한자(漢字)에 드러나는 `탈(脫)-중심(中心)`의 흔적 : 중화주의와 다원주의의 사이에서

염정삼 한국중국어문학회 2006 中國文學 Vol.48 No.-

關注“中華主義”陷爲“中心注意”的危險性, 從多個角度考察中國文字是本論文進行的目的. 爲此, 本論文將檢討一下能通過中國文字來說明的中華主義觀点, 試圖揭示脫離?的痕迹. 中華主義具體體現的漢代, 進行文字整理的人是許愼. 許愼的文字論可以槪括爲以下三個方面: 第一, 樹立了通過文字的意義關係論; 第二, 欲將樹立以古文爲中心的原義論; 第三, 分析文字結構確立了部首爲中心的從屬論. 由此許愼對歷史上形成兩個文字觀起了決定性作用: 卽排除歷史性的古文中心觀和字形字義中將字音的作用貶低爲從屬地位的字形中心觀. 本稿用許愼的文字論簡單整理了中華主義文字觀, 然後揭示了許愼的文字論未能解釋的部分. 首先觀察了建立在關係論基礎上的小篆文字觀與甲古文等古文字字形之間有什?乖離現象, 然後考察了古文中心觀排除的字形, 用批判的角度來重述不符合許愼`古文中心論`和`從屬論`的字形解釋, 最後列示了一些無法用字形統攝的訓?現象考察了字意脫離字形的現象.

漢子에 드러나는 '脫-中心'의 흔적 : 중화주의와 다원주의의 사이에서

염정삼 한국중국어문학회 2006 中國文學 Vol.48 No.-

關注"中華主義"陷爲"中心注意"的危險性, 從多個角度考察中國文字是本論文進行的目的. 爲此, 本論文將檢討一下能通過中國文字來說明的中華主義觀点, 試圖揭示脫離它的痕迹. 中華主義具體體現的漢代, 進行文字整理的人是許愼. 許愼的文字論可以槪括爲以下三個方面: 第一, 樹立了通過文字的意義關係論; 第二, 欲將樹立以古文爲中心的原義論; 第三, 分析文字 結構確立了部首爲中心的從屬論. 由此許愼對歷史上形成兩個文字觀起了決定性作用: 卽排除歷史性的古文中心觀和字形字義中將字音的作用貶低爲從屬地位的字形中心觀. 本稿用許愼的文字論簡單整理了中華主義文字觀, 然後揭示了許愼的文字論未能解釋的部分. 首先觀察了建立在關係論基礎上的小篆文字觀與甲古文等古文字字形之間有什么乖離現象, 然後考察了古文中心觀排除的字形, 用批判的角度來重述不符合許愼'古文中心論'和'從屬論'的字形解釋, 最後列示了一些無法用字形統攝的訓詁現象考察了字意脫離字形的現象.

허신(許愼) 문자관(文字觀)의 이론적(理論的)인 축(軸) ― 육서론(六書論)을 중심으로 ―

염정삼 한국중국어문학회 2004 中國文學 Vol.41 No.-

本文從探討“許愼通過文字確立的世界觀是如何表現出來的?”這一問題出發,從不同角度論證許愼完成文字觀的個個旅程,試圖揭示其整體面貌. 爲了明確其文字觀的理論基礎,本文深入硏究分析了許愼創造`字形`, `聲音`, `意義`相結合的文字理論過程,獲得了如下結論: 首先,許愼以`道(太極)`的分化過程爲理論基礎, 說明了文字的生成過程. 其次,他把文字的發展和演變原理與相關關係的類比性擴充理論結合了起來. 關係論在≪易≫的`咸`中也能?到,是當時盛行的理論之一, `感應論`. ≪說文≫中意義的相關關係就非常明顯地表現出了≪易·繫辭傳≫的二元論觀点. 再次,許愼以文字創生論和相關關係論爲基礎,分析了文字的`字形`, `字音`, `字意`的結構,幷完成了貫穿整個文字體系的六書論. 這就是許愼能勾將過去未曾整理好的文字構造理論加以明確的原因.

