xiguojifa, Ricci also introduced the art of memory based on ‘Ad Herennium’ outlines. Through the images of words, he tried to explain that Chinese characters can be memorized. He thought if we make use of the icons of characters, we can understand easily how to know the meaning of characters. A sign of signification in Ricci was his remark about the written Chinese as the images of the words. He stated: “This method of writing by drawing symbols instead of forming letters gives rise to a distinct mode of expression by which one is able, not only with a few phrases but with a few words, to set forth ideas with great clearness,which in our writing would have to be expressed in roundabout circumlocutions and perhaps with far less clarity”. From the above description, we can judge that Ricci had an understanding of Chinese language which had on the whole a deep and solid basis. When European culture encountered that of China in the 16th and 17th centuries, Jesuits were willing to accept the Chinese culture and tradition. This book can help us to comprehend Jesuit accommodative ideas of Chinese characters at a very early stage of their activity in China.

허신(許愼) 문자관(文字觀)의 이론적(理論的)인 축(軸) ― 육서론(六書論)을 중심으로 ―

염정삼 한국중국어문학회 2004 中國文學 Vol.41 No.-

本文從探討“許愼通過文字確立的世界觀是如何表現出來的?”這一問題出發,從不同角度論證許愼完成文字觀的個個旅程,試圖揭示其整體面貌. 爲了明確其文字觀的理論基礎,本文深入硏究分析了許愼創造`字形`, `聲音`, `意義`相結合的文字理論過程,獲得了如下結論: 首先,許愼以`道(太極)`的分化過程爲理論基礎, 說明了文字的生成過程. 其次,他把文字的發展和演變原理與相關關係的類比性擴充理論結合了起來. 關係論在≪易≫的`咸`中也能?到,是當時盛行的理論之一, `感應論`. ≪說文≫中意義的相關關係就非常明顯地表現出了≪易·繫辭傳≫的二元論觀点. 再次,許愼以文字創生論和相關關係論爲基礎,分析了文字的`字形`, `字音`, `字意`的結構,幷完成了貫穿整個文字體系的六書論. 這就是許愼能勾將過去未曾整理好的文字構造理論加以明確的原因.

논문(論文) : "유(類)"와 "상(象)"을 통한 문자의미의 생성과 분화 -《설문해자》 "구(口)"부를 예증으로

염정삼 중국어문학회 2016 中國語文學誌 Vol.0 No.54

This thesis is based on the analysis of 說文解字(Shuowenjiezi), an authoritative text in the study of Chinese Characters. The main objectives of this research are: examining the meaning creation, division and linking processes of Chinese characters through ‘象xiang’; and clarifying the generative principles behind the formation of polysemous characters through a classification method called ‘類lei’. The research is largely composed of three steps. The first is defining the principles that shaped the basic meaning structure of Chinese characters. The second is studying the creation and alternation ofmeaning by looking into examples of character division and compound letters. Lastly, the thesis concludes by further explaining these basic formation principles through the theory of exceptions of basic principles.

‘文’ 개념을 통해 본 중국적 수사의 특성

염정삼(JungSam YUM) 한국수사학회 2009 수사학 Vol.0 No.11

『명리탐(名理探)』에 소개된 서구 논리학의 특성

염정삼(Yum, Jungsam) 인제대학교 인간환경미래연구원 2016 인간 · 환경 · 미래 Vol.- No.16

17세기 예수회 선교사들에 의해 중국에서 서양의 학문이 소개되었을 때, 신학에 관한 여러 종의 저서뿐만이 아니라, 아리스토텔레스의 논리학 저서가 『명리탐(名理探)』이라는 이름으로 번역되었다. 번역의 저본이 되었던 것은 17세기 포르투갈의 코임브라 대학에서 예수회의 논리학 강의교재로 사용된 Commentarii Collegii Conim bricensis Societate Jesu In Universam Dialecticam Aristotelis이다. 예수회 선교사들이 논리학을 중시한 이유는, 물론 중세 신학적인 토미즘의 토대 위에서 논리학을 통해 기독교 선교의 목적을 효율적으로 달성하기 위해서였다. 그런데 그들이 서양학문에 대한 아무런 정보가 없는 중국인들에게 ‘논리학’을 가르치기 위해서는, 서양의 학문이란 무엇이고 어떤 체계로 이루어졌는지를 먼저 설명하고 그곳에서 ‘논리학’은 어떤 자리를 차지하며 어떤 중요성이 있는지를 설명해야 했다. 그래서『명리탐』 속에는 라틴본 서문의 내용이 1권으로 번역되어 있는데, 그곳에서 서구학문이 도대체 무엇인가에 대해 정의하고 전체적으로 개괄하는 동시에 학문의 상하 분과 체계에 대해서 상세하게 설명하고, 특히 논리학의 위상과 의의 및 필요성, 논리학의 하위 분과 등을 상술하고 있다. 본고에서는 『명리탐』 권1에서 ‘명리탐’이라는 한문 번역 제목이 어떻게 만들어졌는지 설명하는 대목을 집중해서 살펴보고자 한다. In the 17th century when Jesuit missionaries first introduced Western studies to China, Aristotle’s writings of logic and other prestigious works in theology were translated into a book named Minglitan名理探. Aristotle’s logic was an academic realm that was consistently studied since birth and whose academic importance was repeatedly argued among academics during the course of Western history. What is interesting about Minglitan is that these historical controversies surrounding the academic status of logic was demonstrated in the book. For example, in Minglitan vol. 1 there is an exclusive chapter wholly contributed to the discussion of whether logic can be defined as an independent realm of academic study. The chapter also presents different arguments that responded to this question and offers details on how they differ from each other. Through the comprehension of Minglitan vol. 1’s argument: ‘Can logic be defined as an independent science?’, this thesis intended to clarify the distinctions between the arguments that arose to this question and study the methodology of how Western logic was first introduced to China in the 17th century.