금고문(今古文) 경학(經學)에 관한 소고(小考) ― 글쓰기와 제도의 상관성

염정삼 한국중국어문학회 2007 中國文學 Vol.50 No.-

本稿是爲了答復經學寫作是不是從屬的、單方向的問題而寫的。爲此作了以下工作:第一,闡明了中國經學的基本性質。第二,考察了秦漢以后隨着博士制度的成立經學演變爲官學的過程,卽官學化過程。第三,通過考察今文經學和古文經學對經傳的各自的繼承過程,査明了二者的根本性區別。第四,從繼承經學思想史的角度來分析今文經學家董仲舒和古文經學家劉欣的觀点。經學寫作同時具有消極意義和積極意義,我們應該更加深入了解和分析與權利勾結時作爲從屬經學的消極性和能勾提供解釋學理想和方法時的經學的積極性。

논문(論文) : "유(類)"와 "상(象)"을 통한 문자의미의 생성과 분화 -《설문해자》 "구(口)"부를 예증으로

염정삼 중국어문학회 2016 中國語文學誌 Vol.0 No.54

This thesis is based on the analysis of 說文解字(Shuowenjiezi), an authoritative text in the study of Chinese Characters. The main objectives of this research are: examining the meaning creation, division and linking processes of Chinese characters through ‘象xiang’; and clarifying the generative principles behind the formation of polysemous characters through a classification method called ‘類lei’. The research is largely composed of three steps. The first is defining the principles that shaped the basic meaning structure of Chinese characters. The second is studying the creation and alternation ofmeaning by looking into examples of character division and compound letters. Lastly, the thesis concludes by further explaining these basic formation principles through the theory of exceptions of basic principles.

정치적 수사의 완성작, <兩都賦> — 洛邑을 노래하여 예의를 설득하다 —

염정삼 중국어문학회 2017 中國語文學誌 Vol.0 No.60

Wenxuan(文選) is a selection of various pieces of Chinese literary works from the Warring States period to the Liang dynasty. It contains 761 pieces grouped into 37 categories, compiled in the 6th century by the Crown Prince of Liang dynasty, Xiao Tong and other scholars. Positioned in the first category in the collection, and considered as the “remarkably representative selection of major works,” fu(賦, rhapsodies) writings became exampla in itself literal meaning Wen(文), being widely read and practiced in the East Asian culture. Fu section begins with pieces describing and arguing for the ancient Chinese cities (which we call “City Fu”), such as Ban Gu’s Liangdufu(兩都賦, Fu on the Two Capitals), and Zhang Heng’s Erjingfu(二京賦, Fu on the Two Metropolises). This paper is focusing on the such “City Fu” writings, exploring the nature of the rhetoric developed with these rich, complex texts and clarifying the values of cities that imaginary dialogues of Liangdufu argues for; it will then analyze the rhetorical devices and structures for those arguments. At the same time, it raises the issue of the original purposes for which this text was written, for it could be the showcase work presented to seek for the royal acknowledgment and fame. In this way, our study aims at an elaborate analysis of the work and also tracing the tradition of rhetoric embedded in this highly representative literary genre, Fu. What Ban Gu tried to inherit was the concept of ritual禮儀 rooted in Xunzi荀子 of Zhanguo戰國 period and the literary expressiveness of Fu writers from Former Han. In other words, during the early years of Latter Han Ban Gu used fu as a way to convey the theory of Wenci文辭, started in Zhanguo period, for Latter Han dynasty’s Emperors. Ban Gu used Fu as a literary genre to recite the history, background and structures of a city that abides to the rules of ritual禮儀, describing it in a beautiful, detailed yet useful way. The initiative here was to suggest an answer to how a ruler with high morals should build a city and how such a city should be described in literature. Through Liangdufu, Ban Gu completed a balanced Wenci文辭 of ethics and literature that was demanded by in his time.

漢代 類論과 字論의 관계에 대한 소고

염정삼 중국어문학회 2019 中國語文學誌 Vol.0 No.69

The chinese traditional classification resulted from the social and political solutions in a certain historical situation. Since Confucius attribute ethical(moral) importance to names, the chinese traditional expression and classification is based on the morality. Following Confucius, among names, words, rites and music, punishments, and people’s stability arise close relationships. Especially Xunzi荀子 refines the relationship between the names and the rites and music. According to Xunzi’s saying, it is the rites and music that makes the people know the reasoning of classifying the names and the way of living harmoniously together. Being asked what the rites and music originate from, Xunzi says; the quarrel will be inevitable, if the people, who have desires(who desire something), are banned without knowing the limitation and classification. so they established the regulations contained within ritual and moral principles in order to apportion things. The distinction between nobility and baseness(貴賤), old and young(長幼), poverty and wealth(貧富), and insignificance and importance(輕重) represent the classification by names according to the ritual and moral principles. In the late Warring States age, Xunzi’s thoughts based on the rites and music becomes the basic theory of classification. All the writings dealing with the category(classification), from Yueji(樂記) in Liji(禮記), Dongzhongxu(董仲舒)’s Chunqiufanlu(春秋繁露) and Lishu(禮書) in Shiji(史記), to Liyuezhi(禮樂志) in Hanshu(漢書), succeed the Xunzi’s classification based on the rites and music. And again it gives the basis for Jicizhuan(繫辭傳) in Book of Changes(易), and, at last, reveals the diverse and concrete classification in the form of ideographic characters in Shuowenjiezi(說文解字).

서양의 기억술과 중국문자의 상형성 -『서국기법』(西國記法)의 작상론(作象論)-

염정삼 서울대학교 인문학연구원 2012 人文論叢 Vol.67 No.-

Matteo Ricci(1552∼1610: 利馬竇(Limadou)) was a pioneer in formulating the Jesuit missionary approach to China in the 16th century. His attitude toward Chinese culture was relatively balanced between praise and criticism. Ricci began his discussion of Chinese culture by stating that educated Chinese stressed the written language far more than the spoken language. He noted that even friends living close together in the same city would communicate by writing rather than by meeting and talking. Ricci stated that the Jesuits had concentrated on learning guan-hua(官話)(literally, official’s language) of which the term mandarin, which means both the officials and official language, is a fairly close equivalent. Xiguojifa(西國記法) was written by Ricci, who had much interest in learning Chinese written language, and was published by Zhudinghan(朱鼎澣) after Ricci’s death. This book demonstrates not only a Western scholar’s effort to understand the Chinese characters, but the way how to memorize the words and things. So the book was titled as an Art of Memory(記法) in Western Countries(西國), Xiguojifa. When Ricci showed his ability of memorizing the Chinese characters forwards and backwards in front of the Chinese scholars, he was asked to teach Luwangai(陸萬陔)’s son the art of memory to make him pass the exam for government official. Ricci wanted to show off his memory and Western traditional art of memory, so he decided to write this book. Xiguojifa consists of six chapters, Yuanbenpian(原本篇), Mingyongpian(明用篇), Sheweipian(設位篇), Lixiangpian(立象篇), Dingshipian(定識篇), Guangzipian(廣資篇). His ultimate goal is to demonstrate the efficient way to memorize things and words, which have been transmitted in Western tradition. An immense weight of history in Western tradition presses on the memory section of Ad Herennium. The Ad Herennum was a well known and much used text in the Middle Ages when it had a special prestige because it was thought to be written by Cicero. Art of memory in the Western tradition must refer back constantly to this text as the main source of the tradition. Every Ars memorativa treatise, with its rules for ‘places’, its rules for ‘images’, its discussion of ‘memory for things’ and ‘memory for words’, is repeating the plan, the subject matter, and as often as not, the actual words of Ad Herennium. And the astonishing developments of the art of memory in the sixteenth century still preserve the ‘Ad Herennium’ outlines below all their complex accretions. The artificial memory is established from places and images[Constat igitur artificiosa memoria ex locis et imaginibus]. In Xiguojifa, Ricci also introduced the art of memory based on ‘Ad Herennium’ outlines. Through the images of words, he tried to explain that Chinese characters can be memorized. He thought if we make use of the icons of characters, we can understand easily how to know the meaning of characters. A sign of signification in Ricci was his remark about the written Chinese as the images of the words. He stated: “This method of writing by drawing symbols instead of forming letters gives rise to a distinct mode of expression by which one is able, not only with a few phrases but with a few words, to set forth ideas with great clearness,which in our writing would have to be expressed in roundabout circumlocutions and perhaps with far less clarity”. From the above description, we can judge that Ricci had an understanding of Chinese language which had on the whole a deep and solid basis. When European culture encountered that of China in the 16th and 17th centuries, Jesuits were willing to accept the Chinese culture and tradition. This book can help us to comprehend Jesuit accommodative ideas of Chinese characters at a very early stage of their activity in China.

정치적 수사의 완성작, <양도부(兩都賦)> - 낙읍(洛邑)을 노래하여 예의를 설득하다 -

염정삼 중국어문학회 2017 中國語文學誌 Vol.0 No.60

Wenxuan(文選) is a selection of various pieces of Chinese literary works from the Warring States period to the Liang dynasty. It contains 761 pieces grouped into 37 categories, compiled in the 6th century by the Crown Prince of Liang dynasty, Xiao Tong and other scholars. Positioned in the first category in the collection, and considered as the “remarkably representative selection of major works,” fu(賦, rhapsodies) writings became exampla in itself literal meaning Wen(文), being widely read and practiced in the East Asian culture. Fu section begins with pieces describing and arguing for the ancient Chinese cities (which we call “City Fu”), such as Ban Gu`s Liangdufu(兩都賦, Fu on the Two Capitals), and Zhang Heng`s Erjingfu(二京賦, Fu on the Two Metropolises). This paper is focusing on the such “City Fu” writings, exploring the nature of the rhetoric developed with these rich, complex texts and clarifying the values of cities that imaginary dialogues of Liangdufu argues for; it will then analyze the rhetorical devices and structures for those arguments. At the same time, it raises the issue of the original purposes for which this text was written, for it could be the showcase work presented to seek for the royal acknowledgment and fame. In this way, our study aims at an elaborate analysis of the work and also tracing the tradition of rhetoric embedded in this highly representative literary genre, Fu. What Ban Gu tried to inherit was the concept of ritual禮儀 rooted in Xunzi荀子 of Zhanguo戰國 period and the literary expressiveness of Fu writers from Former Han. In other words, during the early years of Latter Han Ban Gu used fu as a way to convey the theory of Wenci文辭, started in Zhanguo period, for Latter Han dynasty`s Emperors. Ban Gu used Fu as a literary genre to recite the history, background and structures of a city that abides to the rules of ritual禮儀, describing it in a beautiful, detailed yet useful way. The initiative here was to suggest an answer to how a ruler with high morals should build a city and how such a city should be described in literature. Through Liangdufu, Ban Gu completed a balanced Wenci文辭 of ethics and literature that was demanded by in his time.

明代 말기 中國의 서양학문 수용-西學凡과 名理探의 소개를 중심으로

염정삼 한국중국학회 2011 중국학보 Vol.63 No.-

In addition to pastoral activities, Jesuits were involved in the publication of books. In fact they actively promoted an “apostolate through books”(Apostolat der Presse). As a result, the apostolate through books became one of the major means of spreading Christianity among the elite. The numerous writings made Christian doctrine and Western sciences known to a large public. Chinese scholars entered into contact with the first Jesuits who to a large extent initiated the apostolate through books. Matteo Ricci translated mathematical and astronomical writings with the help of Chinese scholars, especially Xu Guangxi and Li Zhizao. A first initiative stimulating the translation of scientific works into Chinese was the calendar reform project of the 1630s. A rather ambitious project was the effort of the Jesuits to introduce Aristotelian philosophy in China. In this case, the initiative was mainly taken by Jesuits themselves, who, by emphasizing Aristotelianism, attempted to reproduce what was the basis of their own education. In early period, Giulio Aleni(艾儒略: 1582-1649) attempted to introduce the European education system, which had been made in colleges for Jesuit scholastics. Proceeding the translations of western science book into Chinese, they were convinced that a good knowledge of this philosophy, including its stress on logic and dialectics, was required for understanding Western thought and sciences. Aleni’s Xixuefan 西學凡 (Summary of Western Learning, 1623). describes the curriculum of European universities based on the document of Ratio Studiorum. Philosophy, the author explains, is one of the six subjects taught, the others being rhetoric, medicine, law, canon law, and theology. Philosophy is in turn divided into five fields: logic, physics, metaphysics, mathematics, and ethics. Francisco Furtado collaborated with Li Zhizao took the well-known Coimbra commentaries (Commentarii Collegii Conimbricensis SJ, 1592-1606) on Aristotelian philosophy as his primary source and translated into Chinese, named Minglitan 名理探.